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ISBN 978-1-909634-19-0

HOSPITAL OF ST. CATHERINE DUNFERMLINE

BY

JAMES MOIR WEBSTER

FROM

NOTES HE LEFT WHILE WORKING ON HIS DUNFERMLINE ABBEY

Published in 1948

Compiled by Sheila Pitcairn F.S.A. Scot., L.H.G.

Pitcairn Publications. The Genealogy Clinic, 18 Chalmers Street, Dunfermline KY12 8DF Tel: 01383 739344 Email enquiries @pitcairnresearh.com

2 James Moir Webster (1875-1957)

M.A., B.D., J.P.

Historian.

Educated: Fordyce Academy; King‟s College, Aberdeen.

Honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity [D.D.], Aberdeen University. (1950)

Minister, North parish, Dunfermline. (20.11.1902)

Chaplain to Volunteer Force during First World War.

Clerk to Dunfermline Presbytery. (1919; demitted 7.9.1948)

Joint Clerk. (1919)

Minister, Carnock. (5.2.1920; demitted 26.8.1945) Moderator. (1945)

Throughout his life Dr Webster evinced the greatest interest in the historical background of Dunfermline and the immediate surrounding neighbourhood. His literary works included “History of the Parish of Carnock” and more recently, “Dunfermline Abbey.” In a tribute to Dr Webster‟s authorship of the latter work the minister of the Abbey, the Rev. Robert Dollar, B.D., said, shortly after its publication: “He has brought all previous histories of the church up to date—and corrected a great many previous misconceptions.” Dr Webster was also responsible for an introduction and notes, in conjunction with Mr A. A. M. Duncan, M.A. (Hons.), lecturer in History, Queen‟s University, Belfast, to a transcript of the Regality of Dunfermline Court Book, 1531-1538, which was published by the Carnegie Dunfermline Trustees in February 1953. He was also a frequent and informative contributor to The Dunfermline Press on a variety of topics related to the history of the burgh and its environs.

In November 1952 his jubilee as an ordained minister of the Church of Scotland was marked when he was the guest of honour at a Presbytery lunch where he was made the recipient of a gift subscribed to by fellow Presbyters. When he received his Doctorate degree from Aberdeen University in 1950 members of the Presbytery and friends in the parishes of Carnock and Dunfermline North presented him with a D.D. hood and cap to mark the honour conferred upon him.

Pilgrims Shell

3 THE HOSPITIUM OF ST CATHERINE, DUNFERMLINE

By James Moir Webster (1875-1957)

As early as 1227 there is a reference to a Hospital of Dunfermline. In the settlement of a question at issue between the churches of Culross and Crombie it is provided that, in the event of failure to implement the terms agreed on, a fine of a certain weekly sum should be paid to the Hospital of Dunfermline. (Reg. 214.) That, almost from the start, there was some sort of provision within the monastery for members of the community who were overtaken by illness may be taken for granted. In time, too, through the erection of the monastic Guest Chambers, provision came to be made for churchmen and others for whom, in their journeyings, no other provision was available—the monk in charge being frequently known as the hospitaller. Still later, some half-mile south of the monastery, and under its charge, there was a so-called Hospital of St Leonard, with provision for eight widows or bedeswomen. There remains, however, another, and much more likely, explanation of the reference. Not a few instances are to be found of hospitia of similarly early date in connection with religious establishments; and later they were quite common. On 2nd October 1244, Bishop David de Bernham dedicated a hospitium at Scotlandwell, which had been erected by his predecessor, Bishop William Malvoisine of St Andrews, „for the reception and entertainment of the poor and needy gathering there from whatever parts‟—the teinds of the churches of Carnock and Moonzie being alienated for its support. (Calendar of Charters, i. 48; Webster, p.7.) The building was described as Ecclesia Hospitalis de Fonte Scotiae. There was a hospitium in connection with the Grey Friars‟ settlement at Inverkeithing, the earliest mention of which occurs in 1329. (Rev. W. Stephen, 301, 302.) In 1474, the first Earl of Morton founded a hospitium at Aberdour, primarily intended to meet the needs of poor pilgrims and wayfarers who frequented a holy well in the neighbourhood, known as the Pilgrims‟ Well, with a vicar in charge. In the event of the vicar neglecting his duties, he was to be removed from office; and, should any of the Earl‟s successors attempt to invalidate the grant, they would be held liable to replace the original endowment of eight acres by a gift of fourteen. (Thomson, T., ii. 235-243) In spite of these provisions, the hospitium proved short-lived, its place being taken by a Sisterhood of St Martha.

4 In the light of what follows, it does not seem unreasonable to suggest that the 1227 reference in the Registrum may have been to an early hospitium in Dunfermline. When, on 10th March 1327, Robert de Crail for the first time appointed one of the Dunfermline monks as official almoner of the monastery, he gratefully acknowledged the work that had previously been done in this connection, and endowed the new office with a long list of lands so as to make ample provision for any call that might be made upon it—the first of these gifts, clearly intended as the headquarters of the new organisation, being St Catherine‟s Chapel. (Reg. 370) The report of the Royal Commission refers to this building in a very guarded way:

No suggestion can be offered as to the significance of the heavily buttressed wall of a structure of 14th or 15th century date which still stands in Pittencrieff Glen to the north-west of the Church.

It is true that Abbot de Crail refers to it simply and solely as a capella [chapel], but his is the only known reference that does so. A later entry in the Registrum (p. 473) uses the words hospitio, sacello, et horto [hostel, sanctuary and garden] of St Catherine; and all post-Reformation references, both ecclesiastical and civil, follow more or less the same line. Dr Henderson, quoting a MS. Register of Charters in Edinburgh (Henderson, 213), speaks of it as a mansion or chapel. An entry under the Great Seal (Thomson, John Maitland, 2514) of date 13th February 1575/6 speaks of the sacellum of St Catherine; whilst another (2968), dated 4th March 1579/90, refers to it as both hospitium et sacellum. Moreover, the first of these two entries describes the feu-charter referred to as being given in reparationem sacelli Dive Katherine; whilst the second explains that the money is pro hospitio; and in both cases the charter is confirmed by the king. It goes without saying that, soon after the Reformation, every church and chapel in the country ceased to function, with the exception of those earmarked for Protestant use; and it is difficult to believe that the king could, or would, have sanctioned the raising of money for the repair of a deserted and disused chapel by Act of Parliament, however, Hospitals and Maisons de Dieu were expressly exempted, and repair which was inconceivable for a chapel was quite a possibility for a hospitium.

5 It is true that a chapel had almost invariably formed an integral part of a hospitium. A not uncommon form was to use the nave as a common room, and the aisles for beds, with a screened-off eastern chapel (Walcott, p. 384); but the chapel was no more than an annexe of the hospitium. This particular building had, in fact, undergone considerable repair, if not reconstruction, before. In December 1420, the almoner of that time reported to the Pope that it had been „destroyed and demolished‟ and asks to be continued in office till the work of repair has been accomplished (Dunlop. 238). The Pope granted the request; and it may be that it was because of this repair that the Report of the Royal Commission concluded that the building was of 14th or 15th century date. Dunfermline has always been credited with one hospitium—the so- called Hospital of St Leonard; but the above would seem to indicate that it had really two. Both survived the Reformation; and in both cases the reason for their eventual disappearance was doubtless the same. The lands which had been gifted for their maintenance had, on one plea or another, been alienated to private purposes.

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6 THE SITE OF ST CATHERINE’S RUINS

Picture taken in 2009 from within Pittencrieff Glen.

7 ST CATHERINE’S CHAPEL RUINS

The Ruins of St Catherine‟s Chapel, from the back of St Catherine‟s Wynd.

8

View of ruins - from within the Glen

Buildings facing the Abbey West Door- Fronts of the above buildings in the glen.

9 FURTHER DETAILS OF THE HOSPITIUM OF ST CATHERINE, DUNFERMLINE

By Sheila Pitcairn

10th March 1327. We (Robert de Karail, Abbot of Dunfermline) ... impelled by zeal and by a pious desire that the poverty and afflictions of the needy poor should be alleviated and relieved from our property and alms, do therefore appoint and ordain, with the consent of our Chapter, Robert Terwerac, a fellow monk of our establishment, to our establishment, to the office of Almoner of our house of Dunfermline; giving to Robert himself, and to future almoners, whoever they may be, a special mandate to collect and receive personally, or through his substitute, all the remains of the food and drink of our novices ... together with the remains of the food of the rest of our colleagues and to distribute, or cause to be distributed, to the poor the same remains at a late hour in the afternoon in our almshouse outside the gate near the Chapel of St Catherine the Virgin. On this account we grant complete relief and dispensation at the hour in the afternoon to the almoner himself, present and future, giving and conceding to the said almoners the Chapel of St Catherine with the garden and houses below the bridge [which serves as] the roof of our auxiliary monastery. This chapel, the endowment acres, annual revenues, millhouse, with all that usefully pertains to them of any kind whatever, possessed or to be possessed. We, the aforesaid abbot and convent, give and commit in unconditional and perpetual alms to the said almoner, and to the almoners his successors, as freely unconditionally, fully and securely as they were conceded and gifted to us, together with the special and general permission to go forth from our monastery, perform all the afore- mentioned functions, make visitations and buy and obtain the things which are needed for the maintenance of our convent as far as ... is incumbent on the office ... without revocation, hindrance or restraint of any kind whatever from now and for the future ... (Duncan, 370.)

10 In addition to the Almshouse at the West Port, there was another „outwith the Est Yett‟ [East Port] on the north side of the street, with a loft above it and a piece of land attached (Beveridge, 2); and from the fact that two of the ports were thus provided it might not seem unreasonable to infer that the same may have applied to the other two; but no such reference can be found. In this Deed of Constitution there is nothing to suggest that radical departure from previous practice, or a restriction of the almoner‟s activities to the distribution of broken meats. The idea was simply to regularise procedure and to render even more effective a work, which had doubtless been going on since the monastery was established. There had, in fact, been a good deal of „Social Work‟ done by the monks before this time. It goes without saying that, almost from the start, there had been provision for sick and ailing members of the monastic community. There had even been, a hundred years before the issue of this deed, a Hospital of Dunfermline. In a dispute between the churches of Crombie and Culross in the year 1227 it was agreed that, in the event of failure to implement the finding reached, the defaulting church should pay a mark [merk?] weekly to this hospital [Reg., 214]. Nor is there anything surprising about this. There are not infrequent references to hospitals of an early date—some of them originating with the church itself, perhaps more founded and endowed by laymen, but all administered by the Church. Unfortunately there is nothing on record to indicate either the site or the dedication of this particular hospital. It is, however, known that, later on there was on the south side of Dunfermline a hospital dedicated to St Leonard. It would be unwarrantable, without further evidence to assume from this the identity of the two. On the other hand, there is nothing inherently improbable about the idea. Robert Henryson, the Dunfermline poet, in his Testament of Cresseid, tells of a father seeking refuge for his leprous daughter in a hospital:

Than in ane Mantill, and ane bawar Hat, With Cop and Clapper, wonder prively, He opnit ane secreit yet, and out thair at Convoyit hir, that na man suld espy, Into ane Village half ane myle thairby, Delyverit hir in at the Spittaill hous, And daylie sent hir part of his Almous. [Laing, p. 88; Wood, p. 118.]

11 Much later, Dr Chalmers writes:

The object of it {St Leonard‟s Hospital) was the maintenance of eight widows (or bedeswomen—women willing to offer prayers for the souls of their benefactors) each of whom was entitled to four bolls of meal, four bolls of malt, eight loads of coal (afterwards converted into 4d. per load), eight lippies (two pecks) of fine wheat, eight lippies of groats, and, according to one account, fourteen loads of turf yearly; with a chamber in the hospital and a small garden. Some of them had also at one time two shillings silver yearly to buy pins. The provision for them, was payable from the produce of sixty-four acres of land in the vicinity of the place where the Hospital stood. [Chalmers, i. p. 452.]

Only one record can be found dealing with the administration of this hospital:

25 July 1610. Gift by the Queen as Patroness of St Leonard‟s Hospital to Elspeth Murray, a widow daughter of the second Patrick Murray of Windmillhill—a vacancy having occurred through the death of Katharine Wellwood—providing always in case it shall happen that the said Elspeth Murray do not make her residence there or absent herself therefrom, or abuse herself with whoredom, drunkenness, or any other remarkable vice, whereby she may offend God, be slanderous to the world or the honour of our said hospital—the same being tried by the bailie of Regality, chamberlain or almoner. [MS. Cart de Dunf. iii, 4b.]

Following the decease of Elspeth Murray, her place was taken by Christina Stevenson [Livingstone, lex [lx?, 15] and it is interesting to note that in this record St Leonard‟s hospital is described as the Hospital of Dunfermline. On 13th July 1590, on the decease of Jean Durie, Bessie Hutchison received a widowship; and again the designation is worth noting: The Hospital of St Leonard‟s Chapel. [Livingstone, lxi. 5.] That the hospital should have been used at one time for lepers and afterwards as a Home for bedeswomen and widows, presents no real difficulty. Not a few of the early hospitals were changed to other uses when the need they originally met was no longer urgent, or some other need had become more clamant. Leprosy, said to have been at its height from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, was still dreaded in the later middle ages. It is well known that Robert I is claimed as it‟s most distinguished victim, and that Henryson punished the faithless Cresseid by so afflicting her with the loathsome malady as to render her unrecognisable by Troilus. Usual

12 treatment involved seclusion in one of the leper hospitals or lazar houses, situated near the larger towns. [Scottish Historical Review, 1950 xxix, I, p. 90.] Whilst, therefore, it cannot be claimed with certainty that the hospital referred to in 1227 was St Leonard‟s, it can be said that the idea is not only possible, but definitely probable. Whether existing for the care of lepers or widows, St Leonard‟s has always fulfilled the conditions of a medieval hospital as contrasted with a hospitium, making provision that is, for permanent residenters and not temporary guests; and this is borne out by local place-names: hospital- hill, spittal-lands, spittal-brig, etc. The only difference the identification of the two would make, would be to assign to the institution a longer period of active life than had hitherto been thought likely: from 1227 at least until 1732. Another form of monastic Social Work was that associated with the Guest Chambers. What this meant for travellers, both clerical and lay, particularly in winter weather, can readily be understood. The drawback to this provision was that it was available for so very limited a number— kings, nobles and churchmen on the move. To understand the provision made for other people, one must go back to Abbot de Crail‟s gift of St Catherine‟s Chapel to the almoner. Prior to this transference, that the building had been a chapel must be accepted. The abbot‟s designation of it as such is too definite to be ignored. But it by no means follows that it continued to be used thereafter for that purpose. The impression conveyed by the Deed of Constitution quite definitely is, that the chapel and its endowments were gifted to the almoner for some purpose directly connected with his work. Pilgrims and wayfarers needed more than a distribution of broken meat; they needed rest and shelter; and, unless they were people of some social standing, they could not count on being welcomed to the Guest Chambers. With the growing vogue for pilgrimages and the increased fame of Queen Margaret following her canonisation and the dedication of the new Shrine in her honour, Dunfermline must have made an unusual appeal to pilgrims. On 8th October 1290, Pope Nicholas IV granted relaxation of a year and forty days of penance to those penitents who visited the Church of St Margaret in Dunfermline upon her festival. [Anderson, ii, 87.]

Under Margaret‟s Day (16th November) the Breviary of Aberdeen declares that her relics „were often visited by faithful pilgrims at Dunfermline in the beginnings of the sixteenth century‟. [Anderson, ii, 88.]

13 Monastic Scotland [sic, i.e. Map of monastic Britain], the map recently [1955] issued by the Ordnance Survey, credits Dunfermline with both a Benedictine Abbey and a Hospital (indicated by symbols). The Almoner‟s Deed of Constitution speaks simply and solely of St Catherine‟s as a capella (chapel). A later entry, however, in the Registrum (p. 473), uses the words Hospitio, sacello, et horto (hostel, sanctuary and garden) of St Catherine, and all post-Reformation references follow more or less the same lines. Dr Henderson, quoting a manuscript Register of Charters in Edinburgh [Henderson, p. 213], speaks of it as a mansion or chapel. An entry under the Great Seal (2514) of date 13th February 1575/6 speaks of the sacellum of St Catherine; whilst another (2968), dated 4th March 1579/80, refers to it as both hospitium et sacellum. Moreover, the first of these two entries describes the feu-charter referred to as being given in reparationem sacelli Dive Katherine, whilst the second explains that the money resulting from the feu of the lands is pro hospitio. It may be that this plea of „repair‟ was common form when applying for power to feu, but this much, at least, is clear. Soon after the Reformation, every church and chapel in the country ceased to function with the exception of those earmarked for Protestant use. Hospitals and other similar buildings were, however, expressly exempted from this rule and repair, which was out of the question for a chapel, was quite a possibility for a hospitium. The report of the Royal Commission on Ancient Monuments is very guarded in its reference to this building:

No suggestion can be offered as to the significance of the heavily buttressed wall of a structure of 14th or 15th century date which still stands in Pittencrieff Glen to the north-east of the Church.

But this is quite capable of explanation. In December 1420, the almoner of that time reported to the Pope that the chapel of St Catherine had been destroyed and demolished and that at great cost and expense he is having it rebuilt. He therefore pleads to be continued in office till the work of repair has been accomplished. The Pope granted the request [Dunlop, ...] and it may be that it was because of this rebuilding that the Royal Commission was led to think of it as fifteenth century work.

14 There is little room for doubt that from 1327 onward this building was a monastic hospitium for the reception of pilgrims and others who had no claim to admission to the Guest Chambers. There is therefore no unlikelihood whatever in the idea of a hospitium at Dunfermline. Indeed, in view of the St Margaret connection, it would have been surprising if there had been no such provision.

Dunfermline had both a hospital, dating from at least 1227, and a hospitium from about 1327 and it is interesting to note that both survived the Reformation. When exactly the hospitium of St Catherine ceased to operate cannot be said with certainty, but the hospital of St Leonard, as we shall see, was still in being as late as 1732, though by that time its activities were almost at an end.

The first of the almoners, as already noted, was Robert Terwerac, appointed 10th March 1327. The next name to be met with is that of John de Owthergawn [Auchtergaven; Bankfoot, Perthshire]. From the passage in Scottish supplications (Dunlop, 238) already referred to, we learn that he had been in office from 1400 to 1420 at least, and had done much for the restoration of St Catherine‟s Chapel, which had suffered at the hands of invaders [Dalyell, 30-31]. About 1489, we hear of another, Dene Patrick Falsid [Shearer, 24, 26]. He held office till about the end of the century and is often referred to in the Burgh Records as endeavouring to secure arrears of ground annuals on almonry lands, not infrequently in vain, the land being found to be „not distrainable‟.

About the beginning of the sixteenth century comes Dene Eduarde Skaithmur, who held office till at least 1517, apparently having the same experience as his predecessor. In the present record, under date 9th January 1532, we find the name of Dom John Boswell, almoner. How long he held office is unknown, but at the time of the Reformation John Angus, monk of Dunfermline, was holding the double office of precentor and almoner. How long he had been in office as almoner before the Reformation is not on record, but though, with the suppression of the monasteries in 1560, the precentorship and the distribution of alms at the burgh ports came to an end. The administration of St Leonard‟s Hospital still continued (church hospitals being exempted from the Act of Annexation), and for another thirty-five years John Angus continued in charge of this work, his younger brother, William Angus, latterly assisting him [MS Charter of Dunfermline, ii, 33a]

15 Following the gift of the monastery by James VI to his Consort, Anne of Denmark, William Wardlaw had, on 8th March 1603, a gift of the chaplainry of St Leonard for all the days of his life [Beveridge, xxix]; and on 9th November 1615 Thomas Wardlaw of Newlands, afterwards of Logie, repeatedly Provost of Dunfermline, intromits with the lands of the hospital [Dalyell, 82-83; Laing, 1736, 1856, 2198]. During his tenure of office there were still eight widows or bedeswomen resident in the hospital. He was followed by the Rev. Henry McGill, minister of Dunfermline.

1 April 1651. Ane supplication being presented by James Espline, Elymosinar of the Hospital of Saint Leonard, situate beside the burgh of Dunfermline, for himself, and in name of the widows thairof, desiring the charity of the several presbyteries for re-edifying of the said hospital. The Assembly recommend him to the charitie of the several presbyteries. [Minutes of the Synod of Fife.]

In 1643, we find a list drawn up by this James Espline, almoner, of various sums due to the almoner at that date and in July 1732 William Black, clerk to the regality of Dunfermline, submitted to the bailie of regality, the Marquis of Tweeddale, „the present state‟ of the widow‟s lands. Only about fifty of the original sixty-four acres can be accounted for, and in so many cases there is a note attached: „This feu duty resting [in arrears] for a great many years, and in non-entry‟. [List of the Vassals of St Leonard‟s Hospital, 1732, Dunfermline Carnegie Library D/HEA Box 16]

In a deed of resignation by Mr Richardson, before mentioned, in favour of the same Mr John Wellwood, there styled Senior Officer of the Lordship of Dunfermline, dated 1566, the ground is thus described, with the dove-cot upon it, and notice is taken of this chapel:

All and whole our garden or orchard, commonly called St Catherine‟s Yard, with the pigeon-house built thereon, and all its pertinences, inter torentem fortulitii [between the Castle Burn] on the west, and the mansion or chapel of St Catherine on the east, and the garden of William Durie on the north, and the common road on the south.

In the same year, a feu-charter of St Catherine‟s Yard and Dove-Cot is granted by Sir John Angus, eleemosynar of the Abbey, with consent of the commendator, to Allan Couts, chamberlain. [Chalmers, Vol. I, 159-160.]

16

Left hand side shows St Catherine‟s Lodge.

17

THE DUNFERMLINE ST CATHERINE

Old Buildings to north-west of Abbey Church The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Scotland Vol. 1 Old drawing of St Catherine‟s on the left from within the Glen.

We may assume that the saint worshipped in Dunfermline after whom the historical Wynd was named, was the original and the most famous— the St Catherine of Alexandria. Among the twenty named altars in Dunfermline Abbey in 1500, St Catherine‟s altar is the nineteenth. In the same year, St Catherine‟s Wynd was known as St Catherine‟s Gait. Under date 1327, Ebenezer Henderson has in his Annals, the following note:

18 St Catherine‟s Chapel and Eleemosynary House, Dunfermline the date of erection of this chapel and almshouse is unknown. They are not mentioned in any record until the year 1327, when their names occur in a charter in the Register of Dunfermline. (The charter begins as follows To all the sons of Holy Mother Church, Robert de Carell, by Divine permission, Abbot of Dunfermline, etc. The charter refers to the chapel, the almshouse and time of distributing alms to the poor, as also to the Port and the Gyrth Bow.

In a deed of resignation dated 1566, the following passage occurs:

All and whole our garden or orchard, commonly called St Catherine‟s Yard, with the pigeon house built thereon, and all its pertinents inter torrentem fortalii between the tower or fartalice burn on the west and the mansion or chapel of St Catherine on the east, and the garden of William Durie on the north and the Common road on the south.

This refers to the old chapel of St Catherine of date 1327, and was bounded on the east by a line running along the back of the houses in the lower part of St Catherine‟s Wynd (west of the church steeple), on the south by the public road (then the private road to Pittencrieff House), and on the west by the margin of the Tower Burn. In the same year St Catherine‟s Yard or Dovecot was let on feu charter to Allan Count, chancellor of the Abbey, with consent of the Commendator. [Mackie, p. 47.]

Pilgrim‟s Badge.

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19 The Hospitium of St Catherine rediscovered.

Whilst searching recently for a sight of the bridge of 1767-70 under Bridge Street I followed the path in the Glen which rose near to the boundary of the park nearest to the Abbey. I was astonished to come on a high buttressed wall which did not appear on any maps of Dunfermline I had seen. Even Jerek Putter‟s imaginative drawing, attempting to reconstruct the appearance of old Dunfermline took no notice of this substantial building. I took several photographs of the wall and showed them to a number of my friends and acquaintances but no one could offer any help with their origin.

A number of stones have been dislodged, and require the attention of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments and Constructions of Scotland, Bernard Terrace, Edinburgh.

20 No suggestion can be offered as to the significance of the heavily buttressed wall of a structure of fourteenth or fifteenth century date which still stands in Pittencrieff Glen to the north-west of the Church.

Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland. Eleventh report with inventory of monuments and constructions in the counties of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan. Edinburgh, 1933. NLS: CRI-I.

This was rather disheartening, but the next thing was my finding of a convincing explanation of the origin of the wall.

21 Duncan, Archibald Alexander McBeth (b. 1926); Webster, James Moir (1875-1957) (editors). Regality of Dunfermline Court book, 1531-1538. Dunfermline, 1953. NLS: NE.8.b.5. x, 233, [1] pp. With three excellent maps in pockets: MAP I. Map of XVIth century Dunfermline. MAP II. Dunfermline 1771. MAP III. The Regality of Dunfermline in Fife in the early XVIth century.

In this excellent book, on pages 189-190 the authors argue that the wall is the last visible remaining part of the Hospitium of St Catherine, which received pilgrims travelling to the shrine of St Margaret in the fourteenth century. I continued to give the subject much thought after I found the above reference, and I have come to believe that the surviving wall and the debris between it and St Catherine‟s Wynd may conceal more walls and reveal the shell of the building and with it many artefacts connected with it.

W. T. Johnston August 2009

22 WORKS CITED

Anderson, Alan Orr. Early sources of Scottish history, A.D. 500 to 1286. Edinburgh, 1922. NLS: Z; R.232.b. Beveridge, Erskine (1851-1920). Burgh records of Dunfermline, transcribed from the original manuscript volume, courts, sasines, etc., 1488-1584. Edinburgh, 1917. NLS: R.245.a. NAS: T 254.000. Calendar of charters and other original documents preserved in H.M. General Register House. Volume 1. A.D. 1142 to A.D. 1406. NAS: RH6/343/48. Chalmers, Peter (1790-1870). Historical and statistical account of Dunfermline. 2 volumes. Edinburgh, 1844-59. Dalyell, John Graham, Sir (1776-1851). A tract, chiefly relative to monastic antiquities; with some account of a recent search for the remains of the Scotish kings interred in the Abbey of Dunfermline. Edinburgh, 1809. EUL: In RQ.6.55. Duncan, Archibald Alexander McBeth (b. 1926); Webster, J. M. (editors). Regality of Dunfermline Court Book, 1531-1538. Dunfermline, 1953. NLS: NE.8.b.5. Dunfermline Archives in Register House, Edinburgh. NAS: B 20. Dunlop, Annie Isabella; Lindsay, E. R. Calendar of Scottish supplications to Rome, 1418-1422. Edinburgh, 1934. Dunlop, Annie Isabella. Calendar of Scottish supplications to Rome, 1423-1428. Edinburgh, 1936. Dunlop, Annie Isabella; Cowan, Ian Borthwick. Calendar of Scottish supplications to Rome, 1428- 1432. Edinburgh, 1970. Dunlop, Annie Isabella; MacLauchlan, David. Calendar of Scottish supplications to Rome, 1433-1447. Edinburgh, 1983. Henderson, Ebenezer. Annals of Dunfermline and vicinity from the earliest authentic period to the present time A.D. 1069-1878. Interspersed with explanatory notes, memorabilia, ... Glasgow, 1879. NLS: A.118.a.; L.C. 1181.; BCL.B5958. Laing, David. The poems and fables of Robert Henryson. Edinburgh, 1865. List of the vassals of St Leonard’s Hospital. Carnegie Library, Dunfermline: ... Livingstone, M.; et al. Registrum Secriti Sigilli Regum Scotorum. Edinburgh, 1908. Mackie, John Beveridge. Dunfermline historical idylls: Culross and the Culdees. Dunfermline, 1913. NLS: R.234.i. Minutes of the Synod of Fife. NAS: ... Ordnance Survey. Map of monastic Britain. North sheet. 1955. Paton, Henry; Dawes, M. C. B. (Index). Report on the Laing manuscripts preserved in the University of Edinburgh. 2 volumes. London, 1914-25. Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland. Eleventh report with inventory of monuments and constructions in the counties of Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan. Edinburgh, 1933. NLS: CRI-I.5. Scottish Historical Review, 1950, XXIX, I, p. 90. CHECK Shearer, A. Extracts from the Burgh Records of Dunfermline in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Dunfermline, 1951. Stephen, William (1868-1946). History of Inverkeithing and Rosyth. Aberdeen, 1921. NLS: R.245.f. Edinburgh, 1938. Thomson, John Maitland (d. 1923) (editor). Register of the Great Seal of Scotland. Registrum Magni Sigilli Regum Scotorum. 11 volumes. Edinburgh, 1882-1914. NAS: SRP 010.000.01-11. Thomson, Thomas (editor); Macdonald, Alexander; Innes, Cosmo. Registrum Honoris de Morton. A series of ancient charters of the Earldom of Morton with original papers. 2 volumes. Edinburgh, Bannatyne Club, 1853. NLS: SCS.BC.94. Walcott, Mackenzie Edward Charles (1821-1880). Scoti-monasticon. The ancient Church of Scotland: a history of the cathedrals, conventual foundations, collegiate churches, and hospitals of Scotland. London, 1874. EUL: Yf.2.26. NAS: 396.180. NLS: ... Webster, James Moir (1875-1957). History of Carnock, Fife. Edinburgh, 1938. NLS: R.245.g. Wood, Henry Harvey (1903-1977). The poems and fables of Robert Henryson. Second edition, revised. Edinburgh, 1958.

23 ST. CATHERINE’S RUINS ON LEFT

Painted by Adam Westwood

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