A History of the Cuban Revolution Viewpoints/Puntos De Vista: Themes and Interpretations in Latin American History
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect Channeling the State
Reviewed by Robert J. Mills The Open Invitation: Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect by Freya Schiwy. University of Pittsburgh Press. 2019. 296 pages. $40.00 hardcover; also available in e- book. Channeling the State: Community Media and Popular Politics in Venezuela by Naomi Schiller. Duke University Press. 2018. 296 pages. $99.95 hardcover; $26.95 paper; also available in e-book. In May 2006, an annual teachers’ strike in the southern Mexican city of Oaxaca became the site of an unprecedented act of state brutality. Less than one month into this planned labor action, organized initially against a series of neoliberal educational reforms, the recently elected governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz deployed an army of several thousand riot police to forcefully infiltrate a number of protest camps assembled across the town square. The scenes that followed were devastating: striking labor activists were taken as political prisoners, union coordinators were evicted and reportedly tortured, and at least seventeen individuals lost their lives at the hands of the Mexican state. Over the following days, in an unexpected gesture of support, outraged local residents helped rebuild the devastated encampments, declared themselves 202 JCMS 60.2 • WINTER 2021 the new regional governing body, and initiated a grassroots anarchist uprising that would seize control of the city for the next seven months. Images of this unrest soon began to circulate globally; almost overnight, Oaxaca emerged onto the world stage as a city in flames, recognizable amid its swaths of smoke and tear gas as a zone of active democratic contestation. From behind their reinforced barricades, the energized occupants— soon to become the Oaxaca Peoples’ Popular Assembly (APPO)— led with the prefigurative chant “Ulises ya cayó! Ya cayó! Ya cayó!” (Ulises already fell! Already fell! Already fell!).1 Just a decade earlier, in the neighboring state of Venezuela, a political project spearheaded by the newly elected Hugo Chávez was likewise recon- figuring the contours of an established participatory democracy. -
Cuba and the World.Book
CUBA FUTURES: CUBA AND THE WORLD Edited by M. Font Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies Presented at the international symposium “Cuba Futures: Past and Present,” organized by the The Cuba Project Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies The Graduate Center/CUNY, March 31–April 2, 2011 CUBA FUTURES: CUBA AND THE WORLD Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies www.cubasymposium.org www.bildner.org Table of Contents Preface v Cuba: Definiendo estrategias de política exterior en un mundo cambiante (2001- 2011) Carlos Alzugaray Treto 1 Opening the Door to Cuba by Reinventing Guantánamo: Creating a Cuba-US Bio- fuel Production Capability in Guantánamo J.R. Paron and Maria Aristigueta 47 Habana-Miami: puentes sobre aguas turbulentas Alfredo Prieto 93 From Dreaming in Havana to Gambling in Las Vegas: The Evolution of Cuban Diasporic Culture Eliana Rivero 123 Remembering the Cuban Revolution: North Americans in Cuba in the 1960s David Strug 161 Cuba's Export of Revolution: Guerilla Uprisings and Their Detractors Jonathan C. Brown 177 Preface The dynamics of contemporary Cuba—the politics, culture, economy, and the people—were the focus of the three-day international symposium, Cuba Futures: Past and Present (organized by the Bildner Center at The Graduate Center, CUNY). As one of the largest and most dynamic conferences on Cuba to date, the Cuba Futures symposium drew the attention of specialists from all parts of the world. Nearly 600 individuals attended the 57 panels and plenary sessions over the course of three days. Over 240 panelists from the US, Cuba, Britain, Spain, Germany, France, Canada, and other countries combined perspectives from various fields including social sciences, economics, arts and humanities. -
AS/Jur (2019) 50 11 December 2019 Ajdoc50 2019
Declassified AS/Jur (2019) 50 11 December 2019 ajdoc50 2019 Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Abolition of the death penalty in Council of Europe member and observer states,1 Belarus and countries whose parliaments have co-operation status2 – situation report Revised information note General rapporteur: Mr Titus CORLĂŢEAN, Romania, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group 1. Introduction 1. Having been appointed general rapporteur on the abolition of the death penalty at the Committee meeting of 13 December 2018, I have had the honour to continue the outstanding work done by Mr Yves Cruchten (Luxemburg, SOC), Ms Meritxell Mateu Pi (Andorra, ALDE), Ms Marietta Karamanli (France, SOC), Ms Marina Schuster (Germany, ALDE), and, before her, Ms Renate Wohlwend (Liechtenstein, EPP/CD).3 2. This document updates the previous information note with regard to the development of the situation since October 2018, which was considered at the Committee meeting in Strasbourg on 10 October 2018. 3. This note will first of all provide a brief overview of the international and European legal framework, and then highlight the current situation in states that have abolished the death penalty only for ordinary crimes, those that provide for the death penalty in their legislation but do not implement it and those that actually do apply it. It refers solely to Council of Europe member states (the Russian Federation), observer states (United States, Japan and Israel), states whose parliaments hold “partner for democracy” status, Kazakhstan4 and Belarus, a country which would like to have closer links with the Council of Europe. Since March 2012, the Parliamentary Assembly’s general rapporteurs have issued public statements relating to executions and death sentences in these states or have proposed that the Committee adopt statements condemning capital punishment as inhuman and degrading. -
The U.S. in Latin America
History 392E THE U.S. IN LATIN AMERICA Spring 2019 T/Th 1 – 2:15pm Bartlett Hall, room 206 Professor Kevin A. Young Office hours: T 2:30-4:30, Th 11:30-12:30 [email protected] Herter 624 The histories of the United States and Latin America have been closely intertwined. Why has the U.S. government intervened in the region, and with what consequences? How have Latin Americans responded? This course examines U.S. motives and actions in Latin America, which for our purposes includes the Caribbean as well. We will assess the role of the U.S. government and military but also that of corporations, international financial institutions, non-governmental organizations, and the U.S. public. While these foreign actors have wielded tremendous power in the region, they have always operated within contexts partially defined by Latin Americans – themselves an incredibly diverse population including presidents, dictators, militaries, landlords, clergy, industrialists, the middle class, wage workers, slaves, peasant farmers, women community leaders, LGBTQ activists, shantytown dwellers, migrants, and hundreds of ethnic groups. U.S. experiences with Latin America have often helped to shape both U.S. society and its interactions with the rest of the world, making this history of vital importance for understanding much of global history. The course places a special focus on close readings of primary source documents, including declassified government memos, speeches, newspaper reports, political cartoons, and the voices of some of the people who have opposed U.S. policies. 1 Course Goals and Key Questions The study of history is not about memorizing facts or trivia; it involves learning from the past so that we can understand the present and help to shape the future. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
A New Beginning
VOLUME 40, NO. 3 ■ FALL 2009 WORLD Technology News and Commentary for Deaf and Hard of Hearing People A New Beginning NETWORKING RECOGNITION In the Nation’s Story begins on page 10 Capital PROGRAM ADDRESS SERVICE REQUESTED SERVICE ADDRESS ALSO INSIDE: 2009 TDI Awards See page 28 Dr. James Marsters See page 30 Permit No. 163 No. Permit Dulles, VA Dulles, 20910-3822 PAID SilverSpring,Maryland U.S. Postage U.S. 8630FentonStreet•Suite604 Non-Profi t Org. t Non-Profi TDI TDI WORLD 1 TDI’S MISSION “TDI provides leadership in achieving equal access to telecommunications, media, and information technologies for deaf and hard of hearing people.” WORLD Volume 40, Number 3 FEATURE ARTICLES Summer 2009 Editor-in-Chief: Claude Stout Managing Editor: James House Advertising: Chad Metcalf Publication Production: Electronic Ink A New Beginning in the Nation’s Capitol .................................................................................................pg 10 TDI BOARD OF DIRECTORS NORTHEAST REGION 2009 TDI Awards ...........................................................................................................................................pg 28 Phil Jacob (NJ) [email protected] TDI Mourns the Passing of TTY Pioneer, Dr. James Marsters ............................................................pg 30 SOUTHEAST REGION Fred Weiner (MD), Vice President NEWS FLASH! (Senate Introduces Companion Bill to H.R. 3101) ......................................................pg 29 [email protected] MIDWEST REGION Stephanie -
The 1970S: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland
ch4.qxd 10/11/1999 10:10 AM Page 84 CHAPTER 4 The 1970s: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland As hopes of returning to Cuba faded, Cuban exiles became more con- cerned with life in the United States. Exile-related struggles were put on the back burner as more immediate immigrant issues emerged, such as the search for better jobs, education, and housing. Class divisions sharpened, and advocacy groups seeking improved social services emerged, including, for example, the Cuban National Planning Council, a group of Miami social workers and businesspeople formed in the early 1970s. As an orga- nization that provided services to needy exiles, this group de‹ed the pre- vailing notion that all exiles had made it in the United States. Life in the United States created new needs and interests that could only be resolved, at least in part, by entering the domestic political arena. Although there had always been ideological diversity within the Cuban émigré community, it was not until the 1970s that the political spec- trum ‹nally began to re›ect this outwardly.1 Two sharply divided camps emerged: exile oriented (focused on overthrowing the Cuban revolution- ary government) and immigrant oriented (focused on improving life in the United States). Those groups that were not preoccupied with the Cuban revolution met with hostility from those that were. Exile leaders felt threat- ened by organized activities that could be interpreted as an abandonment of the exile cause. For example, in 1974 a group of Cuban exile researchers conducted an extensive needs assessment of Cubans in the United States and concluded that particular sectors, such as the elderly and newly arrived immigrants, were in need of special intervention.2 When their ‹ndings were publicized, they were accused of betraying the community because of their concern with immigrant problems rather than the over- throw of the revolution. -
The Follies of Democracy Promotion Leaders, Both Allies and Foes and Allies Leaders, Both Establishment, Policy World Foreign World
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON MIDDLE EAST STRATEGY ChaLLENGES The Follies of Democracy Promotion THE AMERICAN ADVENTURE IN EGYPT SAMUEL TADROS “If you want to put Obama in a bad mood, tell him he has to go to a Situation Room meeting about Egypt.” This striking statement by an administration official appeared in an article accompanying Jeffrey Goldberg’s “The Obama Doctrine” in The Atlantic.1 Analyzing the president’s worldview, David Frum described him as a man disappointed with the world. America’s military leaders and foreign policy establishment, world leaders, both allies and foes—no one escaped the president’s ire at a world that had failed to live up to his expectations. In the flurry of analysis focusing on larger questions, the comment about Egypt received no attention. Such disregard was unfortunate. In a long list of Barack Obama’s disappointments, Egypt ranked high. Order International the and Islamism It was after all in that country’s capital that Obama had given his famed speech in 2009, promising a new beginning with the Muslim world. Less than two years later, the Egyptian people were lavishly praised from the White House’s podium. “Egyptians have inspired us,” declared a jubilant Obama on February 11, 2011. “The people of Egypt have spoken, their voices have been heard, and Egypt will never be the same.” Little did the president realize how ridiculous his statements would soon appear to be. Obama may have grown disappointed with Egypt, but he was hardly the only one. Democratic and Republican policymakers alike, foreign policy wonks and newspaper editorial boards, and even regular Americans found the country’s turn of events astonishing. -
Reseña De" La Revolución Cubana Del 30: Ensayos" De Fernando
Caribbean Studies ISSN: 0008-6533 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios del Caribe Puerto Rico Argote-Freyre, Frank Reseña de "La Revolución Cubana del 30: Ensayos" de Fernando Martínez Heredia Caribbean Studies, vol. 37, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 296-300 Instituto de Estudios del Caribe San Juan, Puerto Rico Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=39213080016 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 296 AARÓN GAMALIEL RAMOS the promotion of violence was to strengthen “his and his party’s power and preserve the prebendary and clientelistic characteristics of the state he had vowed to dismantle in 1991, [relying on] armed gangs, the police, and authoritarian practices to suppress his opponents, all the while cul- tivating a self-serving image as defender of the poor” (p. xv). He also joins the debate on whether Aristide had a direct role in the creation of armed groups known as chimès which terrorized Haiti during the crisis preceding his downfall and in their role during the latter part of the Aristide period making less compelling distinctions between the Tontons Makout that operated under the Duvalier dictatorships and the chimès that terrorized the population under Aristide. Dupuy proposes that while the former were structurally connected with the Haitian military and the dictator, chimès were a convenient political force of disaffected youth operating within the less formal organization of Fanmi Lavalas. -
Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms with Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected]
University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 2003 Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas Francisco Valdes University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Francisco Valdes, Diaspora and Deadlock, Miami and Havana: Coming to Terms With Dreams and Dogmas, 55 Fla.L.Rev. 283 (2003). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DIASPORA AND DEADLOCK, MIAMI AND HAVANA: COMING TO TERMS WITH DREAMS AND DOGMAS Francisco Valdes* I. INTRODUCTION ............................. 283 A. Division and Corruption:Dueling Elites, the Battle of the Straits ...................................... 287 B. Arrogation and Class Distinctions: The Politics of Tyranny and Money ................................. 297 C. Global Circus, Domestic Division: Cubans as Sport and Spectacle ...................................... 300 D. Time and Imagination: Toward the Denied .............. 305 E. Broken Promisesand Bottom Lines: Human Rights, Cuban Rights ...................................... 310 F. Reconciliationand Reconstruction: Five LatCrit Exhortations ...................................... 313 II. CONCLUSION .......................................... 317 I. INTRODUCTION The low-key arrival of Elian Gonzalez in Miami on Thanksgiving Day 1999,1 and the custody-immigration controversy that then ensued shortly afterward,2 transfixed not only Miami and Havana but also the entire * Professor of Law and Co-Director, Center for Hispanic & Caribbean Legal Studies, University of Miami. -
Chapter 14: Becoming a World Power, 1872-1912
Unit Planning Guide UNIT PACING CHART Unit 5 Chapter 14 Chapter 15 Chapter 16 Unit 5 Day 1 Unit Opener Chapter 14 Opener, Chapter 15 Opener, Chapter 16 Opener, Wrap-Up/Project, Section 1 Section 1 Section 1 Unit Assessment Day 2 Section 2 Section 2 Section 2 Day 3 Section 3 Section 3 Section 3 Day 4 Chapter Chapter Section 4 Assessment Assessment Day 5 Chapter Assessment U.S. Entrance into World War I Place the Ask students to individually rank the causes following “Causes of American Entrance into from most important to least important. Then World War I” on an overhead transparency: randomly group students and have them try • Loss of innocent lives to reach consensus. The interrelated nature of the six causes makes the task extremely diffi- • Loss of trade cult. If time permits repeat the process and • Historical/cultural ties to British/French make a hypothetical change in the historical Lee Weber • Defense of democracy against dictatorship facts. For instance, suggest that Germany had Price Laboratory • Freedom of the seas a large surface navy and Britain developed School unrestricted submarine warfare. How would • The Zimmermann Note Cedar Falls, IA U.S. policy have changed? Or, what if Germany were our major trading partner, not England and its allies? 486A Introducing Unit Author Note Dear American History Teacher: The great industrial development of the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century trans- formed the character of the nation. It also produced new pressures and new problems that shaped the era that began with the depression of 1893 and led ulti- mately to America’s entry into World War I.