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72 - 15,290
SCHLOBIN, Roger Clark, 1944- THE TURKE £ GOWIN, THE MARRIAGE OF SIR GAWAINE, AND THE GRENE KNIGHT: THREE EDITIONS WITH INTRODUCTIONS.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 Language and Literature, general
University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
©Copyright by
Roger Clark Schlobin
1972
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE TURKE & GOWIN, THE MARRIAGE OF SIR GAWAINE, AMD THE GRENE KNIGHT: THREE EDITIONS WITH INTRODUCTIONS
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
Roger Clark Schlobin, B.A., M.A.
* + + * *
The Ohio State University 1971
Approved by
Department of English PLEASE NOTE:
Some pages have indistinct print. Filmed as received.
University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iii
VITA ...... v
GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF THE MANUSCRIPT ...... 1
EDITORIAL PROCEDURES ...... 14
Chapter
I. THE TURKE & G O W I N ...... 16
Introduction Metre and Versification Conventional Forms Dialect Text Textual Commentary Explanatory Notes
II. THE MARRIAGE OF SIR GAWAINE...... 65
Introduction Metre and Versification Conventional Forms Dialect Text Textual Commentary Explanatory Notes
III. THE GRENE KNIGHT...... 108
Introduction Metre and Versification Conventional Forms Dialect Text Textual Commentary Explanatory Notes
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 1?0
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation is indebted primarily to my advisor, Francis
Lee Utley, and my two readers, John B. Gabel and Christian Zacher.
Professor Utley has consistently contributed valuable time, knowledge,
and effort to my graduate career and to my preparation for my profess
ional obligations. More than this, he has been a valuable friend who
has generously shared his experience and his enthusiasm, and who has
been patient and understanding in situations that would have exhausted
the resourcea of a lesser man. Professor Gabel, now Acting Chairman
of the Department of English at Ohio State University, has taken time
from his very pressing duties and obligations to assist me in the prep
aration of the texts and the editorial apparatus. His experience and
expertise have been invaluable in helping me operate effectively in an
area I had had little previous experience with. If the texts contained
within are of value for their accuracy and cogency, Professor Gabel
must receive much of the credit. Assistant Professor Christian Zacher
has not only given freely of his considerable knowledge of Arthurian
literature, but has been a continual source of inspiration and
encouragement. Like Professor Utley, his willingness to respect ray
' ideas and value my opinions has been one of the major sources of the
strength and fortitude necessary to sustain my work and, more signif
icantly, to enable me to maintain my interest and enthusiasm.
ill I would like to dedicate this work to rqy wife, Melody, without whose love, understanding, and patience I could never have completed it, and to Professor Eugene B. Cantelupe, without whore help and inspiration all this never would have begun.
iv VITA
June 22, 1 9 ^ . . . B o m - Brooklyn, New York
1966 ...... B.A. C.W. Post College, Greenvale, New York
1 9 6 8 ...... M.A., The University of Wisconsin, Kadison, Wisconsin
1968-1970 .... Assistant to the Director, The Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1970-1971 .... Teaching Associate, Department of English, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
Field of Specialisation
Kiddle English Language and Literature Professor Francis Lee Utley
v GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY OF THE MANUSCRIPT
My original purpose in selecting The Turke & Gowin. The
Grene Knight, and The Marriage of Sir Gawaine for this study was
to expose these works to the changes in critical techniques and
attitudes that have taken place since the poems were last studied
in any significant detail by George Lyman Kittredge.^ These poems,
particularly The Grene Knight, have been almost completely the objects
of source studies and their literary merit has been neglected. While
the source approach is an extremely valuable part of scholarship,
used exclusively it can obscure those elements that make any work
of literature unique and distinctive. An additional step must be
taken. After the tradition of a poem has been studied, it must be
returned to the totality of the poem and studied as part of an
aesthetic whole. This is one of the attempts that I have made here.
In addition, I have attempted to provide, for the first time,
examinations of the metre and versification, convention forms, and dialect for each poem.
Initially, it was difficult to judge how sucessful a re
examination of the manuscript of the three poems would prove to be.
I knew that none of them had been transcribed from the manuscript
since Bishop Percy’s Folio Manuscript in 186? (see the Introduction
to each poem), and I hoped that the advances in the study of
^*A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (Boston, 1916). 1 2 handwriting would enable me to provide a more accurate transcription of the manuscript than previously available. The gains here have been modest, but noteworthy. Child's text of The Grene Knight has over thirty-five errors,^ Madden's forty,3 and Hales and Fumivall's twelve.**■ I have discovered twenty-six errors in Madden's text of
The Turke & Gowin^ andx eleven errors in Hales and Fumivall's.^
Thera are also a number of errors in the editions of The Marriage of Sir Gawaine; ten in Percy's,? and nine in Hales and Fumivall's.®
Also, there is one error that all the editors consistently make. This is the transcription of 1 as 's,' when there are strong indications that it should be read as 'es.' There are thirty-one examples of this reading in the text of The Grene Knight, eighteen in The Marriage of
Sir Gawaine. and thirty-two in The Turke & Gowin. One of the results of this set of corrections is that the poems turn out to be far more metrically regular than had been earlier suspected
(see Metre and Versification for each poem).
Finally, this edition is offered in the spirit that it will
^English and Scottish Ballads (London, 1857), I, 35-57.
3syr Gawaine (London, 1839), pp. 224-242.
^Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript (London, 186?), II, 56-77.
^Syr Gawaine. pp. 243-255.
^Bishop Percy1s Folio Manuscript. I, 88-102.
?The Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (London, 1794), III 350ff.
^Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript. I, 103ff. 3 ultimately lead to renewed interest in each of the poems it contains.
The Percy Folio Manuscript, British Museum Additional
Manuscript 27879, contains five hundred and twenty leaves. Each leaf is approximately fifteen and a half inches long and five and a half inches wide. A number of the leaves, in particular those of
The Turke and Gowin and The Marriage of Sir Gawaine. are torn or cut and anywhere from two to twenty lines are missing. Many of the leaves have been damaged by holes, tears, and cuts. In addition, there are various marginal notes in Percy's hand, and soma of the leaves contain his notations in the text itself and heavy lines drawn along the left hand margin and between the stanzas which often obscure the text. In the first of two notes he wrote on the first leaf of the manuscript, Percy recognised his carelessness: 'When I first got possession of the MS. I was very young, and being in no degree an antiquary* I had not learnt to reverence it; which must be my excuse for the scribble which I then spread over some parts of its margin,
[and,] in one of two instances, for even [tak]ing out the leaves to save the trouble of trouble of transcribing.^ I have long since been more careful."
Fumivall cites "two authorities in the Records Office" who
^Frederick Fumivall, in his introduction to Bishop Percy1 s Folio Manuscript (London: N. Trubner and Company, 186?), I, x, states that "King Estmere" had been removed, and Grace Trenery, in "Ballad Collections of the Eighteenth Century," MLR. (1915), 289n., indicate^ uhat it was sent to the publisher and lost. placed the manuscript in the reign of James I (1603-1625) Indeed, the manuscript is written in a late secretarial hand, and, despite
Furnivall's attempt to date it in 1650,^ the hand does compare very favorably with specimens written fifty to seventy years earlier.
Almost nothing is known about the early history of the manuscript. The lack of shorthand and excessive abbreviation indicate that the scribe was able to write slowly without the pressure of the normal speed of a reading or performance. Also, the variety of material suggests that the major portion of the manu script is a compilation from a number of sources, not an original composition. Otherwise, it is Impossible to tell whether part or all of the manuscript was written from memory, taken by dictation
(either from a written copy or memory by a second party), or copied from an earlier manuscript or manuscripts.
Percy, in the second of two notes on the first leaf of the manuscript, says that the scribe was one William Blount, but
Fumivall effectively counters that Blount, a barrister of the
Middle Temple, was too educated to become involved in the chore of copying.*2 In the same note, and writing well after the actual event,Percy describes his disoovery of the manuscriptj
lOFumivall, I, xii.
^ I b i d ., xii-xiii.
12Ibid.. xiii-xiv.
*-?Percy was discussing the manuscript as early as 1757 with 5 hens tone. C f . Hans Hecht, Thomas Percy und William She ns tone (Strassburgt Trttbner, 1909), p.5* Nov. 7th, 1769 This very curious old manuscript, in its present mutilated state, but unbound and sadly tom, & c ., I rescued from destruction, and begged at the hands of my worthy friend Humphrey Pitt, Esq., then living at Shiffnal, in Shropshire, afterward at Priorslee, near that town; who died very lately at Bath (viz. in summer 1769). I saw it lying dirty on the floor, under a bureau in y® parlour: being used to light the fire, [it was] afterwards sent, most unfortunately, to an ignorant Bookbinder, who pared the margin, when I put it in Boards in order to lend it to Dr. Johnson. Mr. Pitt has since told me that he believes the Transcripts into this volume, &c., were made by the Blount who was author of Jocular Tenures. 4c*, who he thought was of Lan cashire or Cheshire, and had a remarkable fondness for these old things. He believed him to be the same person with that Mr. Thomas Blount who published the curious account of King Charles the 2ds escape, in titled Boscobel, 4c., Lond. 1660, 12K0, which has been so often reprinted. As also the Law Dictionary. 1671 folio, 4 many other books which may be seen in Wood’s Athene, ii, 73, &c. A Descendant or Relation of that Mr. Blount was an apothecary at Shiffnal, whom I remember myself (named also Blount). He (if I mistake not) sold the Library of the said predecessor Thos. Blount to the above mentioned Mr. Humphsy [sic] Pitt: who boug[ht] it for the use of his nephew, ray ever-valued friend Robt Binnel. Mr. Binnel accord ingly had nil the printed books, but the MS., which was among them, was neglected and left behind at Mr. Pitt's house, where it lay for many years.
Percy published only forty-five items from his folio manu script in the Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, printed first in
1765 and re-issued with modifications in 176?, 1775, and 179^.^
A fourth volume of the Reliques. containing more selections from the
folio manuscript, was to be edited by Percy’s nephew and it was
Inhere were also two pirated editions published in Dublin In 1766 and in Frankfort in 1790. discussed as early as 1 7 8 8 but the younger Percy's death in 1803 and the older Percy's growing blindness made completion of the volume Impossible.
Percy's rewriting of the manuscript material in his editions has been well documented by Cleanth Brooks,^ Leah Dennis,Walter
Bate,^® Irving Churchill,^ and Hans Hecht.^ Percy's alterations of the text were the result of his and Shens tone1s correct appraisal of the widespread contemporary opinion that most early English poetry was unsuitable for readers of taste, and that appropriate corrections, additions, and embellishments were necessary to make the material palatable. Percy illustrates this opinion in a prefatory note to "Sir Cauline": "This old romantic tale was preserved in the Editor’s folio MS. but in so very defective and
^J.B. Nichols, ed., "Letter from Geo. Steevens to Percy, January 11, 1788," Illustrations of the Literary History of the Eighteenth Century (London, I8*»d), VII, 5.
^Cleanth Brooks, "The Country Parson as Research Scholar: Thomas Percy 1760-1770," Papers of the Bibliographic Society of America. 53 (1959), 219-239.
^ L e a h Dennis, "1 Blandamour' in the Percy-Ritson Controversy, H P . 29 (1931), 232-23*f; "Percy: Antiquarian versus Han of Taste," PMLA. 57 (19^2), 1*K)-15^; and "Percy's Essay 'On the English Metrical Romances,1" PMLA. ^9 (193^)• 81-97.
^Walter J. Bate, "Percy's Use of his Folio Manuscript," JEGP. ^3 (19^), 337-3^8.
^Irving L. Churchill, "William Shenstone's Share in the Preparation of Percy's 'Reliques,'" PMLA. 51 (1936), 960-97^.
20Hans Hecht, Thomas Percy und William Shenstone. passim. 7 mutilated a condition and the whole appeared so far short of the perfection it seemed to deserve, that the Editor was tempted to add several stanzas In the first part, and still more in the second, to connect and oompleat the story in the manner which appeared to him most interesting and affecting.11 And again, in the preface to the
Reliques: "the old copies, whether MS. or printed, were often so defective or corrupted, that a scrupulous adherence to their wretched readings would only have exhibited unintelligible nonsense, or such poor meager stuff, as neither came from the bard, nor was worthy the press.Percy's rewriting of the pecans was encouraged by most of his literary companions. William S hens tone and Samuel Johnson, in particular, were most pressing in their demands for a refined text.
The poems appealed to the public because of the thrill and activity of their plots, but most readers also demanded a smooth and graceful style it is with this in mind that S hens tone writes to Percy in
September of 1761: "Let y® Liberties taken by the Translator of the
Erse-Fragments be a Precedent for You* Many old pieces without some alternation will do nothing, & with your amendments will be striking*
The most vehement critic of Percy's editorial practices was
2lThomas Percy, ed., Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (Philadelphia: Porter and Coates, 179^77 I, 61.
22Ibid.. 11.
23Grace L. Trenery, "Ballad Collections of the Eighteenth Century," MLR, 10 (1915), 289.
2i*Hane Hecht, p. 65. undoubtably Joseph Ritson. Ritson's most famous attack vas his publication, in Ancient ^ngleish Metrical Romancers (1002), of
Percy's two versions of The Marriage of Sir Gawaine from the 1775 and
179^ editions of the Reliques. The 179^ version is an accurate tran scription of the manuscript. The 1775 version, however, like its predecessors in 1765 and 1767, is a result of Percy's imagination, not the manuscript. While this creative version is based on the actual poem, Percy made both major and minor additions, substitutions, and omissions, and lengthened the poem from 216 lines to 310. With caustic irony, Ritson printed the accurate transcript (1795) on facing pages with Percy's earlier creation (1775) and often a series of the invented stanzas is faced by blank pages.2-* While this pub lication is Ritson's most celebrated criticism, the most far-reaching was contained in an attack on Wharton's Observations on the History of
English Poetry (1782) in which Ritson questions the very existence of the folio manuscript.2** He was later forced to abandon this position as the result of the direct testimony of those who had seen the manuscript,2? but he did demand a public showing of it or an exact reproduction of its contents.2® Percy, in a letter to Pinkerton dated July 28, 1792, responded indirectly to Ritson's charge and
25joseph Ritson, ed., Ancient Engleish Metrical Romancegs (London: W. Bulmer and Company, 1602), I, cx-cxli. Also, for Percy's response to Ritson's publication of "The Marriage of Sir Gawaine," see Percy's letter to Robert Anderson, January 1808, in Nichols, VII, 18^-185. 26 Cited by Leah Dennis, n'Blandamour' in the Percy-Ritson Controversy," 233*
2?See Percy's letter to Nares, December 28, l80*f (Nichols, VII, 9 spoke of "old manuscript, to obtain a sight of which he ^Ritson] would not scruple to violate every feeling of humanity and decency.
But he shall be disappointed: the manuscript shall never be exposed to his sight in my lifetime."2^
It never was, and Percy's reaction to Ritson's demands became the basis for a practice of possessiveness that was to characterize the attitude of Percy, his relations, and his descendants toward the manuscript for the next seventy years, until it became the property of the British Museum. In 1800 and 1801, Robert Jamieson attempted to obtain the use of the folio manuscript for his Popular
Ballads and Songs (1806). Initially, Percy responded to his request through Sir Frederick M. Eden;
August 27, 1800 The Bishop of Dromore presents his compliments to Sir Frederick Eden, and begs he will believe that it would have given him great pleasure to comply with a request so liberal as his, and to gratify so deserving a person as he represents Mr. Jamieson to be; and this the more readily as he has long since grown indifferent to the amusements (perhaps he ought to say follies) of his youth; but the MS. alluded to is at present engaged, for the booksellers are soliciting a fourth volume, to be prepared by
606), for an account of Steeven's examination of the manuscript. Percy's remarks in this letter are published, almost verbatim, in the British Critic, oanuary, 1905, pp. 98-99- Also, J.C. Walkers letter to Percy, September 22, 1789, recounts Walker's examination and his communication of it to Ritson (Nichols, VII, 710-711).
28Nichols, VIII, 144.
2 9Ibid.. 144-145. 10
the Editor of the last edition of the three former v o l u m e s , 30 published in 1794, and, till that is completed, it cannot be spared.3^
Later, on April 4th, 1801, Percy wrote directly to Jamieson and again emphasized the inaccessibility of the manuscript. Percy did, however, send Jamieson a copy of the poem he was most interested in and, then, abruptly dismissed any further discussion.
Till my nephew has completed his collections for the intended fourth volume, it cannot be decided whether he may not wish to insert himself the fragments you desire: but I have copied for you here that one which you particularly pointed out, as I was unwilling to disappoint your wishes & expectations altogether. By it you will see the defective and incorrect state of the old text in the ancient folio MS. and the irresistible demand on the Editor of the 'Reliques* to attempt some of those con jectual emendations which 1 have been blamed by one or two rigid critics, but without which the collection would not have deserved a moment's attention. When your book is published, I shall be one of the first purchasers, but till then I must beg to postpone the subject; and remain, with best wishes for your success, Sir, your obedient humble servant, Tho. Dromore.3^
Until after Percy's death (1811), the only other contact an
"outsider" came near to having with the manuscript seems to have been an offer of its use to Thomas Park in 1804. In a letter dated
January 21, 1804, Park indicates that Percy had offered the
3^Leah Dennis ("Percy's Essay 'On the Ancient Metrical Romances,"1 82 -83 ) strongly suggests that the attribution of the 1794edition of the Reliques to the nephew, Thomas Percy, wasmade for the sake of reputation and appearances, and that the older Percy maintained a firm control over the publication.
3lNichpls, VIII, 336.
32lbid.. 341. 11
manuscript in the hope that it could be added to the collection of
the recently deceased Ritson (1803). Park refused on the grounds
that he found "Ritson's plan injudicious, and his execution of it
repulsive,"33 and the folio manuscript was not seen again until
Dibdin held it in his hands in 1815*
After Percy's death, the manuscript became the property of Mr.
and Mrs. Samuel Is ted of Ecton Hall in Northamptonshire, Mrs. Is ted
being Percy's eldest daughter. The Reverend T.F. Dibdin was their
guest in the winter of 1815 and he was allowed to examine the folio
manuscript.^ He was able to copy the titles of the first seventy-
two works and would have recorded them all, but his activity was
discovered and he was asked to leave.35
In 1831, Sir Frederick Madden received permission from Mrs.
Isted to examine the Gawain poems in the folio manuscript^ for hie
book, Syr Gawaine (1839)* It is interesting to note, however, that he was only allowed to examine the poems that had not been published
in any of the editions of Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, and he had to depend on Percy's 1795 edition for the text of The
33ibid., 377-378.
3 1,'T.F. Dibdin, The Bibliographic Decameron (London: W. Bulmer and Company, 1817), III,,338.
35Henry B. Wheatley, ed., Relioues of Ancient English Poetry (New York, 1966), I, lxxxiii.
3^Syr Gawaine (London, 1839), p. 352 Marriage of Sir Gawaine.3?
Thirty years later, Francis Child, Frederick Fumivall, and
John Hales began a concerted attempt to bring the entire manuscript to the public for the first time. After numerous failures, they finally obtained the use of it with the aid of Thurston Holland and at the cost of one hundred and fifty pounds. The manusoript was returned thirteen months later,38 and, on May 9th, 1868, it was sold to the
British Museum by a Mr. E. Mead acting on behalf of the Percy
Foundation.in 1867, Fumivall and Hales published the bulk of the manuscript in the three volume Bishop Force's Folio Manuscript.
The remainder was published separately, as the result of professional and sooial pressure, in a fourth volume, Loose and Humorous Songs from Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript.
3?ibid.. p. 358.
3®Furnivall and Hales, I, x.
39Letter from T.C. Skeat, Keeper of MSS., British Museum, June 27, 1971. EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
The following editorial procedures reflect an attempt to
provide a readable text and, at the same time, to enable the reader
always to distinguish between the manuscript and the editor's work.
No effort has been made to produce a page-by-page representation,
but the original foliation is Indicated in square brackets in the
left hand margin, and, when portions of the leaves are missing, both
the damage and its character have been indicated. The stanza
divisions have been provided by the editor and refleot the general
pattern of meter and rhyme in each poem.
Abbreviations. Only the contraction has been preserved in the edited text. All other abbreviations have been expanded; letters supplied in such expansions have been underlined. In the case of 'y*',1 the form H hat 1 is employed. All superior letters have been lowered without comment. Superior scribal additions and corrections have been noted as well as lowered.
Spelling. A H manuscript spellings have been preserved, including u for modern v, with the exception of those characters that are not reproducible by a typewriter, such as 5b
Punctuation and Capitalization. It has been necessary to
13 14 provide punctuation since there is almost none in the manuscript.
In a very small number of instances, a period in conjunction with a virgule does occur; these instances have been noted. The capital ization in the manuscript has been preserved, and, even whan the added punctuation would ordinarily require it, no capitalisation has been added.
Textual notes. Because the manuscript has undergone some deterioration since it was last edited, all the variant readings of the previous editors have been given. When no authority for a reading is indicated, the manuscript is to be understood as the source.
In the cases where a patent error has been made, the present editor has emended it in the text and noted the manuscript form.
A line number with a single asterisk occurs alongside the text at a point for which there is a textual note; the Textual
Commentary will be cited in the notes when there is a discussion of some elemnt in the line. The following abbreviations have been used to cite the variant readings of the previous editors.
C Child, Francis James, ed. English and Scottish Popular Ballads. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1357.
F Hales, John W. and Frederick J. Fumivall, eds. Bishop Percy1s Folio Manuscript. London: N. Trttbner and Company, I867.
M Madden, Frederick, ed. Syr Gawaine. London; Bannatyne Club, 1839.
N Percy's notes on the manuscript itself.
P Percy, Thomas, ed. Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. London: F. and C. Rivington, 1794'. 15
Pt Marriage of Sir Gawaine in Percy's Reliques, 1775. For the 1775 edition, Percy rewrote, rather than edited, the manuscript text of this poem; all his major additions, rewritings, and omissions are given in the Textual Commentary of the present edition. The siglum Pt should be taken as an indication of the existence of Percy's material in the Textual Commentary. Joseph Ritson presents parallel texts of Percy's 1775 rewriting and Percy's 179**- editing of the aotual poem in Ancient Engleish Metrical Romancers. I. London: W. Bulmer and Company, 1802; rpt. London: E. Goldsmid, 168^. THE TURKE & GOWIN INTRODUCTION
The Turke & Gowin occupies leaves thirty-two through forty in the Percy Folio Manuscript and is immediately followed by The
Marriage of Sir Gawaine. None of these nine leaves is complete, all having been out or torn approximately in half. The legibility of the text is impaired by numerous stains and a large amount of “show through."
The poem has been previously edited by Sir Frederick Madden in his 1839 collection Syr Gawaine. and by John Hales and Frederick J.
Furnivall in their 186? complete edition of the manuscript, Bishop
Percy's Folio Manuscript. Unlike a number of the editions of The
Grene Knight and The Marriage of Sir Gawaine. both editions of The
Turke & Gowin were transcribed directly from the manuscript. The
Turke & Gowin did not appear in any of the editions of Percy's
Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.
There has not been much discussion of The Turke & Gowin. and those that exist have been primarily, if not solely, concerned with the sources and analogues of the poem. This is largely due to an attitude that is represented by John Speirs when he calls the poem "the shattered remains of something that may have been greater, and because they Qthe fragments of The Turke & Gowin 1 embody even in their degenerate state legendary material that has an affinity with that out of which Sir Gawavne and the Green Knight and others of the finer
16 a 17 1 romances wore earlier shaped*"
The Turke & Gowin certainly is a poem that deserves to be examined in this manner. There are enough references in Stith
Thompson's Motif-Index of Folk Literature alone to more than justify 2 the particular attention the poem has received, and Gerald Bordman has further elaborated and supplemented Thompson's research. It is no surprise, then, that George Lyman Kittredge's pioneering book, A
Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (1916), concentrates on the sources of The Turke & Gowin and that it has remained the basis for most of the subsequent studies of the poem. Kittredge defines the poem as primarily a mflxchen and describes its genesis as "an Irish folktale which made its way into England via Celtic Scotland and became attached to the Arthurian saga, although he does admit that significant parts
Ijohn Speirs, English Medieval Poetry; the Non-Chaucerian Tradition (London, 1957), P* 201.
^Motif-Index of Folk Literature (Bloomington, 1933)i F^51«5.1 (Helpful dwarfs), F601.1 (Extraordinary companions perform hero's tasks), H310-H3^6 (Suitor's tests), N810-N816 (Supernatural helpers).
%otif-Index of the English Metrical Romance. Folklore Fellows Communicationsf No. 190 (Helsinki, 1963); A201 (Gods of hell and heaven as brothers), D95 (Turk is transformed into Christian Imight), D711 (Disenchantment by decapitation), D1361.12 (Magic cloak of Invisibility), F531»0.3.1 (Group or army of giants), F531*6.3*l (Giants live in castle), F799.1 (storm weather inside hell), H1561.6 (Test of valor: fighting with giant), M221 (Beheading bargin), P556.3 (Feast interrupted by figure offering challenge), Q5&1 (Villain nemesis), and Z201.9.1 (Hero's famous possession - Arthur's Round Table).
kittredge, A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (Boston, 1916), p. 2$0. 18
of the poem, most specifically the beheading bargain, have "universal
currency.The study emphasizes the game with the brass tennis ball,
the setting on the Isle of Han, and the motif of disenchantment by
decapitation. In the Kina of Albainn. there ia a contest Involving a
venomous apple and the defeated contestant is roasted.® All the action
takes place on the Isle of Han as does the game of the brass tennis ball'’ and the death of the giant in the vat of boiling lead® in The
Turke & Gowin. In the Irish story of Finn and Lorcan MacLuire, there is another example of the duel with the poisoned apple.9 The motif of disenchantment by decapitation is amply illustrated with references to the Welsh Gypsy story An Old King and His Three Sons in England, the
Irish HacCool. Faolan. and the Mountain, the Austrian Per erlftste
Zwerg. and a number of examples that are less similar to The Turke
& Gowin. ^
John Speir's later study further amplifies Kittredge’s con tention that parts of the poem have "universal currency11 by adopting the premise that The Turke and Gowin is as much Norse in origin as it is Celtic, and that it bears a strong family resemblance to Thor's
^Ibid.. p. 217.
®Ibid.. p. 2 1 7 .
7lines 173-188.
®lines 255-258.
%ittredge, p. 275.
1QIbid.. pp. 274 ff. 19
n adventures among the giants of Jtitenhein in the Eddas. Spairs draws a parallel between Gawain1 s Journey^ and Utgard or the waste land,1^ and makes a more general association of the basin of gold and the sword with the grail and the grail lance, ^ and of the pot of boiling lead with the Irish, Norse, and Greek myths of the cauldron of plenty, creation, destruction, and thunder brewing.1^ For a number of reasons, principally the lack of primary reference, Speirs1 study is not as satisfying as Kittredge's.
A more recent study, by Vernon Harvard, ^ draws heavily on
Kittredge's study and on Roger Sherman Loomis' assertion that the
Irish Curoi, the god of sun and storm, is a prototype of the figure of the Turk.1? Harvard sees the Turk as a composite of the tradi tions of Curoi, of the Supernatural dwarf helper, and of the Welsh dwarf who conducts his guest to an underground reaim.1® Harvard cites three versions of the Attack upon the Men of F a l g a 1 ^ and
^English Medieval Poetry, p. 201.
^ T h e Turke & Gowin. lines 51-53*
pairs, p. 202. l A The Turke & Gowin. line 239
^^peirs, p. 20^
^ The Dwarfs of Arthurian Romance and Celtic Tradition (Leiden, 1958), pp. 90-9^
^Celtic Myth and Arthurian Romance (New York, 1927), p. 103.
^Dwarfs of Arthurian Romance and Celtic Tradition. p. 121
19Ibld.. pp. 95-96. 20
Kittredge's example of an account in Cormac's Glossary to support his 20 case for the Turk as Curoi. In the first, Keating's version, 21 significant parallels are Curoi's magical grey cloak, and the setting 22 on the Isle of Man. In the seoond version, the critical element is
again the grey cloak. Curoi does not appear in the third version,2-^
but the Men of Falga are identified with the Men of the Isle of Man,
and the King of Man is slain by Cuchulainn. The account in Cormac's
Glossary2^ is similar to The Turke & Gowin since it is set on the
Isle of Man, and Senchan, the principal character, is party to the
transformation of an ugly lad into a Curoi-lik© figure through the
assistance of a supernatural helper. Harward cites a number of 25 possible sources for the Turk as supernatural helper. In the nine
teenth-century Irish folktale of Fin MacCool. the Three Giants, and 26 the Small Men. there are eight diminutive supernatural helpers who
20 Geoffrey Keating, The History of Ireland. trans. P. Dineen (London, 1908), I, 223.
21The Turke & Gowin. line 232. 22 Rudolf Thumeysen, Zeitschrift ftir celtische philologie. 9 (1913), 194.
2^Thumeysen, Irisch Helden- und Kdnigsage (Halle, 1921), p. 430
2\ittredge, A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. p. 276.
2^Dwarfs of Arthurian Romance and Celtic Tradition, pp. 90-93 26 Jeremiah Curtain, Hero-Tales of Ireland (London, 1894), pp. 439-462. 21 furnish Fin with a magical boat,^ and, in Os gar. Son of Oison. the 28 dwarf slays a giant king and is transformed into a handsome prince.
Two parallels to Os gar. Son of Oison are found in the nineteenth- 29 century Irish tale of Bioultaoh and the King of Albainn. which, as already mentioned, has the added aspect of a parallel to the game with the tennis ball in The Turke & Gowin. a game with a poisoned apple.
Other similar examples of the supernatural helper, cited by Harward, are The King of Ireland's Son. ^ and Fin MacCumhail and the Knight of the Full Axe. ^ The latter also includes a more specific parallel to the Turke's prevention of Gawain's consumption of the enchanted food.^
Finally, Harward supports his premise of the Turk as a Welsh dwarf who guides human companions underground with illustrations from the stories of Walter M a p ^ and Giraldus^ and the eighteenth-century
^?Cf. The Turke & Gowin. lines 119-120,
2®J.F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands {Edinburgh, 1862), III, 295-300.
^^William Larminie, West Irish Folk-Tales and Romances (London, 1898), pp. 50-63.
3°D. Maclnnes, Folk and Hero Tales (London, I890 ), pp. 68-93.
33-Douglas Hyde, Beside the Fire (London, 1910), pp. 18-4?.
3sJ. Curtin, Myths and Folklore of Ireland (Boston, 1890), pp. 232-2*f3.
33phe Turke & Gowin. lines 89-91.
3^Walter Map, De Nugis Curialum. ed. M. James (Oxford, 1914), pp. 13-15; trans. F. Tupper and M. Ogle (London, 1924), pp.15-18.
-^Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera, ed. J.F. Dimock (London, 1868), VI, pp. 75-77; trans. R.S. Loomis, MP, 38 (1941), 295. 22
36 Welsh folktale of the lost shepherd.
The Turke & Gowin. while not evoking a large amount of
criticism, has obviously generated a particular interest in its
sources and analogues. From all the aforementioned studies, the
richness and depth of the tradition that the poem belongs to is most -
apparent. Indeed, The Turke & Gowin is an excellent illustration of
the extent to which the romance form pursues the collective past in
its attempt to establish verisimilitude. The poem collects a wide variety of motifs and elements that surround its focus, Gawain, with
a sequence of unknown and dangerous challenges that are typical of the
romance pattern of the continual tests of virtue and knighthood. The initial step in appreciating the poem has already been taken by
Kittredge, Harward, and others through their understanding of the critical, traditional elements in The Turke & Gowin. If the process of appreciation and understanding is to be completed, a second step must be attempted, and the poem must be examined as the sum of its parts. This is a difficult task, not for any intellectual reason, but for the more obvious dilemma that the poem, as it exists in the
Percy Folio Manuscript, is not complete. However, there are some generalisations that can be made and there does seem to be an indica tion of what the poem once was.
While Gawain is clearly the center or focus of the poem, the character around whom all the events revolve, the Turk is Just as
Rhys, Celtic Folklorei Welsh and Manx (Oxford. 1901). I, 135-136. " 23
obviously the most active character. It is the Turk who constantly
and successfully accepts the challenges of strength and magic that
are normally the domain of the knight-errant. Whether in the guise
of a turk, a young boy, or an invisible agent of strength, the Turk
effectively overcomes the beheading, the journey through the waste
land (lines 51-5 3 ), the enchanted food (86-88), the sea voyage (120),
and the various confrontations with the giants on the Isle of Kan
(196 ff.) with a business-like and calculating efficiency. Gawain
is the non-active character, an observer, rather than an active parti
cipant. He is continually buffeted with magical and unnatural
happenings that the Turk must resolve, and Gawain*s response to the
giant's feat of strength in lifting the chimney (210-212) is typical
of the overawed terror and wonder he feels throughout the poem:
Sir Gawaine was neuer soe adread, sith he was man on midle earth, & cryd on god in his thought. (213-215)
Though there seems to be no justification for the Turk's
behavior in the poem, the earlier source studies have partially
eliminated the necessity of explaining his motivation. As the
supernatural helper he must perform the service he does, whether
as the result of some spell prepared by an evil necromancer or as
penance for some past transgression. Yet, there is an additional depth
to his character that can only be discovered by examining the
37Also, see lines 43, 68, 92, 112, 137-139, 245-246, 266, and 277-282. 24
recipient of his beneficial help, Sir Gawain. Gawain1s total
activities in the poem are his commitment to go with the Turk
(43-47). his attempt to eat the enchanted food (86), and his final
beheading of the Turk (286-287). With the exception of the last, hie
actions can hardly be considered significant and are obviously not
numerous. It would seem that Gawainrs role in the poem is necessarily
passive, because he is a student of the need for service and
humility, and, within this context, the Turk assumes the role of a
teacher and a moral agent. The Turk defines this relationship and the
nature of their Journey in the poem when he says:
"Gawaine, where is all thy plenty? Yesterday thou wast serued with dainty & noe part thou wold giue me,
but with buffett thou did me sore, therfore thou shalt haue mickle care, & aduentures shal thou see; I wold I had King Arthur heere, & many of thy fellowes in fere, that behaues to try mastery." (57-65)
The Turk, however, does not have King Arthur or his knights, but he does have Gawain, and proceeds to lead him through a series of wondrous and magical dangers that the knight cannot overcome.
Gawain is forced to learn that it is the nature of virture to serve, not dominate. Thus, while Gawain is called the "flower11 of chivalry by the Giant King, it is the evil King who is associated with
"mastery11:
I haue slaine them thorrow my mastery, & now Gawaine I will slay thee, 25
4 then I will haue slaine the flower; there went neuer now againe no tale to tell, nor more shall thou thoe be fell, nor none that longeth to King Arthur. (226-231)
With virtue defined in this manner, it follows that the rewards must be given to the one who has served, and the Turk is released from the enchantment and made King of Man. Gawain becomes the most effective force at the end of the poem, because he adopts the role of helper and responds to the Turk’s request for beheading
(272-273)*"^ The Turk's final reaction is as would be expected. He does not exalt himself, but blesses Gawain for letting him serve:
"A Sir Gawaine, blessed thou be/ for all the seruioe I haue don thee"
(295-296). It is a fitting conclusion to the poem, then, that
Gawain refuses "mastery" and the opportunity to be Kingof Man, and offers it to his benefactor, Sir Gromer, the former Turk:
Sir Gawaine kneeled down© by & said, "lord, nay not I, giue it him, for he it wan,
for I neuer proposed to be noe King, neuer in all my liuinge, whilest I am a liuing man." he said, "Sir Gromer, take it thee, for Gawaine will neuer King bee, for no craft that I can." <32^-331)
It is apparent that one must serve before one can be rewarded, since Gawain's earlier blow (60) had no effect tn the Turk. 26
METRE AND VERSIFICATION
Of the 324 complete lines in The Turke & Gowin. 91 percent conform to the regular pattern of six-line stanzas which are each divided into two groups of three, each group containing a couplet with four tresses to each line and a third "tail* line with three stresses. Five per cent of the lines have one stress too many; and three per cent one too few. Of the five percent with the additional stress, one third are the result of what appears to be the later addition of phrases identifying the speaker or the object, such as savs (57) and Master (266). There is also one line (194) with two additional stresses. None of these deviations follows a regular pattern within its respective stanzas.
In 6? per cent of the lines, the rime scheme a, a, b, c, c, b is maintained.
CONVENTIONAL FORMS
The conventional forms in The Turke & Gowin can be categorized in the following manner:
(a) Alliterationoccurs in fifteen percent of the lines.Pre dominantly, these phrasesor lines are descriptive and two words allit erate, e.g. sate in seate 10; man on middlearth 40, 214; H u e on lee
4?; fellowes in fere 64; manner of meates 84; strong & stout 1 3 2 ;
Bishop. Sir Bodwine 154; Gyantas great 177; bold of blood 181; ball of 27 brass 18?; wondrous weele 25? j sword of steele 2?4; knightes keene 333.
Of these instances of two-word alliteration, lines 172-173 are the only example of doubling between lines: faire mot the fall;/ goe feitch me forth my tennisse ball. There are two examples of double alliteration within a single line, vis. that in battell will bite weele 275 and that in battell bite wold weele 287. There are also five occurrences of three-word alliteration: kempyes crue11 4 keene 6; Kay, that crabbed knight 19; shalt both swinke 4 sweat 103; wide as the world were 135;
Mary, that mild mayd 28*4-, and one example of four-word alliteration, vis. shall benone soe strong in stower 149.
(b) Listen 1 is the only expression calling for the attention of the audience.
■ (c) There are two references to sources: as men tell me 119, and I understand 210.
(d) Four assertions of the truth of a statement, vis. therost haue thou noe doute 145; without doubt 175; withouten nay 180, 233*
(e) Many of the descriptive phrases also alliterate and have been mentioned above. A representative sampling of the non-alliter- ative description follows: lordes great & small 1; doughty & profitt- able 5; both legg & thye 15; that worthy knight 28; lesse 4 more 235; far 4 neere 335. The most striking example of sustained description is of the underground barrow that the Turk leads Gawain into, lines
66-71:
He led Sir Gawaine to a hill soe plaine. the earth opened 4 closed againe, then Gawaine was adread, 28
the merka was comen & the light is gone, thundering, lightning, sncrw, & r&ine thereof enough the/ had.
(f) The oaths can be divided into (1) personal statements,
(2) appeals to God and Christ, and (3) colloquial expressions: (1)
I safely sweare 2?, njy truth I plight 42, I plight troth to thee U 8 ;
(2) help him god that best may 186, worshipp be to our lord Jesus/
that saued us from all wrackle 293-294; (3) by my; fay 92, and eaten
is all thy bread 261.
(g) Emotional statements are not as frequent as some of the
aforementioned phrases and forms, but they do play an important
part in communicating the themes of wonder and the unknown in the poem,
e.g. I dare goe with thou 43, Gawaine was adread 68, Sir Gawaine was
neuer soe adread 213, and that before they neue see 300.
DIALECT
This dialect discussion is based primarily on the criteria
established by Mocre, Meech, and Whitehall in "Middle English Dialect
Characteristics and Dialect Boundaries." At best it can only be an
indication of location, since, as evidenced by the spelling and
inflected forms, the text is illustrative of the transition from
Late Middle English to Early Modem English which took place after the
end of the fifteenth century. By this time, dialect distinctions had
begun to be much less sharply defined, further blurring the general distinctions of the Moore, Meech, and Whitehall isoglosses. 29
Although OE fi is retained as an unrounded vowel in ane 307,
in the vast majority of cases it is rounded to the South and Midland
o: soe 1 8 , 2 0 , 25, 6 6 , 91, 94, 149, 1 6 2 , 195. 218, 244; tow 35; £oe
43; nse 46, 59, 74, 115, 127 (twice), 145, 188, 246 (twice), 2 6 6 ;
other 46, 143; othlr 115; none 7 9 , 90, 136 , 2 3 1 ; nor 93, 94, 2 3 0 , 2 3 1 ;
one 1 1 0 , 1 2 6 , 315.
There is one example of the present indicative plural ending,
-(e)s, of the Midland: behaues 65.
Shal and shold(e), of the South and Midland, are used exclusively as opposed to the Northern sal, suld(e), or sold(e): shold 33, 3Q. 39, 2 0 6 , 2 3 6 , 2 3 7 , 269i ehal(l) 62, 144, 1 5 8 , 2 3 0 , 305,
3 0 8 ; shalbe 2 0 8 .
0E a followed by m or n is uniformly used and is indicative of
South, Kentish, Southeast-Midland, Central East-Midland, Northeast-
Midland, and North: man 20, 31, 8 9 , 214; answers 75; answered 167.
Them, as opposed to hem, ham, and horn, is consistently used, and is indicative of the North, Northeast-Midland, and Central Midland: them 9. 156, 313, 335.
There is no evidence of the retention of the West Saxon umlauts of 0E ea and ea, nor of West Saxon dipthongization of e after initial palatals that are characteristic of the extreme South.
Although there is one instance of the present indicative third singular ending of the North in heares 235, the majority of occurrences reflect the -eth ending of the South: beginneth 123 , fareth 152, spiteth
156, loneeth 2 3 1 , standeth 282, endeth 332 . 30
There are no occurrences of the present indicative plural end ing -eth that is characteristic of the South and the Southwest-Midland.
There are no occurrences of initial v for OE initial f. There are, however, a large number of instances of the retention of the initial f that is characteristic of the South and Kentish areas. The following examples are a sampling of the first occurrences of the more prevalent formsi fall 23, full 43, fellowes 64, farr 134, from 268.
There is no evidence of retention of the Vest Saxon umlauts of OE ea and 5a, nor of West Saxon dipthongization of e after initial palatals that are characteristic of the extreme South..
There are numerous instances of the -ing form of the present participle that is characteristic of the majority of the dialects and none of the -and, -end endings that characterize the extreme South western coast: lusting 46, hawtinge 56, thundering 70, lightning 70, bidding 108, talkinges 235, boyling 239, bidding 318, liuing 328, talking 336.
While the dialect characteristics here are somewhat clearer than those of "The Grene Knight," it is still difficult to do more than generally localize the text in the Southeast Midland. THE TURKE & GOWIN
[MS. p, 32: Listen, lordes great small, 1* cut away at top.] what aduentures did befall,
in England where hath beene,
of knightes that held the round table,
which were doughty & profittable, 5
of kempyes cruell & keene.
All England, both East & west,
lordes and ladyes of the best,
they busked & made them bowne;
& when the king sate in seate, 10
lordes serued him att his meats,
into the hall a b u m e there taite. 12*
Title] At the top of the page, centered, and in larger letters than the text, although in the same hand. 1 lordes] lords FM. See Textual Commentary. 12 a b u m e there taite] See Textual Commentary, bumel barne N. taite] Sic MS ~Mt cane (for came) F.
31 He was not hye, but he was broad,
& like a turke he was made both legg & thye,
& said, "is there any will, as a brother, to giue a buffett & take another, giff any soe hardy be?”
Then spake Sir Kay, that crabbed knight.
& said, "man, thou seemest not soe wight, if thou be not adread, for there beene knightes with in this hall with a buffett will garr thee fall
& grope thee to the ground.
18 giff] & iff M. 33
Glue thou be neuer soe stalworth of handes, 25
I shall bring thee to the ground,
that dare I safely sweare."
then spake Sir Gawaine, that worthy knight,
saith, "cozen Kay, thou speakst not right,
lewd is thy answers. JO
What & that man want of his witt,
then litle worshipp were to thee pitt,
if thou ehold him foresore." 33*
then spake the turke, with wordes thraw
Saith, "come the better of your tow, 35*
...... be breme . . . bore .... J6*
[bottom of page t o m away]
33 foresore] forefore KF. 35 your] you M. 36 Line partially obscured in MS. Though ye be brenne or bore? KF. 3**
[MS. p. 33s ...... buffett thou hast .... 3 7 * cut away at top.] well quitt that it shall be,
and yett I shall make the thrise ta feard 39*
as euer was man on middlearth, bo
this court againe ere thou see."
then said Gawajne, "my truth I plight,
I dare goe with thou full right
& neuer from thee flye.
I will neuer flee from noe aduenture,
lusting nor noe other turn ament, k6*
whilest I may liue on lee."
37 Beginning of line partially obscured and the end cut away. This buffett thou hast .... MF. 39 thrise] 3*se * bG lusting] Justing M. The turke tooke leaue of King with crowne.
Sir Gawaine made him ready bowne, his armor & his steed. they rode northwardes 2 dayes and more. by then Sir Gawaine hungred sore; of meate, drink he had great need.
The turke wist Gawaine had need of meate.
& spake to him with wordes great, hawtinge vppon hee, says, "Gawaine, where is all thy plenty? yesterday thou wast serued with dainty
& noe part thou wold giue me,
51 northwardes 2 dayes and] 'w1 and 'and1 superior; northward M. 53 drinke I superior insert; & drinke M. 56 hawtinge] Laughinge M. 59 noe] none K. but with buffett thou did me sore, the rfore thou shalt haue mickle care,
& aduentures shal thou see;
X wold I had King Arthur heere,
& many of thy fellowes in fere, that behaues to try mastery."
He led Sir Gawaine to a hill soe plaine the earth opened & closed againe, thon Gawaine was adread. the raerke was comen & the light is gone thundering, lightning, snow, A raine thereof enough they had. 3?
Then spake Sir Gawaine & sighed sore,
"such wether saw I neuer afore,
in noe stead where I haue .... 7^*
[bottom of page torn away]
[llS. p. made them noe answers, 75* out away at top.] but only unto mee.1'
To the Castle they then yode.
Sir Gawaine light beside his steed,
for horsse the turke had none.
There they found chamber, bower, & hall 80
richly rayled about with pale,
seemly to looke vppon.
Final two words torn away; haue beene . . , M; haue beene stood F. 75 First three words cut away. 38
A Bord was spred within that place, 83* all manner of meates & drinkes there was for groomes that might it againe. 85*
Sir Gawaine wold haue fallen to that fare, the turke bad him leaue for care, then waxt he unfaine 88*
Gawaine said, "man, I maruell haue that thou may none of these vttelles spare 90*
& here is soo great plentye. yett haue I more meruaile, by my fay, that I see neither nor maid, 93* woma£n] nor child soe free, 9^*
83 spred] rr1 superior insert. 85 againe] spot; gaine? 88 he] superior insert. 90 vttelles] vittells M. 93 maid] 'may?1 M. 9*f woma|_n] Hole in MS. I had lever now att mine owne will, of this fayre meats to eate my fill, then all the gold in christenty,11 the turke went forth & tarryed nought,
Keate & drinke he forth brought, was seemly forto see.
He said, "eate Gawaine & make thee yare, infaith or thou gett victalles more, thou shalt both swinke & sweat; eate, Gawaine, & spare thee nought,"
Sir Gawaine eate as him good thought,
& well he liked his meate.
100 'eate1 crossed out before 'see.1 40
He dranke ale & after wine,
he saith, "I will be att thy bidding baine
without bost or threat,
but one thing I wold thee pray, 110
giue me m y buffett & let me goe my way.
I wold not longer be he re att.11
^bottom of page torn away]
[VjS. p. 35: There stood a ...... 113* cut away at top.] Sir Gawaine left behind his steed,
he might noe othir doe. 115
The turke said to Sir Gawaine,
nhe shalbe herewhen thou comes againe,
I plight my troth to thee."
within an hover, as men tell me,
they were sailed over the sea. 120
the turke said, "Gawaine, heel 121*
113 Five words cut away: There stood a bote and . . . F. 121 hee] hoe M. Heere are we withouten scath,
but now beginneth the great othe, when he shall aduentures doe."
he lett him see a castle fair©,
such a one he neuer saw yare, noe wherin in noe country.
The turke said to Sir Gawaine,
"yonder dwells the King of man, a heathen soldan is hee. with him he hath a hideous rout of giantes strong & stout
& vglie to look vppon.
12? wherin in noe] where in noe who so euer had sought farr & neere
as wide as the world were,
such a companye he cold find none.
Many auentures thou shalt see there
such as thou neuer saw yare
in all the world about.
thou shalt see a tenisse ball,
that neuer knight in Arthurs hall is able to giue it a lout,
& other aduentures there are moe, wee shall be assayled ere we goe, therost haue thou noe doute.
Vi-5 therost] therof Iff. ^3
But, & yee will take to me good heed,
I shall helpe you in time of need,
for ought I can see,
thou shall benone soe strong in stower, 1^9*
b u t ...... 130*
[bottom of page torn away]
[MS. p. 36: & stowre 151* cut away at top.] how fareth thy vnckle King Arthur 152* 1 & all his company,
& that Bishop, Sir Bodwlne,
that will not let my goodes alone, 155 * but spiteth them euery day. 156
1^9 thou] There M. 150 Remainder of line tom away; but I shall . . . M; but I shall bring thee againe to hi . . . F, 151 Beginning of line cut away; . . . Gawaine . . . & flowre M; . . . Sir Gawaine stiffe & stowre F. 152 Line omitted K. ArthurJ Arthur./ . 156 day.] day./ . Vf
He preached of a crowne of thorne, he shall ban the tine that he was borne,
& euer I catch him may.
I anger more att the spiritually 160 in England, nor att the temporalitie, 161* they goe soe in their array.
And I purpose, in full great ire, to brenn their clergy in a fire
& punish them to my pay. 165 sitt downe, Sir Gawaine, at the bord,"
Sir Gawaine answered at that word, saith, "nay, that may not be.
161 nor] superior insertion. 45
I trow not a venturous knight shall
sitt downs in a kinges hall, 170 aduonturea or you see.11
the King said, "Gawaine, faire wot then fall; goe feitch we forth rqy tennisse ball, for play will I and see,"
They brought it out, without doubt, 1?5 with it came a hideous rout of Gyantes great & plenty, all the giantes were there then heires by the half then Sir Gawaine,
I tell you, withouten nay. 180+
180 nay] Ed; may. 46
There were 17 giantes, bold of blood, 181+
& all thought Gawaine but 11tie good,
when they thought with him to play,
all the giantee thoughten then
to haue strucke out Sir Gawaines braine, 185
help him god that best may.
The ball of brass was made for the giantes hand
There was noe man in all England
I89*
[bottom of page t o m away]
[MS. p. y?: and stroked a giant in the hall 190* cut away at top.]] that grysly can hee grone. 191+
181 17] IX M. 189 Line obliterated; were able to . . . . M were able to carry it F. 190 stroked] sticked MF. 191 grone] grow M. 4 7
The King sayd, "bray away this axeltree, for such a boy I neuer see, yett he shalbe assayd better ere he goe. 194*
I told you soe mote I tho 195* with 3 aduentures & then no more befor me at this tide.11
Then there stood amongst them all a chimmey in thou Kinges hall, 199* with barres mickle of pride, 200 there was laid on in that stond coales & wood that cost a pound, that vpon it did abide,
194 assayd] aflayd M. 195 tho] tho./ . 199 thou] the M; they F. 48
A giant bad gawaine assay
& said, "Gawaine, begin the play, 205
thou knowest best how it shold be,
& afterwardss, when thou hast Done,
I trow yo shalbe answered soone 218* either with boy or me."
A great giant, I understand, 210 lift vp the chimney with his hand
& sett it down againe fairly.
Sir Gawaine was neuer soe adread,
sith he was man on midle earth,
& cryd on god on his thought. 215
208 yo] you MF. 4 9
Gawaine vnto his boy can say,
"lift this chimmey, if you may,
that is soe worthily wrought,"
Gawaines boy to it did leape
& gatt itt by the bowles great, 220*
& about his head he it flang,
thrice about his head he it swang, 222*
that the coales ...... 223*
[bottom of page t o m away]
[MS. p. 38: ...... son of mickle might 224* cut away at top.] & strong were in battell. 225*
220 bowles bowler M. 222 thrice] 3®; 3is_ F. 223 End of line t o m away; coales & the red brands MF. 224 sonj saw F. 225 battell.] battell./ . 50
I haue slaine them thorrow my mastery,
& now Gawaine I will slay thee,
& then I haue slaine the flower;
there went neuer now againe no tale to tell, nor more shall thou thoe thou be fell, 230 nor none that longeth to King Arthur.1'
The turke was clad invissible gay. no man cold see him, wi thou ten nay, he was cladd in such a weede; he heares their talkinges lesse & more, 235*
Sc. yet he thought they shold find him there when they shold do that deed.
235 heares] heard F. Then, he led him into a steddie,
werhas was a boyling leade,
& welling vpon hie.
Sc before it a giant did stand with an iron forke in his hand,
that hideous was to see.
The giant that looked soe keene,
that before Sir Gawaine had neuer seene noe where in noe country.
the King said to the giant, "thoe here is none but wee tow, let see how best may bee,"
239 werhas] whe r as M ; whe reas F. 2^2 forkeJ E d; forle, 52
When the giant saw Gawaines boy there was, 250
he leapt & threw & cryed alas
that he came in that stead.
Sir Gawaines boy to him lept
& with strength up him gott 25^*
& cast him in the leade 255
wi^th an iron forke made of steels, he held him downe wondorous weele, till he was scalded to the dead, then Sir Gawaine vnto the King can say,
"without thou wilt agree vnto our law, 260 eaten is all thy bread."
25^ gott] gett KF. 53
The King spitt on Gawaine the knight;
with that, the turke hent him vpright
A into the fyer him flang,
A said to Sir Gawaine at the last. 265
"Noe force Master, all the peril! is past,
...... 2 6 7 *
[bottom of page cut away]
[MS. p. 39: he tooke forth a bason of gold, cut away at top.] as an Emperour was he shold,
as fell for his degree. 2?0
He took a sword of mettle free,
Saies, "if euer I did any thing for thee.
Doe for me in this stead;
take here this sword of steels,
that in battell will bite weele, 275
therwith strik of my head."
26? Bulk of line cut away; tarried too long N; Thinke not we tarried too long MF. 5^
"that I forefend," said Sir Gawaine,
"for I wold not haue thee slaine
for all the gold soe red,"
"haue done Sir Gawaine, I haue no dread, 280
But in this bason let me bleed
that standeth here in this steed.
And thou shalt see a new play 283* with helpe of Mary, that mild mayd,
that saued vs from all dread." 285
he drew forth the brand of steele
that in battell bite wold weele,
& there stroke of his head.
283 shalt] shall M. And when the blood in the bason light,
he stood vp a stalworth knight.
that day I vnder take,
& song, "Te deum laudams,
worshipp be to our lord Jesus
that saued vs from all wracks,
A Sir Gawaine, blesed thou be
for all the seruice I haue don thee,
thou hast well quitt it me,”
then he tooke him by the hand
Se many a worthy man they fand,
that before they neue see.
29^ wrackej wrachr M. 56
He said, "Sir Gawaine, withouten threat,
sitt downe boldly at thy meate
& I will eate with thee,
Ladyes a.11 be of good cheere,
eche ane shall wende to his owne dee re 305
in all hast that may be.
first we will to King Arthures hall,
& soone after your husband send we shall
in country...... 309*
310*
[bottom of page t o m away]
[MS. p. ^0; "Thus we haue brought 17 ladyes cleere, cut away at top.] that there were left in great danger
& we haue brought them out."
309 Line partially torn away; in country where they beene FM. 310 Line completely t o m away; There they wold , . . abide F; omitted M. 57
then sent they for theire husbandes swithe
& euery one tooke his owne wife, 315
& lowlye can they lowte
And thanked the 2 knightes & the King,
& said the wold be at theire bidding 318*
in all England about.
Sir Gromer kneeld vpon his knee, 320 saith, "Sir King & y o u wilbe crowned, Gawaine, King of man."
Sir Gawaine kneeled downe by
& said, "lord, nay not I, giue it him, for he it wan, 325
318 the] they M. 58
for I neuer purposed to be noe King, neuer in ell m y liuinge, whilest I am a liuing man." he said, "Sir Gromer, take it thee, for Gawaine will neuer King bee, 330 for no craft that I can."
Thus endeth the tale that I of meane.
Of Arthur & his knightes keene, that hardy were & free. god giue them good life, far & neere, 335 that such talking loues to heere.
Amen for Charity . . . Fins. 337*
["The Turka & Gowin" ends in the middle of the page, and is immediately followed by "The Marriage of Sir Gawaine."]
337 One word obscured. TEXTUAL COMMENTARY
1 The previous editors of the poem have uniformily transcribed x4 1
as 's;1 in fact, the meter, grammar, and handwriting
indicate that it should be transcribed as 'es.1 Often it
forms the genitive. but occasionally it is the plural of the
noun.
12 There is a possibility that the scribe has transposed this line and
that, to complete the rhyme, it should read "there talte a
b u m e . n
EXPLANATORY NOTES
19 Sir Kay, that crabbed knight is also used in The Grene Knight (15*0 •
67 The entrance into the underground realm is considered by Speirs to be
a descent into Hell or Hades, and he equates Gawain and the
Turk's adventures with the Harrowing of Hell (Medieval English
Poetry, p. 203). Traditionally the Isle of Man has long been
equated with magical, subterranean happenings. Fairies
originally dwelt there, but they were overcome by a race of
giants, who ruled until Merlin magically imprisoned them in
underground dungeons (Snell, King Arthur's Country, p. 203).
There are, also, a number of possible associations in Irish 60
Literature. Kittredge has suggested a parallel with Senohan's
visit to the Isle of Man in Tromdam Gualre (A Study of Sir
Gawain and the Green Knight, p. 2?6). In Keating's version
of Attack upon the Men of Falga (History of Ireland. I , 223)»
the Men of Falga are equated with the Men of the Isle of Man.
Rhys, in Studies in the Arthurian Legend (p, 355)* points
out that the Irish believed the Isle of Man was the home of
the great fairy druid or magician Manannan mac Lir, and Rhys
adds that the Isle of Man is also the mythical birthplace of
the Ultonian smith Culann, which may explain the presence of
the vat of boiling lead in line 239 of The Turke & Gowin.
130 Furnivall and Hales (Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript. I, 88)
quote extensively from Waldron's The History and Description
of the Isle of Man. its Antiquity . . . curious and authentlck
Relations of Apparitions of giants that have lived under the
castle. time immemorial to illustrate the common belief that
giants do live in underground apartments on the Island. Also,
see the note to line 6? above.
140 Tenisse ball. The primary historical reference to the tennis ball
is the conflict between King Henry V of England and the
Dauphin of France that is best known for its occurrence in
Shakepeare'a Henry V. This is pertinent because it conforms
to the terrible magnitude of the game which is apparent in
The Turke & Gowin. There have been many literary treatments of this event, and most of them are catalogued by Kingsford
in English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century
(Oxford, 1913), pp. 238-2^1. Of particular note is the
Aglncourte Battell in Bishop Percy1s Folio Manuscript (II,
166-173), "A Poem by Lydgate, Monk of Bury, Describing the
Expedition of Henry the Fifth into France in 1^15, The Battle
of Agincourt, and the King's Reception into London on His
Return" (A Chronicle of London, pp. 119-122), and an account
very similar to Lydgate's in the Brut (v. 136). Kingsford's
treatment makes it clear that the story had a high degree of
currency. In this book, The First Life of Henry V, he also
makes it clear that the story of the tennis ball, and with all
its attendant references, is the result of historical refer
ence and not an invention of literature. In his most telling
comment, he sees the use of the story as an attempt by contem
porary knights to imitate romance heroes. There are, however, a number of scholars who would disagree with Kingsford's dependence on completely historical sources. Fumivall and
Hales (Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript. I, 89-90) see the reference to the tennis ball as merely an outgrowth of any number of rural and royal games. Emmerig ("The Battle of
Agyncourt," Llchte geschichtlicher Quellewerke) traces the event to the medieval romances of Alexander the Great in which
Darius sends the Greek King scornful presents, including a hand-ball. Ackerman (Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages. 62
ed. Loomis, p. ^96) suggests a parallel to the twelfth-
century F&lerinage de Charlemagne. in that the lifting of the
brass tennis ball by the Turk corresponds to William of
Orange's feat with the huge pelotto. Also, see below, line
187.
15^ Sir Bodwine is a major character in the Carle off Carlile
(Kurvinen, ed,, Sir Gawain and the Carle of Carlisle in Two
Versions), a poem that also appears in the Percy Folio Manu
script. He is usually King Arthur’s bishop and counselor.
Gollancz (Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. p. 99) thinks his
name is derived from the French form of the Celtic Bodwino,
who is Arthur's counselor in Kilwch and Olwen and The Dream
of Rhonabwy. See Ackerman (An Index of the Arthurian Names
in Middle English, p. 26) for further references.
187 ball of brass. Owings (The Arts in the Middle English Romances.
p. 153) points out that brass was used by magicians or agents
of the devil to contain devils or fiends in statues or images
and cites the description of the oracle in a head of brass in
Valentine and Orson (ca. 1502). In all likelihood, however,
the ball is made of brass for its connotations of evil, rather
than because of any of the denotations aforementioned, and for
its durability and weight.
192 bray away this axeltree is a reference to throwing the bar to 63
which the wheals of a cart are attached. Fumivall and Hales
(I, 90) provide an example of this sport or game from Barclay's
Eclogues (1508):
I can dance the raye; I can bothe pipe and sing, If I were merry; I can both hurl and fling; I runne, I wrestle, I can throw the barre, No shepherd threweth the axeltree so farre.
232 invissible gay. Most editors agree that this should be "gray."
Ackerman (Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, p. *f95)
suggests a parallel in Aimer's cap or 'chapel* in the
P&lerinage de Charlemagne.
239 boyling leade. Ackerman (Arthurian Literaturo in the Middle Ages,
p. 239) notes Emalt's boast of sitting in a bath of boiling
lead in the twelfth-century P51erinage de Charlemagne. See
also the note for line 140, above.
291 Beheading game. There are two excellent treatments of this motif
worth noting: Kittredge's A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green
Knight and Larry Benson's Art and Tradition in Sir Gawain and
the Green Knight. The general consensus is that it occurs most
significantly in the Irish Fled Bricrend; the French Caradoc.
La Mule sanz frain. Hunbaut. Perlesvaus; the German Diu CrSne,
Colin and Wisse's Parzifal: and the English Sir Gawain and the
Green Knight. The Grene Knight, and The Turke and Gowin. For
elaboration on the modified motif of transformation through
decapitation see my Introduction to The Turke & Gowin above. 6k
331 Sir Gromer appears in The Weddynge of Sir Gawen and Dame Pagn«U
as the instigator of Arthur and Gawain1 s dilemma. Madden
(Syr Gawaine p. 335) suggests that his name is probably derived
from the Norte d ’Arthur1 s "Syr Grummore Orummursum, a good
knyghte of Scotland." Also see Ackerman (An Index of the
Arthurian Names in Middle English, p. 112) and Kurvinen (Sir
Gawain and the Carl of Carlisle. p. 116). For another possible
French derivation of Sir Gromer in The Weddynge see Eisner
(A Tale of Wonder, p. 87). THE MARRIAGE OF SIR GAWAINE INTRODUCTION
The Marriage of Sir Gawaine follows The Turke & Qowin in the
Percy Folio Manuscript, and occupies leaves *4-0 to 46. All the leaves
are fragments, and, like those of The Turke & Gowin. approximately
one-half of each leaf has been cut or t o m away. The legibility is
limited by stains, "show through," and, in the case of leaves 40, 41,
and 42, by Percy's extensive notes in both margins (see General
Introduction),
There are two editions of The Marriage of Sir Gawaine that
have been transcribed directly from the manuscript! Thomas Percy's
1794 edition of The Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, and Fumivall and Hales' Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript (1867). All the other editions are reprints of one of these three texts. Child's English and Scottish Ballads (1857) predication is Percy's 1765 bowdlerized text, and his subsequent editions from Fumivall and Hales. Ritson's
Ancient Engleish Metrical Romancers (1802) reprints Percy's 1765 and
1794 editions of the poem (see General Introduction), and Madden's Syr
Gawaine (1839) also reprints the 1794 edition. Bryan and Dempster's
Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (1958) is indebted to Fumivall and Hales for its text. Despite the proliferation of texts, then, the poem has not been transcribed from the manuscript since
Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript in 1867.
66 67
Like The Turke & Gowin. The Marriage of Sir Gawaine has been
primarily the object of source studies. Percy recognized its similar
ities to Chaucer's Wife of Bath's Tale in his notes on the manuscript,
and Maddon,^ Kittredge,^ and Maynadier? have supported this view. Hales
and Fumivall introduced the possible parallels with The Wedd.ynge of
Sir Gawen and Dame Ragnell and Gower's story of Florent in the
Confessio Amantis. Much of the criticism that followed has done little L, more than elaborate on these basic relationships. Even Francis Child
makes only one addition, although a good one, by citing the Icelandic
Grims saga lothinkinna which utilizes the motifs of the loathly
enchantment, the release, and the fier balser (daring kiss).'* The
reactions of these critics is justified since there are a number of
significant parallels among Chaucer's tale, Gower's story, The Marriage
of Sir Gawaine. and The Weddynge of Sir Gawen and Dame Ragnell; the
transformation of the loathly lady, sovereignty over a husband, male volent enchantment, the choice between beauty by day or beauty by night, the quest after a story or truth concerning the nature of woman, and the
^Syr Gawaine (London, I839), p. 358 2 A Study of Sir Gawaine and the Green Knight, p. 2?1
^The Wife of Bath's Tale (London, 1901), p. 118, passim.
^In particular, Bartlett Whiting's treatment of The Wife of Bath's Tale in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (New fork, 19^1), pp. 223-268. and Laura Sumner, ed., The Weddynge of Sir Gawen and Dame Ragnell. Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, 5 Tl92^), pp. xviii-xix.
5Iha English Scottish Popular Ballads (rpt. New York, 1965), I, 292-293. 68 anger of the instigator of the quest.
Sigmund Eiser, however, has shown that by dwelling on the obvi ous scholars have missed the elements of the poem that appear to have their source elsewhere. He contends that "the similarities occur principally in the loathly lady adventure, which presumably descended from Chaucer's hypothetical source,"^There are, however, a significant number of dissimilarities that separate The Marriage and The Weddvnge from Chaucer*s Wife of Bath's Tale and Gower’s Florerit which Eisner 7 attributes to an intermediate source for the ballad and the romance.
These disc or dent elements are connected with the baron of "teame wadling" in The Marriage and Sir Gromer Somer Joure, in The Weddynge.
Q Eisner relates these to the eleventh-century Welsh mabinogi of Pwyll, and he shows that the following similarities are common to both it and The Marriage; ^ the action takes place during the Christmas
^A Tale of Wonder: A Source Study of The Wife of Bath's Tale (rpt. New York, 19&9), p.77.*"
7Ibid.
^Ibid.. p. 84. As he himself points out {p.14), Eisner joins a distinguished group of scholars when he introduces a Welsh or Irish source for an Arthurian motif. There have been a large number of studies that have postulated a path of transmission for the stories of Arthur that originate with Irish myth or legend that have been elaborated in Wales, and been carried by bilingual Bretons to France and thence to Norman England, e.g. R. Thumey, Keltoromanisches (Hale, 1884); A. Nutt, Studies in the Holy Grail (London, 1888); W. Stokes, "The Marriage of Sir Gawaine," The Academy. 41 (April 23, 1892), pp. 399 ff.; J* Bedier, Le Roman de Tristan, par Thomas, II, Societe des Anciens Textes Francais, 55 (Paris, 1905TTR.S. Loomis, "More Celtic Elements in Gawaine and the Green Knight," JEGP. 42 (1943), 170ff.; Kittredge, A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. See Eisner (I4n) and Helaine Newstead (Bran the Blessed in Arthurian Romance (New York, 1939), p. 5, no.?) for a more complete listing.
^A Tale of Wonder, pp. 83-89 . season,^0 an encounter occurs at a ford in Pwyll and at the ford-like
T a m Wadling in The Marriage^ and the original object of the baron's
antagonism is Arthur in The Marriage. Eisner equates Arthur with Arawin
in the Pwyll through their respective leadership of the English and
European Wild Hunt 12 and their involvement in the hunt in Pwyll and the
hunt that was probably in The Marriage. the confrontations between the
anatagonlst and protagonist are separated by a year,1-^ and, just as
Gawain substitutes for Arthur in The Marriage.1^ Pwyll takes Arawn's place in the second confrontation with Hafgan.^* Eisner concludes by
saying that the connection between The Marriage and the Welsh Pwyll should not be "overlooked," and his indefinite tone seems deliberate.
He would probably agree that some of his equations may be overly con trived. Eisner's efforts remain interesting, however, and have quite clearly added a significant dimension to the possible genesis of The
Marriage of Sir Gawaine that allies it with the developmental scheme of a number of the Arthurian motifs.
The Marriage is probably the least interesting of the three
^The Marraige of Sir Gawaine. line 9-
n Ibid., line 31 * * 12 Cf. Archer Taylor, "Arthur and the Wild Hunt," Romanic Review. 12 (1921), 281-289, and R.S. Loomis' bibliography of the Wild Hunt in "King Arthur and the Antipodes," Iff, 38 (1941), 289.
^-^Marriage of Sir Gawaine. lines 9 and 46.
^ I b i d . , lines 78-79.
Tale °£ Wonder, p. 90. 70 poems studied here, If only because most of its elements have been carefully scrutinized through their relation to Chaucer, Gower, and The
Weddvrtfre. and Eisner seems to encompass the remaining. More signifi cantly, anyone who comes to the poem after reading its sources and ana logues will find that the much fragmented Marriage will offer only the familiarity of the loathly lady, the choice, Gawain's gentilesse. the transformation, etc., and even this to a lesser extent. There is an interesting parallel, however, between The Marriage and The Turke &
Gowin that merits some consideration. As previously illustrated in the
Introduction to The Turke & Gowin. there are strong indications that the theme of the poem is service and mastery. It is provocative to note that the instigator of Gawain' s dilemma in The Weddynge of Sir
Gowen and Dame Ragnell. Gromer Somer Joure, does not appear by name in The Marriage. but does appear as Sir Gromer in The Turke & Gowin. also as the instigator of Gawain's dilemma* This raises the tantalizing possibility of some sort of a common source for The Turke and The
Marriage. There are other similarities that are equally suggestive.
In The Turke (164), The Marriage (113), The Grene Knight (246), and, in the fourth Gawain poem in the Percy Folio, Carle off Carlile.^ the ultimate threat is punishment by burning. Also, in each of these four poems, Sir Kay is admonished by Sir Gawain for his unseemly behavior
^Auvo Kurvinen, ed,, Sir Gawain and The Carl of Carlisle in Two Versions (Helsinki, 1951), p. 127, line 147. and bad manners,^ and, in both The Grene Knight (1,5*0 and The Turke 18 & Gowin (19), he is referred to as "Sir Kay, that crabbed knight."
There are also a number of other alliterative phrases that the four
poems have in common (see the treatment of Conventional Forms for each
romance). The Carle off Carlile also shares the theme of the
temptation of the three kisses with the Grene Knight, the motif of the
fier baiser with The Marriage. and the motif of transformation by decapitation with The Turke and Gowin. ^ So, while The Marriage of
Sir Gawaine may be of relatively small value, it does serve to raise
the interesting possibility that the parallels in meaning and in form
(see Metro and Verification for each poem) among the four Gawain poems
in the Percy Folio may be an indication that they were the product of
a common origin, whether it be a single author, or a school.
METRE AND VERSIFICATION
Of the 200 complete lines that form the four-line ballad
stanzas of The Marriage of Sir Gawaine. 86 per cent follow a regular pattern of alternating three and four stress lines. In ten per cent of the lines, there is one additional stress, and half of these are occasioned by phrases identifying the speaker which were probably later
17 The Marriage of Sir Gawaine. lines 126-141j The Grene Knight, lines 154-1627 The Turke & Gowin. lines 19-23; Carle off~6arliXe. lines 107-119, 201-204. 18 This alliterative phrase, by the way, does not appear in Oakden, Alliterative Poetry in Middle English (rpt. New York, 1968).
^rhe Carle off Carlile. p. 149. lines 400-408, 72
additions to the original poem, e.g. lines 90, 102, and 106. There are
also two examples of two additional stresses, lines 86 and 90, and three
of one less, lines 157, 159, and 173* In five stanzas, these deviations
follow a regular internal pattern. In the stanzas defined by lines 52-
55, 93-101, and 122-125, all the lines have four stresses, in the one
stanza defined by lines 157-160 all the lines have three stresses, and
in the remaining fifth stanza, lines 14-9-152, both the first and the
third lines have five stresses.
It might be expected that the rime scheme would be congruent with the metrical pattern and be a, 'b, a, b. In actuality, this ideal
pattern occurs in only twenty-six percent of the complete lines. In the remaining 74- per cent, the rhyme occurs only between the second and fourth lines, x, a, x, a,
CONVENTIONAL FORMS
The conventional forms in The Marriage of Sir Gawaine can be catagorized in the following manner:
(a) Only fourteen per cent of the lines alliterate. Most often these phrases are descriptive and, in general, only two words alliterate, e.g. gentle Gawaine 78, 14-9, 153, 165, 169; stiffe & stowrs
8; stiffe & strong 4 1 ; full faine 6 5 ; milde of Moode 154; glad as grasse 198. There are also four examples of three-word alliteration:
that bride so bright of blee 4; that bride soe bright in bower 6 ; standing stiffe & strong 34,85.
(b) There is one assertion of the truth of a statement:
truth as I doe say 150.
(c) The poem has an unusually high number of secular oaths,
probably due to its popular origins: 0 peace. 0 peace 2 7 , an early
vengeance light on her 106, for Citty nor for towne 14-5, & sweare thee
this day 149, and as he was a true knight 190. There are only three
examples of religious or anti-religious oaths: lie make mine avow to
god 110, in the dluelles name anon 139, and Christ in trinity 210.
(d) There are a number of references to time. The most
striking of which are part of the loathly lady's proposition to
Gawaine in linos 149-164 and 171-172. The other three references, lines
9, **6 , and 51, are of the holidays, Christmas and Now Year’s, and the appointment that characterize the beheading ritual.
(o) As mentioned above, the descriptive phrases areoften alliterative as well, and the non-alliterative descriptions often follow much the same grammatical form: of mirth & great honor 1 0 ; soe rich array 49; Sir Steven bold 114; Tristeram. that gentle knight 120; fresh & gay 121; faire & bright 209. The most obvious descriptions are those of the enchanted lady's loathly condition, her location in the forrest, and her subsequent transformation, viz. lines 52-63, 99-101,
109, 123-L25, 177-183, 191, and 194.
(f) Emotional phrases do not proliferate in the poem, but of particular note is Arthur's response to his awkward situation, lines
22 and 25, and Kay's manipulation of a refrain in reaction to the loathly lady’s appearance; "whosoeuer kisses this lady.11 he sayes./
"of his kisse he standes in fears11 128-129, and "whosoeuer kisses this
lady." he saies./ "of his liffe he standes in doubt" 132-133*
DIALECT
This dialect discussion is based primarily on the criteria
established by Moore, Meech, and Whitehall in "Middle English Dialect
Characteristics and Dialect Boundaries." At best it can be only an
indication of location, since, as evidenced by the spelling and
inflected forms, the text is illustrative of the transition from Late
Kiddle English to Early Modem English which took place after the end
of the fifteenth century. By this time, dialect distinctions had begun to be much less sharply defined, further blurring the general distinctions of the Moore, Meech, and Whitehall isoglosses.
In all cases, QE S has been rounded to the South and Midland
0 : soe 4, 6 , 25, 29. 38, 49, 119, 154, 176, 182 , 1 9 1 , 205, 209; noe
14, 39; mone 2 2 ; one 49, 19^, 2 0 0 ; anon 139*
There are no examples of the present indicative plural ending
-(e)_s, of the Midland.
Shal and shold(e). of the South and Midland, is used exclusively as opposed to the North sal, suld(e), or sold(e): shold 3 6 , 5 6 , 6 ?, 1 5 8 ; shall 1 6 3 .
There is a single instance of the Northern use of o for 0E a followed by m or n: wont 182. The majority of forms, however, retain the 0E a which is characteristic of the South, Kentish, Southeast- 75
Midland, Central East-Midland, Northeast-Midland, and North: name 139; hand 15; handes 95; standing 3^: standes 129, 133*
Them, as opposed to hem, ham, and hom. is used consistently, and is indicative of the North, Northeast-Midland, and Central East-
Midland: them 115, 119, 204.
There are no examples of the North-Central West-Midland, South-
Central West-Midland, Southwest-Midland, South retention of OE ^r, nor of [*], [*:] as a front vowel.
There is one example of the South -eth present indicative third singular ending: pleaseth 91. There are, however, numerous occurrences of the North -(e)s ending: liues 1; standes 129, 133; beholdes 208; saves 1 3 , 102, 128; saies 1 3 2 ; walkes 107.
There are no examples of the present indicative plural ending
-eth which is characteristic of the South and Southwest-Midland.
There are no occurrences of initial v for OE initial f .
There are, however, a large number of instances of the retention of the in itial f which is characteristic of the South and Kentish Areas. The following examples are a sampling of the first occurrences of the more prevalent forms: faire 208, from 38. fight 35, for 141.
There is no evidence of retention of the West Saxon umlauts of OE ea and ea, nor of the West Saxon dipthongization of e after initial palatals that are characteristic of the extreme South.
There are a number of instances of the -ing form of the present participle which is characteristic of the majority of the dialects, and none of the -and, -end endings that characterize the extreme South- western coast: according 16, standing desiringa 81, misliking 1^8, sighing 2 9 .
Although there are some Southern characteristics, the general tendency seems to be towards a location in the Northeast-Midland, The marriage of Sir Gawaine
[MS. p. 40] Kinge Arthur Hues in merry Carleile 1*
& seemely is to see,
& there he hath with him Queene Generer. 3*
that bride soe bright of blee.
And there he hath with him Queene Genever, $ *
that bride soe bright in bower,
& all his barones about him stoodo 7*
that were both stiffe & stowre.
The King kept a royall Christmasse
of mirth & great honor 10*
[bottom of page cut away]
1 'inf crossed out between 'Arthurf and 'liues.' 3 Queene J Ed; Qqueene. 5 Pt. 7 barones] barons FHCP. See Textual Commentary. 10 Pt. Previous editors have added an additional line; . . . when MP; . . . & when F.
77 78
[MS. p. 4l] And bring me word what things is 11+
that a woman most desire. 12*
this shalbe thy ransome, Arthur,1* he sayes, 13+
"for lie have noe other hier."
King Arthur then held vp his hand, 15*
according thene as was the law;
he tooke his leaue of the baron there 17*
& homward can he draw.
And when he came to Merry Carlile,
to his chamber he is gone. 20
& ther came to him his Cozen, Sir Gawaine,
as he did make his mone.
11 things is]] things it is FKPC. a woman] women M. 12 Pt. 13 Pt. Pt. hand] hands M. 17 Pt. 79
And there cane to him his cozen, Sir Gawaine, that was a curteous knight,
"why sigh you soe sore, vncle Arthur," he said, 25*
"or who hath done thee vnright?"
"0 peace, 0 peace, thou gentle Gawaine, that faire may thee be Fall, for if thou knew my sighing soe deepe, thou wold not meruaile att all. 30
For when I came to teame wadling, a bold barron there I fand with a great club vpon his backe, standing stiffe & strong.
25 soe sore] ’soe1 altered from 'sore?1 And he asked me wether I wold fight
or from him I shold hegone,
or else I must him a ransome pay
& soe depart him from.
To fight with him I saw noe cause,
me thought it was not meet;
for he was stiffe & strong with all,
his strokes were nothing sweete.
Therfore this is my ransom©, Gawaine,
I ought to him to pay:
I must come agoine, as I am sworne, vpon the New years day. 81
And I must bring him . . . what thing it . . , 47*
[[bottom of page cut awayj
[MS. p. 42] Then king Arthur drest him for to ryde, 48*
in one soe rich array,
toward the fore said Teame wadling, 50
that he might keepe his day.
And as he rode over a more, 52*
hee soe a lady where shee sate
betwixt an oke & a greene hollen.
she was cladd in red s carle tt. 55
47 him word what thing it is CFWP. 48 drest] addrest N. 52 aj superior. 82
Then there as shold haue stood her mouth, 56+
then there was sett her eye;
the other was in her forehead fast,
the way that she might see.
Her nose was crooked & tumd outward, 60*
her mouth stood foule awry,
a worse formed lady then shee was 62*
neuer man saw with his eye.
To halch vpon him, King Arthur, 64*
this lady was full faine, 65 but King Arthur had forgott his lesson, what he shold say againe.
56-61 Pt. 60 outward] 'out1 added above stricken 'to.' 62 then] than FC. 64-6? Pt. 83
"What knight art thou?" the lady sayes, 68*
"that will not speake to me? 69*
of me be thou nothing dismayed, 70*
tho I be vgly to see. ?1*
for I haue halched you curteouslye 72*
& you will not me againe. yett I may happen, Sir Knight," shea said,
"to ease thee of thy paine." 75
"Giue thou ease me, lady," he said,
"or helpe me any thing, thou shalt haue gentle Gawaine, my cozen,
& marry him with a ring."
68 sayes] sayd FHP. 69 speake] speak F. 70 be] omitted P. thou] thon F. 70-72 Pt. 71 vglyj foule Pt. 72-81 Pt. "Why if I helpe thee not, thou noble King Arthur,
of thy owne hearte desiringe, 81*
[bottom of page cut awayj
[ms. p. 4 3 ] And when he came to the t e ame wadling,
the baron there cold he finde 83*
with a great weapon on his backe,
standing stiffe & stronge. 85
And then he tooke King Arthures letters in his handes
& away he cold them fling,
Sc then he puld out a good browne sword 88*
& cryd himselfe a King.
81 CFMP add an additional line that is no longer in the MS: of gentle Gawaine .... 83 finde] srinde M; frinde P. 88 Pt. 85
And he sayes, "I haue thee & thy land Arthur 90*
to doe as it pleaseth me,
for this is not thy ransome sure,
the rf ore yea Id thee to me,"
And then bespoke him Noble Arthur
& bad him hold his handes, 95
"& giue me leaue to speake my mind
in defence of all my land."
Ee said, "as I came ouer a Kore, 98*
I see a lady where shea sate betweene an oke & a green hollen. 100’*' shee was clad in red scarlett,
90 saye] sayd JKP. 90-97 Pt. 98 He] written over 'the;1 the M. superior. 100 holien]| holly N. f
86
And she sayes a woman will haue her will
& this is all her cheef desire,
doe me right, as thou art a baron of sckill,
this is thy ransome & all thy hyer." 105
Ho sayes, "an early vengeance light on her,
she walkes on yonder more, 10?*
it is m y sister that told thee this,
& she is a misshappen hore.
but heer lie make mine avow to god 110
to doe her an euill tume
for an euer I may thate fowle theefe ge . . . 112 *
in a fyer I will her bume."
[bottom of page cut awayj
10^-105 Pt. 107 Pt. 112 ge . . , ] gett FTC; ge[tj P.
I 8?
2nd part
Q4S. p. 44] Sir Lancelott & Sir Steven bold, 124*
they rode with them that day, 115*
and the formost of the company
there rode the steward Kay.
Soe did Sir Banier & Sir Bore,
S^ir Garrett with them soe gay,
soe did Sir Tristeram, that gentle knight. 120
to the forrost fresh & gay.
And when he came to the greene Forrest,
vndemeath a greene holly tree
their sate that lady in red scarlet,
that vnseenly was to see. 125
114 Pt. 115 them] him N. 88
Sir Kay beheld this Ladyes face
& looked vpon her smire: 12?*
"whosoeuer kisses this lady," he sayes,
"of his kisse he standes in feare."
Sir Kay behold the lady againe 130
& looked vpon her snout:
"whosoeuer kisses this lady," he saies,
of his liffe he standes in doubt,11 133*
"peace, cozen Kay,11 then said Sir Gawaine,
"amend thee of thy life, 135
for there is a knight amongst vs all
that must marry her to his wife." 137*
127 smire suire HP; swire C, 133 liffe. kisse CP. 137 marry_ superior. 89
"What, wedd her to wiffe," then said Sir Kay,
"in the diuelles name anon,
gett me a wiffe where ere I may, 140
for I had rather be slaine." 141*
Then some tooke vp their hawkes in hast
&. some tooke vp their houndes,
& some sware they wold not marry her for Citty nor for towne. 145
And then bespake him, noble King Arthur,
& sware there by this day,
"for a litle foule sight & misliking 148*
[bottom of page torn away]
141 slaine] Ed; shaine. 148 Pt. 90
[MS. P. 45] Then shea said, "choose thee, gentle Gawaine;
truth as I doe say, 150
wether thou wilt haue me in this liknesse
in the night or else in the day?"
And then bespake him Gentle Gawaine 153*
with one soe mild of Moode, 154*
sayes, "well I know what I wold say, 155
god grant it may be good.
To haue thee fowle in the night
when I with thee shold play;
yet I had rather, if I might,
haue thee fowle in the day." 160
153-156 Pt. 156 wittTp w was soe N. 91
"What, when Lordes goe with ther seires,11 she said, 161*
"both to the Ale & wine. alas then I must hyde my selfe,
I must not goe withinne.11
And then bespake him, gentle gawaine, 165 said, "Lady, thates but a skill,
And because thou art my owne lady, thou shall haue all thy will."
Then she said, "blessed be thou gentle Gawain^e] 169* this day that I thee see; for as thou see me att this time, from hencforth I wilbe.
l6l seires] feires CM. 169 Gawainfo] damaged. 92
My father was an old knight
& yett it chanced soe that he marryed a younge lady 175 that brought me to this woe.
Shee witched me being a faire young Lad^y] 177* to the greene forrest to dwell,
& there I must walke in womanes liknesse.
Most like a feend of hell. 180*
She witched my brother to a C . . , 181*
^bottom of page t o m away]
177 Lad[y] damaged, 180 feend feeind M. Pt. 181 C . . ] C . . . liste MFC. 93
[MS. p. 46] that looked soe foule & that was wont 182+
on the wild more to goe.
"come kisse her, Brother Kay," then said Sir Gawaine,
"& amend the of thy liffe, 185
& s we are this is the same lady 186*
that I marryed to my wiffe."
Sir Kay kissed that lady bright
standing vpon his Foeto.
he swore as he was trew knight, 190*
the spice was neuer soe sweete.
182-215 Pt. 186 &] I CMP. 190-191 Pt. "Well, Coz Gawaine," sayes Sir Kay,
"thy chance is fallen arright, for thou hast gotten one of the fairest maides,
I euer saw with my sight."
"It is my fortune," said Sir Gawaine,
"For my vnckle Arthures sake.
I am glad as grasse wold be of raine. great joy that I ma£y] take."
Sir Gawaine tooke the lady by the one arme,
Sir Kay tooke her by the tother; they led her straight to King Arthur as they were brother & brother. 95
King Arthur welcomed them there all
<5: soe did lady Geneuer, his queene, 205 with all the knightes of the round table, most seemly to be seene.
King Arthur beholdes that lady faire 208* that was soe faire & bright. he thanked christ in trinity 210 for Sir Gawaine, that gentle knight.
Soe did the knightes, both more & lesse, reioyced all that day for the good chance that hapened was
, . . Sir Gawaine...... 215*
[bottom of page cut away]
208 faire] faine? 215 to Sir Gawaine & his lady gay CFMP. THE MARRIAGE OF SIR GAWAINE
TEXTUAL COMMENTARY
5 he hath] omitted Pt.
? The previous editors of the poem uniformity transcribe as 's;* when, in fact, the meter, grammar, and handwriting indicate that it should be transcribed as *es.1 Often it signifies the genitive. but occasionally it is the plural form of the noun.
10 Addition Pt: With mirth and princelye cheare; To him repaired many a knighte, That came both farre and neare.
And when they were to dinner sette, And cups went freely round; Before them came a faire dams&lle And knelt upon the ground.
A boone, a boone, 0 kinge Arthure, I beg a boone of thee; Avenge me of a carlish knighte, Who hath shent my love and mee.
At teame-Wadling his castle stands, Neare to that lake so fair, And proudlye rise the battlements, And streamers deck the air.
Noe gentle knighte, nor ladye gay, May passe that castle-walle; But from that foule discourteous knighte, Mishappe will them befalle.
96 Hee's twyce the size of common men, Ui'thewes, and sinewes stronge, And on his backe he bears a clubbe, That is both thicke and longe.
This grimme bar&ne ftwas our hard happe, But yester morne to see; When to his bowre be bare my love. And sore misused mee.
And when I told him, king Arth&re As lyttle shold him spare; Goe tell, sayd hee, that cuckold kinge, To meete mee if he dare.
Upp then sterted king Arth&re, And sware by hille and dale, He ne’er-wolde quitt that grimme barbne, Till he had made him quail.
Go fetch my sword Kxcalibar: Goe saddle mee my steede; Now, by my faye, that grimme bar&ne, Shall rue this ruthfulle deede.
And when he came to Tea m e Wadlinge, Benethe the castle walle; "Come forth; come forth; thou proude barbne. Or yield thyself my thralle.
On magicke grounde that castle stoode, And fenc’d with many a spelle: Noe valiant knighte could tread theron, But straite his courage felle. Forth then rush'd that carlish knight. King Arthur felte the charme; His sturdy sinewes lost their strengthe, Downe sunke his feeble arme.
Nowe yield thee, yield thee, king Arth&re, Now yield thee, unto mee: Or fighte with mee, or lose thy lande, Noe better termes maye bee;
Unlesse thou sweare upon the rood, And promise on thy faye, Here to returns to Teame Wadling, Upon the new-year's daye; .... (11. 10-68)
12 that] All Pt.
13 shalbe] is Pt.
15 Addition Pt: Then tooke his leave of the grimme barone, And fast hee rode awaye.
And he rode east, and he rode west, And did of all inquyre, What thing it is all women crave, And what they most desyre.
Some told him riches, pompe, or state; Some rayment fine and bright; Some told him mirthe; some flatterye; And some a jollye knighte. In letters all king Arthur wrote, And seal'd them with his ringe: But still his minde was helde in doubte, Each tolde a different thinge.- (11. 74-88)
17-53 Omitted Pt.
56-61 Rewritten Pt: Her nose was crookt and turned outwArde, Her chin stoode all awrye; And where as sholde have beene her mouthe, Lo! there was set her eye.
Here haires, like serpents, clung aboute Her cheekes of deadlye hewe: .... (11. 93-98)
64—67 Rewritten Pt: To haile the king in seemelye forte, This ladye was fulle faine; But king ArthAre al fore amaz'd, No aunswere made' againe. (11. 101-104)
68 knight] wight Pt.
70 Rewritten Pt: Sir, I may chance to ease thy paine (1. 105).
70-72 Omitted Pt.
72-81 Substitution Pt: Ask what thou wilt, thou grimme ladyS, And it shall be thy meede. 0 sweare mee this upon the roode, And promise on thy faye; And here is the secrette I will telle, That shall thy ransoms paye.
King Arthur promis'd on his faye, And sware upon the roode; The secrette then the ladye told, As lightlye well shee cou'de.
Now this shall be my paye, sir king, And this my guerdon bee, That some yong, fair and courtlye knight, Thou bringe to marrye mee.
Fast then pricked king Arthbre, Ore hille, and dale, and downe; And soone he founde the barone1s bowre; And soone tho grimme barbune. (11. 109-126)
88-89 Omitted Pt.
90-97 Rewritten Ft: For this is not thy paye, sir king, Nor may thy ransome bee.
Yet hold thy hand, thou proude barbne, 1 pray thee hold thy hand; And give mee leave to speake once moe, In reskewe of my land.
This mome, as I came over a more, I saw a ladye sette...... (11. 133-1^0) 104-105 Substitution Pt: Now yield, as thou art a barone true, That I have payd mine hyer. (11. 145-146)
107 Rewritten Pt: The carlish baron swore: .... (1. 148)
114 Addition precedes Pt: Honewarde pricked king Arthtre, And a vearye was hee: And soone he mette queene Guenever, That bride so bright of blee,
What newes! what newes! thou noble king, Howe, Arthur, hast thou sped? Where hast thou hung the carlish knight? And where bestow'd his head?
The carlish knight is safe for mee, and free fro mortal harme: On magicke ground his castle stands, And fenc'd with many a charme.
To bowe to him I was fulle faine, And yielde mee to his hand; And but for a lothly ladye, there I sholde have lost my land. And now this fills my hearts with woe, And sorrowe of my life; 1 swore a yonge and courtlye knight, Sholde marry her to his wife.
Then bespake him sir GawAine, That was ever a gentle knighte: That lothly ladye I will wed; Therefore be merrye and lighte.
Nowe naye, nowe naye, good sir GawSine; I'y sister's sonne yee bee; This lothlye ladye's all too grimme, And all too foule for yee.
Her nose is crookt and turn'd ourwSrde; Her chin stands all awrye; A worse form'd ladye than shoe is, Was never seen with eyo.
What thought her chin stand all awrye, And shee be foule to see; I'll marry her, unkle, for thy sake, And I'll thy ransome bee.
Nowe thankes, nowe thankes, good sir Gaw&ine, And a blesing thee betyde! To-morrow we'll have knights and squires, And wee'll goe fetch thy bride. 103
And wee'll have hawkes and wee'll have hounds, To cover our intent; And wee'll away to the greene forSst, As wee a hunting went, (second part: 11. 1-44)
148 Addition Ft: Yee shall not say her naye.
Peace, lordings, peace; sir Gawaine said; Nor make debate and strife; This lothlye ladye I will take, And marry her to my wife.
Nowe thankes, nowe thankes, good sir Gawaine, And a blessinge be thy meedej For as I am thine cwne lady6, Thou never shalt rue this deede.
Then up they tooke that lothly dame, And home anone they bringe: And there sir Gawaine he her wed. And married her with a ring.
And when they ere in wed-bed laid, And a-tl were done awaye; "Come tume to mee, mine owne wed-lord. Come turne to mee I praye.1'
Sir Gawaine scant could lift his head, For sorrowe and for care; When, lol instead of that lothelye dame, Hee sawe a younge ladye faire. 1 04
Sweet blushes stayn'd her rud-red cheeke. Her eyen were black as sloe: The ripening cherrye swellde her lippo, And all her necke was snowe.
Sir Gawaine kiss'd that lady faire, Lying upon the sheete: And swore, as he was a true knighte, The spice was never soe sweete.
Sir Gawaine kiss'd that lady brighte, Lying there by his side; "The fairest flower is not soe fairs: Thou never can'st bee my bride."
I am thy bride, mine owns dears lorde, The same whiche thou didst knowe, That was soe lothlye, and was wont Upon tho wild more to goe. (second part: 11. 80-116)
153-156 Omitted Pt.
180 Addition Pt: Kidst mores and mosses; woods and wilds; To lead a lonesome life: Till some yong faire and courtlye knighte YJold marrye me to his wife:
Nor fully to gaine owne trewe shape, Such was her devilish skille; Until he wold yield to be rul'd by mee, And let mee have all my wille. (second part: 11. 145-152) 1 0 5
182-215 Substitution Pt: She witched iry brother to a carlish boore And made him stiffe and stronge; And built him a bowre on magicke grounds, To live by rapine and wronge.
But now the spells is broken throughe, And wronge tumde to right; Henceforth I shall bee a faire ladyS, And hee be a gentle knighte, (second part: 11, 153-160)
190-191 moved to follow 1. 119 in the manuscript text Pt, EXPLANATORY NOTES
19 Carlile. Ackerman (An Index of Arthurian Names in Middle English,
p. 53) indentifies this as Carlisle in Cumberland. It also occurs in
Malory, Morte Arthure. Merhne (in the Percy Folio), and Lancelott of
the Lake. See Ackerman for further references.
31 teame wad ling. At one time a lake in Cumberland near which the
spirit of Guinevere's mother appears in The Awntyrs off Arthure at
the Terne Wathelyne (ca. 1375) and at which Gawain maintains a vigil
in the Avowing of King Arthur. Sir Gawain. Sir Kay, and Sir Baldwin of
Britain (ca. 1425). In Originals and Analogues of some of Chaucer's
Canterbury Tales (p. 503). it is suggested that it is a town in
Inglewood Forest, near Hesketh, near Cumberland.
54 hollen. common holly, indigenous to the North (Percy's note on the
manuscript).
114 Sir Steven. This is the only place he is mentioned as a knight of
the Round Table (Ackerman, An Index of Arthurian Names, p. 223).
118 Sir Banier. Ackerman says that this is the only occurrence of him
as a knight of the Round Table (An Index of Arthurian Names.p. 24).
Madden (Syr Gawaine. p. 359) indicates that it is a scribal error for
Sir Bedevere, the King's Constable. There is a Banier mentioned in Le
Livre d'Artu and Le Mort Artu who is the son of Gracien of Thebes and grandson of King Ban of Benic.
118 Sir Bore. His only appearance in Arthurian literature (Ackerman,
Index of Arthurian Names. 29). Madden (Syr Gawaine, p. 359) suggests
Bois of Gauves, the brother of Lionel.
119 Sir Garrett. Probably Gaheris, the fourth and youngest son of
Lot of Orkney and the brother of Gawain. See Ackerman (An Index of
Arthurian Names, pp. 93-9*0 for other occurrences. THE GRENE KNIGHT
108 INTRODUCTION
The Grene Knight is the longest and the most complete of the
three poems considered here. Of its eight leaves, two-hundred and three
to two-hundred and nine in the Percy Folio Manuscript, seven are
complete, and the one damaged leaf, two-hundred and five, seems to be
missing only a few lines. Like The Turke & Gowin and The Marriage of
Sir Gawaine, the text of The Grene Knight is marred by stains, blots,
holes, "show through," and Percy's notations.
There are only three previous editions of The Grene Knight:
Maddensrs Syr Gawaine (1839), Child's in English and Scottish Ballads
(1857), and Fumivall and Hales' Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript (1867).
There is no record or indication that Child ever examined the manuscript,
and, although it is not mentioned in his text and his version is slightly
altered, it is safe to say that he used Madden's edition of the poem.
The Grene Knight did not appear in any of the editions of Percy's
Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.
As in the case of The Turke & Gowin. The Grene Knight has
never been evaluated as a work of literature. Most of the early
scholarship has concentrated on whether its source is the English Sir
Gawain and the Green Kn! ght or one of the early French romances or balladsThe interest of this scholarship is accurately illustrated
^Most of this early work is capably summarized by George L. Kittredge, £ £tudv £ir Gawain JDd -the Creen Knight (rpt. New York, I960), pp. 125-136. 1 0 9 1 1 0
by William Kenry Schofield when he describes his criteria for judging
the literary value of The Grene Knight: "This poem, though of slight
literary value, would be more significant than is usually thought if
one could establish it as independent of the larger one FSir Gawain
and the Green Knight], indicating a simple form previously existing in 2 Anglo-Norman or English,"
Since Kittredge has effectivly demonstrated that Sir G°wain
and the Green Knight is the only extant source of The Grene Knight3 and
Schofield was unable to prove otherwise, this approach would seem to
eliminate the possibility of the poem ever being considered on its own
literary merit, however slight. E.V. Gordon and J.R.R, Tolkien's brief
dismissal of the poem as a "debased and contaminated version"** of Sir
Gawain and the Green Knight is a more recent example of the scholarly
refusal to meet The Grene Knight on its own terms. The Grene Knight is
not, however, its more effective and elaborate predecessor, and it
should not be completely condemned by the same criteria that are used 5 to exalt the longer, earlier poem,
2 English Literature from the Norman Conquest to Chaucer (London, 1921), p. 21? 3 A Study of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, pp. 125-13S and 282-289. Larry Eenson (Art and Tradition in Sir Gawair, and the Green Knight (New Jersey, 19^5')p. 1?0) concurs in the belief that the author of The Grene Knight had only Sir Gawain and the Crecn Knight before him.
9- E.V. Gordon and J.R.R. Tolkien, eds., Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. 2nd ed., re-ed. Norman Davies (1925; **pt. with corrections Oxford, 1968), p. xix.
^J.R. Hulbert ("Sir Gawayn and tho Grene Knight," HP, 13 (1915- 1916), 9-60-9-62, 699-695, 701-702),is the only scholar who has attempted to date The Grene Knight before Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. m
The most obvious difference between The Grene Knight and Sir
Gawain and the Green Knight is the former's brevity. Regardless of what interpretation of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is accepted, its form is uniformly recognized as highly interlaced and detailed. "Gawain stands first among medieval English romances, and high among romances at large, in the strength of its plot.The form of the narrative allows the Gawain-poet at once to be highly specific and personal, and, at the came time to universalize Gawain's adventures through explicit and im plicit allegory and symbol. There is a good indication that this alle gorical intention is necessarily combined with the rhetorical device of dilatatio or amplificatoi "The allegorical senso, however, which aims at generalizing the particular story is susceptible to extensive 9 development.11 The key word above is 'generalizing,1 and, while Gawain- poet clearly seeks the richness and universality of allegorical and symbolic meanings, the author of The Grene Knight just as clearly seeks to particularize his story to laud a particular institution, the Order of the Bath (lines 501-508). Thus, The Grene Knight is an example of a rhetorical method that directs the narrative toward a single, explicit point. This method is known as abbreviato. a technique highly recom- g mended by the popular Rhetorica ad Herennium. The abbreviation of
^Gordon and Tolkien, p. xiv, 7 Stanley Kahrl, "Allegory in Practice: A Study of Narrative Styles in Medieval Exempla," KP, 63 (1965). p. 10?. Q Ernest Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. William Trask (New York, 1913)7 P* 1 1 2
The Grene Knight is not, however, used as Kalory uses it when he selected portions of the French Prose Tristan to rework into "The Book of Sir Tristan de Lyons." The author of The Grene Knight did not extract and then condense relatively small portions of the larger work. Instead, 9 he adopted almost all of the Gawain-poet's poem. However, his treatment of the whole of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is similar to Kalory's method of dealing with the selected portions of the Prose Tristan, in that the material is abbreviated to focus it on a more restricted and singular topic;
It is significant of Malory's reaction to this romance I Prose Tristan1 that while his version of it is six times shorter, the 'reduction' is not purely mechanical; the English author clearly aims at come degree of simplification within the material which he selects.
Since The Grene Knight is necessarily less allusive and more declarative than Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, the shorter poem's narrative structure is more chronological and limited to stated motiv ations and explicit meanings. Its theme is simplistic and limited to the exaltation of knightly camaraderie through the Round Table and the Order of Bath, and all other themes, motifs, and actions are sub ordinate. For example, the Gawain-poet1s Morgan le Fey becomes Agostes
(^9-51). Both are faery figures with supernatural powers, but Agostes has none of the connotations of purposeful evil or the psychomachia
9 For the extent of The Grene Knight's borrowings see Kittredge, pp. 282-289. ~
^■°Eug5ne Vinaver, ed., The Works of Sir Thomas Kalory. 2nd ed. (London, 196?), Ill, 1 ^ . 113
that are traditionally associated with Morgan. Thus, the associative meaning is restricted and, at the end of the poem when Bredbeddle reveals to Gawain that he knew of Agostes' plot and wishes to join the Round Table (486-491), there are no connotations of vindictive evil to stand in the way. Instead, it is much easier in The Grene Knight to dismiss the women’s plot as the idle games that are irrelevant to the more important concerns of the wiser men. 14 Indeed, the abbreviated adventures of Gawain in The Grene Knight are never designed to evoke the elemental and barbaric conflicts and realities of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. Instead, The Grene Knight portrays a much more re fined, controlled, and courtly atmosphere. The virtues of Arthur and
Gawain are not aggressively challenged. They are evoked in a courtly, respectful manner that assumes that those virtues are true and functional.
Thus, Bredbeddle is introduced by the porter as a visiting knight, not as a belligerent intruder:
when the green knight came before the king, he stood in his stirrops strechinge & spoke with voice cleere, Sc saith, “king Arthur, god saue thee as thou sittest in thy prosperitye & maintaine thine honor.
Why thou wold me nothing but right. I am come hither a venterous [knight] & kayred thorrow countrye farr, to proue poyntes in thy pallace that longeth to manhood in euerye case among thy lordes deere. (109-120)
Larry Benson (p. 35) would disagree and feels that the reader becomes concerned with Agostes and is intent on seeing her punished. "here I make a challenging among the Lordes both old & younge that worthy beene in weeds (133-135)
This is not the arrogant, condescending challenge of the
Gawain-poet's Green Knight. It is a courtly challenge and greeting
exchanged between equals who will shortly join each other for dinner
(170-174) and even offer the loan of arms and horse (I3O-I32). This
courtly and idealised behavior further serves to indicate that the poem is not a pitched battle between good and evil. There is just too much of a sense of the comradeship of knights and men. The finale of the beheading game loses much of the impact it had in Sir Gawain and
the Green Knight because of the Grene Knight's adherence to courtly behavior and desire. His shift in focus from the potential danger of of axe to Gawain's virtue (469-475) and his desire to forget the un pleasantness and join Arthur's court (490-4-91) provide little op portunity for the reader to dwell on the potential reality of the situation. Moreover, the nick no longer has the connotation of weakness that it had in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. How it parallels the nay that Gawain nicked Bredbeddle1s wife with (488) and seems to be offered more as jovial good spirits. This explains Gawain's startled reaction when the Grene Knight robustly greets him and delivers the blow:
the knight spake with strong cheere said, "yee be welcome Sir Gawaine, heere it behooueth thee to Lowte.11
he stroke & litle perced the skin vnneth the flesh within. 1 1 5
he saith [Gawain} "thou shoutest. why dost thou soe7" (^59)
The Grene Knight holds no malice toward Gawain since he was
aware of the women's plot long before. This is made clear by the
narrator at the end of the first part of the poem: "full well hee wist
in certaine/ that his wiffe loued Sir Gawaine" (253-25*0. The Grene
Knight's gentile behavior at court mirrors this knowledge and his faith
in the virtue of Arthur's court and Gawain, and his statement, "to
proue Gawaines pointes 3" (70), is ironic. The basis for this faith
is underlined by the narrator's comment on the taking and hiding of the
laco talisman: "that was all the villanye that euer was/ prooued by Sir
Gawaine the gay" (^27^23). This introduces a tension and a dramatic
activity into the poem that cannot be found by comparing it to Sir
Gawain and the Green Knight. In the longer poem, Morgan le Fey is
attempting to discredit Arthur's court, and the wife's actions are part
of a contrived attempt to destroy virtue. The wife in The Grene Knight
is motivated by infatuation and probably a bit of lust, and Gawain's
virtue is already an unassailable fact. As a result, the explicit dram-
actic concern of The Grene Knight is not whether virtue will persevere
or whether it exists, but rather when obvious and proven virtue will be
affirmed. Thus, Kelaine Newstead is only partially correct when she says that "the explanatory habits of the author . . , obliterate the 15 wonder and suspense of Gawain and the Green Knight." It is true that
1^"Arthurian Legends," £ Manual of the Writings in Kiddle English 1050-1500: Romances, gen. ed. J. Burke Severs, Fascicule 1 (Connecticut, 190?), p. 58. 1 1 6
the narrative technique of The Grene Knight does eliminate the wonder
and suspense of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, but only to replace it with another kind of dramatic tension. "The explanatory habits" focus
the concern of the poem and the abbreviatio strips away the material that would detract from the focus. The conclusion of the poem bears this
out. The result of the final beheading scene is an affirmation of la loyaute and la fid^lite among knights and comrades-in-arms. The attemp ted infidelity of the Grene Knight's wife, Agostes' futile plot, and
Gawain's brief moment of weakness are superseded by the unity and desirability of Arthur's court and the Order of Bath.
Thus, while The Grene Knight utilizes the subject matter of
Sir Gawaine and the Green Knight, it does so in a different manner designed to serve a different purpose. Within this established con text, a serious consideration of anything but the brotherhood of knights would only cloud the issue. It is clear that the poem focuses on the establishment of the union of courtly knights on the immediate level of Gawain and the Grene Knight, and, on a more general level, it celebrates the ideal of the Round Table and the mirror of the virtue of Arthur's court, the Order of Bath.
METRE AND VERSIFICATION
Of the 497 complete lines in The Grene Knight. 8? per cent follow a regular pattern of six-line stanzas that are metrically divided into two groups of three, each group having a couplet with four stresses to a line and a third "tail" line with three stresses. 117
In four per cent of the lines, one of the lines in the stanza is va ed by an additional beat, and, in over half of these instances, the additional stress is the result of what is possibly the later addi tion of a phrase identifying the speaker, e.g. he saith 93. In two per cent of the lines, there is one less stress. A number of these stress variations form regular patterns within the stanza: lines 91-96 and 259-264 have a uniform four stress line throughout; lines 175-180 have three stresses in the second, third, fifth and sixth lines; lines
266-271 have three stresses in the first, third, sourth, and sixth lines.
In addition to the 83 six-line stanzas, there are three three- line stanzas and one five-line stanza. These stanzas may have been part of an overall organization, but the fragmentary and mutilated condition of the manuscript prevents the discovery of their original purpose, if any. Two of the three-line stanzas, lines 49-51 and 465-467, mirror the metrical form of the three-line groupings in the six-line stanza, but in the third, lines 456-458, the stresses alternate four, three, four. The one five-line stanza, lines 319-323* because of its simi larity to the prdominent stanza form, is probably the result of an earlier error in transmission. It is so mutilated, however, that it is impossible to tell what pattern of metre or rhyme it may originally have followed.
Eighty-one per cent of the lines contained in the six-line stanzas have the rime scheme a, a, b, c, c, b. Of this eighty-one per cent, seven per cent use a final, pronounced e to complete the rhyme. The three-line stanzas uniformily. duplicate the rime scheme of 118
the three-line groupings in the six-line stanzas, rhyming a, a t b.
The most striking feature of the metre and versification of
The Grene Knight is its similarity to the form of the tail-rhyme romances. While the manuscript clearly shows six-line stanza divisions, there are rhyme links between a significant number of the stanzas.
These rhyme links are predominantly between the "tail11 lines, three and six, but occasionally they occur between the other line pairings, one and two, four and five. The stanzas contained within the following line citations are rhyme linked: 7-42 (six stanzas), 6l-?8 (three),
97-108 (two), 109-120 (two), 121-144 (four), 145-162 (three), 163-174
(two), 175-186 (two), 187-198 (two), 199-210 (two), 212-234 (four),
235-246 (two), 277-323 (eight), 324-335 (two), 336-359 (four), 360-371
(two), 372-395 (four), 414^+43 (five), 444^+58 (three), 459^73 (three),
474-497 (four), and 504-515 (two). It appears, then, that The Grene
Knight has elements in it that were either a corruption of or an attempt at the tail-rhyme romance form. It may have been more or less successful in its original form, probably the former, but, without a series of manuscripts and a knowledge of the history and genesis of the poem, it is impossible to determine the original intention or any of the changes it has undergone since.
CONVENTIONAL FORKS
Conventional forms are traditionally an important element of the romance form, and, more specifically, in the tail-rhyme romances 119 that The Grene Knight seems to resemble. Such expressions can be classified in the following manner:
(a) Alliteration occurs in twenty per cent of the lines, most frequently in descriptive phrases. While two words usually alliterate, such as body & bone 18 and stiffe in stowre 46, there are a number of examples of three-word alliteration, e.g. men of mickle main 9 and both blyth & blee 46. There are also examples of double alliteration within the same line, viz. with helme & head & brand bright 22 and whether thou wilt on foote fighting 12?.
(b) There are two expressions calling for the attention of the audience, one of them at the beginning of the first part and the other at the end: List 1 and Liston Lordes 256.
(c) References to a source occur twice in the poem: & that be true that men tell me 71 and as I hard true men tell 101. In this group also belongs the page's reaction to the Grene Knight's arrival at Arthur's castle: such a sight I haue not seene 102.
(d) Assertions of the truth of a statement occur in the poem and they are frequently used as "tags” to complete a rhyme: the truth itt is not to layne 6; for sooth he hett 4-0; I dare itt safely sweare 84-, 309* the sooth to say 88, 14-5: as I weene 99; withouten any fable 183; the sooth to saine 205; I tell withouten s c ome 270; I tell you this tale for true 276; the sooth to tell 286.
(e) There are occasional statements of general and specific locations: in the west countrye 39* 515; that time at Carleile lav our king./ att a Castle of flatting was his dwelling in the forrest of 120 delamore 85-8 7 ; to the castle of button ^93*
(f) Oaths, e.g. Mary. Most of Might 72, ^25; god saue thee
112; as I am true knight and king 12^; godamercy 132; I pray leses 185;
■by Saint Michaell 228; by Saint Martins 325; I dare safely s we are 399; by Saint Leonard *+20; by god verelye 385; end the closing evocation, god, that is soe full of might./ to heauen their soules bring 511-512.
There is also a circumlocution used for Christ, viz. by him that bought mea deare 383*
(g) There are a number of references to time, e.g. lines 19,
89, l*+2 , 1^5 , 229, 259 , *+95, and 515, with one example of common expression: soone as itt was day 73.
(h) Descriptive statements, often alliterative and frequently in the form of a relative clause containing two adjectives, e.g. body
& bone 18; Lim & lightt 5^; fell & frvthe 57; bold & hardye 6*+; old & younge 13*+; stiffe & stronge 137; Loud & shrill 156, 195; dapple gray
& good 2 6 9 ; gold & pearle 272 ; brimes & bankes soe broad 282; curteous
& shecnc V+0. There are a number of expressions that follow the pattern of Most of Might 72 and of mickle maine 9, and, in lines 268-278, there is the traditional descriptive catalogue of the knight's equipment.
(i) Emotional statements, expressing wonder, grief, etc., such as in lifes dayes old & younge/ such a sight I have not seene 101-102;
All had great maruell 199; that into such a bale was brought 216; & other were dreery in thought 219; Knightes & Ladyes waxed wane 260. DIALECT
This dialect discussion is based primarily on the criteria estab
lished by Moore, Meech, and Whitehall in "Middle English Dialect
Characteristics and Dialect Boundaries." At best it can be only an
indication of location, since, as evidenced by the spelling and inflected
forms, the text is illustrative of the transition from Late Middle
English to Early Modem English which took place after the end of the
fifteenth century. By this time, dialect distinctions had begun to be
much less sharply defined, further blurring the general distinctions of
the Moore, Meech, and Whitehall isoglosses.
Although OE a is retained as an unrounded vowel in gone 259 (in rhyme with wane), in the majority of cases it is rounded to the Southern and Midland o: gone 259 (:home), 181 (:soone); goe 56 (:alsoe); froe
158 (: tooe); one 21 (:home). 316 ( :anon), 4, 15, 266, **65; soe 8, 2V,
62, 67, 200, 282, 328, 330, 336, 348, 374, 440, 459, 511; none 14, 326,
406; bone 18, 190; noe 2 5 , 37, 50, 97, 160, 162, 394 (twice), 437, 467,
487; other 219, 355, 479; stones 271, 272; bores 40?.
There are no examples of the present indicative plural ending, -(®).s of the Midland.
Shal and shold(e), of the South and the Midland, is used exclusively as opposed to the Northern sal, suld(e). or sold(e); shold 11, 14, 15, 56
225 , 264, 439; shal(l) 59, 148, 376, 394, 400.
121 122
OE a followed by m or n is uniformly used and is indicative of
South, Kentish, Southeast-Midland, Central East-Midland, Northeast-
Midland, and North: man 400; manhood 119, 221; can 132; answer 14*3; wane 260.
Them, as opposed to hem, ham, and horn, is used consistently, and is indicative of the North, Northeast-Midland, and Central East-Midland: them 11, 14, 136, 252.
There are no examples of the North-Central Vest-Midland, South-
Central West-Midland, Southwest-Midland, South retention of OE y, y, nor or [*], [*:] as a front vowel.
There are instances of both present indicative third singular endings: North -(q )s. and South -eth. The North -(e)s occurs in sendes
358. 424; sends 421; towardes 436. Three of these occurrences, however, constitute formulaic phrases that would tend to preserve dialect borrowings: what soeuer god sendes you & me 358; such as god sends 421; heere is such as god sendes mee 424, The South -eth occurs in cometh
208, draweth 229, standeth 380, taketh 433, behooueth 455, and endeth
510.
There is only one instance of the present indicative plural ending
-eth which is characteristic of the South and Southwest-Midland; longeth
119.
There are no occurrences of initial v for OE initial f. There are, however, a large number of instances of the retention of the initial f which is characteristic of the South and Kentish areas. The following examples are a sample of the more prevalent occurrences with their 123
first mention cited: fell 19, for 69, full 7*K forth 99, faire 291.
There is no evidence of retention of the West Saxon umlauts of OE
ea and ea, nor of West Saxon dipthongization of e after initial
palatals that are characteristic of the extreme South.
There are multiple instances of the -ing form of the present
participle of the majority of the dialects and none of the -and, -end
endings that characterize the extreme Southwestern coast: leadings 2;
standing 98; strechinge 110; askinge 1251 fighting 127; iusting 128;
challenging 133; mourning 215; Iustinge 24-1; swounding 263; hunting
285, 360; burning 310, 3H; sleeping 362; following 317; desiringe 508.
While the composite dialect characteristics seem more confused than
conclusive, there soes seem to be a general tendency toward localization
in the South Midlands with indications toward both the Eastern and
Western portions of this region. The grene knight
[MS. p. 203] List, wen Arthur he was King.
he had all att his leadings 2*
the broad lie of Brittain©.
England & Scottland one was
& wales stood in the same case, 5
the truth itt is not to layne.
he driue allyance out of this lie, 7#
soe Arthur liued in peace a while;
as men of mickle maine, 9+
knightes strong of their degree, 10
which of them byest shold bee. 11*
thereof Arthur was not faine.
Title] Centered, in larger letters, but in the same hand. 2 all att] att all MC. ? allyance] allyans C , 9 men] man C. H £ and ^ add 1 strove1 at the beginning of the line.
124 hee made the round table for their behoue,
that none of them shold sitt aboue,
but all shold sitt as one.
the King himselfe in state royal 1,,
Dame Gueneuer our queene withall,
seemlye of body & bone.
itt fell againe the christmase.
many came to that lordes place,
to that vorthye one, with helme & head & brand bright;
all that tooke order of knight, none wold linger att home.
20 lordes] lords MF; See Textual Commentary. 22 &] on F. 1 2 6
there was noe castle nor manor free 25* that might harbour that company©, their puissance was soe great. their tentes vp the pight 28* for to lodge there all that night. ther to was sett to meate. 30
Messengers there came, went with much victualles verament both by way & streets. wine & wild fowle thither was brought within, they spared nought 35 for gold & they might itt gett.
25 manor 1 manr M; manur C. 28 pight] pitched N. 127
Wow of King Arthur noe more I tell, 37* but of a venterous knight. I will you tell, that dwelled in the west countrye.
Sir Bredbeddle, for sooth he hett. 40 he was a man of Mickele might 41*
& Lord of great bewtye.
he had a lady to his wiffe, 43* he loued her deerlye as his liffe. shee was both blyth & blee. 45 because Sir Gawaine was stiffe in stowre, shee loued him priuilye paramour
& shee neuer him see.
37 tell] Ed; mell. 41 Mickele-]" Mickle MC. 43 his] Ed; wis. 128
itt was Agostes that was her mother; 49*
itt was witchcraft & noe other 50
that shee dealt with all.
shee cold transpose knight & swaine
like as in battaile they were slaine,
wounded both Lira & lightt. 54*
shee taught her sonne the knight alsoe 55
in transposed likenesse he shold goa,
both by fell & frythe.
shee said, "thou shalt to Arthurss hall,
for there great aduentures shall befall
[bottom of page torn away]
[MS. p. 204] That euer saw King or Knight.11 60
49 Agostes] Aggteb MC. 54 lightt] lighth M. 129
all was for her daughters sake, that they which soe sadlye spake 62* to her sonne in law the knight, because Sir Gawaine was bold & hardye
& therto full of curtesya, 65 to bring him into her sight.
the knight said. "soe mote I thee, to Arthures court will I mee hye 68* for to praise thee right
& to proue Gawaines pointes 3; 70
& that be true that men tell me. by Mary Most of Might."
62 which"] witch M. soe I she F. 68 mee] In left margin, with position indicated by a caret. earlye, soone as itt was day,
the Knight dressed him full gay, vmstrode a full good steede.
helms & hawberke both he hent,
a long fauchion verament
to fend those in his neede.
that was a lolly sight to seene, when horsse & armour was al greens
& weapons that he bare, when that burns was hamisht still, his countenance he became right well,
I dare itt safely swears.
73 as] superior. 80 al] all M. that time att Carleile lay our king, att a Castle of flatting was his dwelling in the Forrest of delamore. for sooth he rode, the sooth to say, to Carleile ha came on Christmas day, into that fayre country©.
when he into that place came, the porter thought him a Maruelous groome he saith, "Sir wither wold yee?" hee said, "I am a venterous knight
& of your king wold haue sight,
& other Lords that heere bee." noe word to him the porter spake,
but left him standing att the gate
& went forth, as I weene,
& kneeled downe before the king;
saith, "in lifes dayes old & younge
such a sight I haue not seene.
for yonder att your gates right,
he saith hee is a venterous knight.
all his vesture is greene."
then spake the king proudest in all,
saith, "bring him into the hall, let us see what hee doth meane."
106 all] pall K. 133
when the greene knight came before the king,
he stood in his stirrops streehinge 110
& spoke -with voice cleere,
& saith, "king Arthur, god saue thee
as thou sittest in thy prosperity^
& maintaine thine honor.
Why thou wold me nothing but right. 115
I am come hither a venterous [[knight]
& kayred thorrow countrye farr, to proue poyntes in thy pallace that longeth to manhood in euerye case among thy lord.es deere. 120 l>f
the king he sayd full still, 121+ till he had said all his will, certain thus can he say:
"as I am true knight and king, thou shalt haue thy askings. 125
I will not say thy nay, 126*
whether thou wilt on foots fighting or on steed backe iusting for loue of Ladyes gay.
If St thine armor be not fine, 130
I will giue thee part of mine."
"godamercy Lord." can he say,
121 sayd] satt N; sate K. 126 'see1 crossed out before 'say.1 thy] thee MC. 135
"here I make a challenging
among the Lordes both old & younge
that worthy beene in weede; 135
which of tnem will take in hand,
hee that is both stiffe & stronge
& full good att need, 138*
[MS. p. 205] I shall lay my head downe,
strike itt of, if he can, 140
with a stroke to garr itt bleed
for this day 12 monthe another at his.
let me see who will answer this,
a knight that is doughtye of deed;
138 Catchword at bottom right. I i . 14-5 month] monthe MC. 146 seicth] feicth MC. 148 to] he M. 136
for this day 12 month, the sooth to say, 145* let him come to me & seioth his praya 146* rudlye or euer hee blin, whither to come, I shall him tell, 148* the readie way to the greene Chappell, that place I will be in."
the king att ease sate full still
& all his lordes said but litle, till he had said all his will. vpp stood Sir Kay, that crabbed knight. spake mightye wordes that were of height, 155 that was both Loud & shrill:
145 month] monthe MC. 146 seicth] feioth MC. 148 to] he M. 137
"I shall strike his necke in tooe,
the head away the body froe."
the bade him all be still,
saith, "Kay, of thy dints make noe rouse. 160
thou wottest full litle what thou does, noe good but Mickle ill."
eche man wold this deed haue done, vpstart Sir Gawaine soone, vpon his knees can kneele, 165 he said, "that were great villanye without you put this deede to me. my leege, as I haue sayd, 138
remember I am your sisters s o n n a .11
the King said, "I grant thy boons, 170
but mirth is best att meele.
cheere thy guest & glue him vine,
& after dinner to itt fine
& sett the buffet well."
now the greene Knight is sett att meats, 175*
seenlye serued in his seats beside tho round table, to talk of his welfare, nothing he need; like a Knight himselfe he feedes with long time reasnable, 180
175 greene] Grene KC. when the dinner it was done, the King said to Sir Gawaine, soone withouten any fable, he said, "on you will doe this deed,
I pray Iesus be your speeds, this knight is nothing vnstable."
the greene knight his head dovne layd,
Sir Gawaine to the axe he braid to strike with egor will, he stroke the necke bone in twaine, the blood burst out in euerye vaine, the head from the body fell. the greene knight his head vp hent,
into his saddle wightilye he sprent,
spake words both Loud & shrill, 195
saith, "Gawaine, thinks on thy couenant.
this day 12 monthes see thou ne want
to come to the greene chappell.11
All had great maruell that the see
that he spake soe merrilye 200*
& bare his head in his hand,
forth att the hall dore he rode right,
& that saw both King and knight
and Lordes that were in land.
200 soej so F. 141
without the hall dore, the sooth to saine, 205
hee sett his head vpon againe,
sales, "Arthur, haue heere m y hand,
when soeuer the Knight cometh to mee,
a better buffett sickerlye
I dare him well warrand." 210*
the grene knight away went.
[page torn away at bottom^
[ms. p. 206] all this was done by enchantment
that the old witch had wrought,
sore sicke fell Arthur the King
& for him made great mourning, 215
that into such a bale was brought
210 warrandJ 'and* obscured; written over d . . . ? sorry was Sir Lancelott dulake
& other were dreery in thought, because he was brought into great perill
his mightye manhood will not availe
that before hath freshlye fought.
Sir Gawaine comfort King and Queen
& all the doughtye ther bedeene,
he bade the shold be still
said, "of my deede I was neuer feard, nor yett I am nothing a dread,
I swere by Saint Michaell.
218 Lancelot^ Lance Ho tt C. 220 perilll peril M, for when draweth toward my day,
I will clrasse me in mine array,
my promise to fulfill.
Sir," he saith, "as I haue blis,
I wott not where the greens chappell is.
therfore seeke itt I will."
the royall Couett verament
all rought Sir Gawaines intent.
they thought itt was the best.
the went forth into the feild,
knightes that ware both speere & sheeld,
the priced forth full prest.
235 Couett_ court KC. 239 speere_ speare MFC, 2^0 priced,. priked MC. 144
some chuse them to lustinge, some to dance, Reuill & sing 242* of mirth, the wold not rest, all they swc£re] togeth[er] in fere, 244* that and Sir Gawaine ouercame were, 245 the wold bren all the west.
Now leaue wee the King in his pallace. the greene Knight come home is to his owne Castle; this folke frend when he came home 25 0 * what doughtye deedes he had done, nothing he wold them tell,
242 Reuill] karoll MC. 244 Damaged. 250 this] his KC. full well hee wist in certaine that his wiffe loued Sir Gawaine, that comely® was vnder kell.
Liston Lordes, & yee will sitt,
& yee shall heere the second Fitt, what aduentures Sir Gawaine befell.
2nd parte
The day is come that Gawaine must gone
Knightes & Ladyes waxed wane
that wore without in that place,
the King himselfe siked ill,
ther Queen a swounding almost fell,
to that Ioraey when he shold passe.
250 this his KC. 2nd parte_ In left margin beside line 26l. 2&3 ther the KC. 264 Iomey] jaraey MC. When he was in armour bright, he was one of the goodlyest knightes
that euer in brittaine was borne,
they brought Sir Gawaine a steed, was dapple gray & good att need,
I tell withouten scome,
his bridle was with stones sett, with gold & pearle ouer frett
& stones of great vortue. he was of a furley kind, his stirropps were of silke of ynd,
X tell you this tale for true.
271 bridle] 'i' squeezed in. When he rode ouer the Mold, his geore glistered as gold, by the way, as he rode many furleys, he there did see fowlss by the water did flee by brinies & bankss soe broad.
many furleys there saw hee of wolues & wild beasts sikerlye; on hunting hee tooke most heede. forth he rode, the sooth to tell, for to seeke the greens chappell, he wist not where indeed.
288 where] 'h' superimposed on 'er.1 Catchword in left margin, opposite line. As l-W
[m s . p. 20?] As he rode in an eueing late 289*
riding downe a greene gate, 290
a faire caste11 saw hee
that seemed a place of Mickle pride,
thitherward Sir Gawaine can ryde
to gett some harborrowe. 29^*
thither he came in the twylight. 295*
he was ware of a gentle Knight,
the Lord of the place was hee.
Meekly to him Sir Gawaine can speake,
& asked him for King Arthurs sake,
"of harborrowe I pray thee. 300
289 eueing] euening M. 29^ harborrowe] *h' written over *g; * harborrage F. 295 twylight] Ed; twyl . , . t. I am a far Labordd Knight. 301*
I pray you lodge me all this night." he sayd him not nay. hee tooke him by the arme & led him to the hall, a poore child can hee call, 3^5 saith, "dight well this palfrey."
into a chamber the went a full great speed, there the found all things readye att need,
I dare safelye swore. fier in chambers burning bright, 3^0 candles in chandlers burning light, to supper the went full yare.
301 Labordd] labored NC. 150
he sent after his Ladye bright
to come to supp with that gentle Knight.
& shee came blythe with all. 315
forth shee came then anon, her Maides following her eche one
in robes of rich pall.
as she s a t e ...... 319* euer more the Ladye clere, 320
Sir Gawaine shee looked vpon.
When the su . . . it was done, 322* shee tooke her maides & to her chamber gone. 323*
319 s a t e ...... ] hole; att her supper FM. 322 su . . . ] obscured; supper FM. 323 maides] maides |_euery one] MC. chamber gone] chamber w ill gone C. he cheered the Knight & gaue him wine
& said, "welcome by Saint Martine.
I pray you take itt for none ill,
one thing, Sir, I wold you pray, what you make soe farr this way,
the truth you wold me tell.
I am a Knight & soe are yee;
your concell an you will tell nee,
forsooth keepo itt, I will, for if itt be poynt of any dread
perchance I may helpe att needes either lowd or still."
33^- needes] need MFC. 152
for his wordss that wore soe smooth, had Sir Gawaine wist the soothe, all he wold not haua told, for that was the greens Knight that hee was lodged with that night 3^0
& harbarrowes in his hold. 341*
he saith, Mas to the greene chappell thitherward I can you tell, itt is but furlonges 3 , 3^4+ the Master of it is a venterous Knight, 3^5
& workes by witchcraft day & night with many a great furley.
3^1 harbarrowes] harbarrowe MC. 3^4 furlongs] forlongs./ . 153
if ha worke with neuer soe much frauce, y & *
he is curteous as ha sees cause;
I tell you sikerlye, 350*
you shall abyde & take your rest
& I will into yonder Forrest
vnder the greenwood tree."
they plight their truthes to beleeue,
either with other for to deale, 355 whether it were siluer or gold,
he said, "we 2 both wilbe what soeuer god sendes you & mee 358*
to be parted on the Mold."
3*f8 frauce] franee F. 350 you] In left margin with line location indicated by a caret. 358 sendesJ send M. The greene Knight went on hunting.
Sir Gawaine in the castle beinge lay sleeping in his bed. vprose the old witche with hast throwe,
& to her daughter can shee goe
& said, "be not adread."
to her daughter can shee say,
"the man that thou hast wisht many a day, of him thou maist bee sped; for Sir Gawaine that Curteous Knight is lodged in this hall all night. shee brought her to his bedd.
362 Catchword opposite in left margin, vp= 155
shee saith, "gentle Knight, awake,
& for this faire Ladyes sake, that hath loued thee soe deere, take her boldly in thine armes. 375* there is n . . . man shall doe thee harme," 376* now beene they both heere,
the ladye kissed him times 3. saith, "without I haue the loue of thee, my life standeth in dare," 380
Sir Gawaine blushed . . . the Lady bright, 381* saith, "your husband is a gentle Knight, by him that bought mee deare
375 boldly] body KC. 376 hole; noe MFC. 381’ obscured; on MFC. 156
to mo, itt were great shame, if I shold . . . e him any grame 385+ that hath beene kind to mee. 386* for I haue such a deede to doe that I can ney . . . er rest nor roe 388* att an end till itt bee."
then spake that Ladye gay, 390 saith, "tell me some of your Ioumey, your succour I may boe. if itt be poynt of any warr, there shall noe man doe you noe darr,
& . . . wilbe gouerned by me. 395*
385 obscured; doe MFC, sholdJ schold KC. 386 kind] knind, 388 ney . , . er] obscured; neyther MFC. 395 & . . . ] faded; yee MFC. 157
for heere I haue a lace of silke,
it is as white as any milke
& of a great value,1'
shee saith, "I dare safelye sweare,
there shal noe man doe you deere 400* when you haue it vpon you." 401*
Sir Gawaine spake mildlye in the place, he thanked the Lady & tooke the lace
St. promisod her to come againe. the knight in the forrest slewmany a hind, 405 other venison he cold none find, but wild bores on the plains,
400 shal] shall MFC. 401 There is a 'ja' between 'it1 and 'vpon. ’ plentye of does & wild swine,
foxes & other ravine,
as I hard true men tell.
Sir Gawaine swore sickerlye,
"home to your owne, welcome you bee
by him that harrowes hell,"
the greene Knight his venison downe layd.
then to Sir Gawaine thus hee said,
"Tell me anon in heght what noueltyes that you haue won,
for heers plenty of venison,"
Sir Gawaine said full right,
416 heght] hight MC. Sir Gawaine sware by Saint Leonard,
"such as god sends, you shall haue part
in his armes he hent the Knight
& there he kissed him times 3,
saith, "heere is such as god sendes mee
by Mary, most of Might."
euer priuilye he held the Lace
that was all the villanye that euer was prooued by Sir Gawaine the gay. then to bed soone the went
& sleeped there verament till morrow itt was day. 160
then Sir Gawaine, soe curteous & free, 4-32*
his leaue soone taketh hee
att the Lady soe gaye;
[MS. p. 209] Hee thanked her & tooke the lace, ^35
& rode towardes the chappoll apace,
he knew noe whitt the way.
euermore in his thought he had
whether he shold worke as the Ladye bade,
that was soe curteous & sheene, W-0
the greene knight rode another way.
he transposed him in another array,
before as it was greene.
^32 soe] Written above the line. 43^ Catchword opposite in right margin. He=. 161
as Sir Gawaine rode ouer the plaine, he herd one high vpon a Mountains 445+
a h o m e blowne full lowde. he looked after the greene Chappell, he saw itt stand vnder a hill couered with euyes about.
he looked after the greene knight. 450 he hard him wehett a fauchion bright 451* that the hills rang about. the knight spake with strong cheere said, "yee be welcome Sir Gawaine, heere it behooueth thee to Lowte." 455
445 herd] hard MFC. 451 vehetij Written in left margin to replace word struck out in the line; whett MC. 162
he stroke & litle perced the skin
vnneth the flesh within.
then Sir Gawaine had no . . . doubt, 458*
he saith, "thou shoutest. why dost thou soe?" 459*
then Sir Gawaine in hart waxed throe, 460*
vpon his Feete can stand, 461*
& soone he drew out his sword,
& saith, "traitor of thou speake & word,
thy liffe is in . . . hand. 464*
I had but one stroke att thee 465
& thou hast had another att mee. 466* noe falshood in me thou found.
458 no . . . J obscured; noe MFC. 459 shoutest] shontest FC. 460 in hart] Written in left margin & position indicated by a caret. 461 can] con M. 464 in . . . hand] hole; my MFC. 466 another] onother C. 163
the Knight said wi thouten laina,
"I wend I had Sir Gawaine slaine,
the gentlest Knight in this land. 4*70
men told me of great renowne,
of curtesie thou might haue vroon the crowne
aboue both free & bound,
4 alsoe of great gentrye,
& now 3 pointes be put fro thee. 475
it is the Moe pittye,
Sir Gawaine thou vast not Leele when thou didst the lace conceals
that my wiffe gaue to thee. 164
For wee were both, thou wist full well, 480 for thou hadst the halfe dale 481* of my venerye. 482* if the lace had neuer beene wrought, to haue slaine thee was neuer xny thought,
I swere by god verelye. 485
I wist it well my wiffe loued thee, thou wold doe me noe villanye, but nicked her with nay. but wilt thou doe as I bidd thee? take me to Arthurss court with thee, 490 then were all to my pay."
481 dale] dele MC. 482 venerye] 1venetye1 crossed out. 165
now are the foightes accorded theret 492* to the castle of hutton can the fare to lodge there all that night, earlye on the other day, 495 to Arthurss court the tooke the way with hartes blyth & light.
all the Court was full faine; 498 * aliue when they say Sir Gawaine, they thanked god aboue. 500* that is the natter & the case 501 * why Knightes of the bathe weare the lace vntil they haue wonen their shoen,
492 there] Ed; thore 498 the] Written above the line. 500 aboue] abone MC. 501 the] Written above the line. 166
or else a ladye of hye estate
from about his necke shall it take 505
fore the doughtye deedes that hee hath done.
It was oonfirmed by Arthur the King;
thorrow Sir Gawaines desiringe
the king granted hi ...... 509*
[bottom of page cut away]
[MS. p. 210] Thus endeth the tale of the greene Knight. 510
god, that is soe full of might,
to heauen their soules bring
that haue herd this litle storye 513*
that fell some times in the west countrye
In Arthures dayes our king. Finis. 515*
509 Line cut away; him his boons MFC. 513 herd] hard MFC. 515 king.] king./T TEXTUAL COMMENTARY
20 The previous editors of the poem uniformly transcribe as 's;1
in fact, the meter, grammar, and handwriting indicate that it should be transcribed as 'as.' Often it signifies the genitive. but
occasionally it is the plural of the noun.
EXPLANATORY NOTES k 0 Sir Bredbeddle. In King Arthur and the King of Cornwall (Percy
Folio Manuscript), he is Arthur's companion and is able to conjure the fiend, Burlow-Beanie. Both Hales and Fumivall (Bishop Percy's Folio
Manuscript, II, 59-60) and Kittredge (A Study of Sir Gawain and the
Green Knight, pp. 125ff.) suggest that it is a corrupted form of
Bertilak. Also see Hulbert ("Gawain and the Green Knight, M P , 13
[1915], 76n.).
86 flatting. Its only occurrence in Arthurian literature (Ackerman,
Index of Arthurian Names. p. 89 ).
8? delamore. Hales and Fumivall (II,61) suggest it is near Carlisle.
Madden (Syr Gawain. p. 353) describes it as "an immense tract of wood and waste near Cheshire."
118, ^75 poynts. Identified as "boldness, his courtesy, his hardiness" by Fumivall and Hales (II, 57)*
16 ? 168
228 Saint Michaell, the Archangel, is usually depicted in armor with
sword and scales, and he has been shown as the weigher of souls at
the Last Judgment (Helen Boeder, Saints and their Attributes. p. 25).
An appropriate oath for a knight embarking on a quest demanding
fortitude and courage,
325 Saint Martine is probably Saint Martin of Tours (d. 397), and is
usually shown as a young soldier on horseback dividing his cloak with
a beggar (Roeder, Saints and their Attributes. p. 61). This oath,
correctly used by the Grene Knight to offer hospitality to Gawain, is
probably a traditional greeting.
396, 502-506 Madden comments that the lace was worn on the left
shoulder as early as the reign of Richard II. Madden also cites a
passage in Lord Herbert of Cherbury's autobiography in which it is
indicated that "the practice was still observed in the reign of James the First, and that the knights were obliged to wear the lace until they had done something famous in arms, or till some lady of honor had taken it off" (Syr Gawaine. p. 35*0.
Fumivall and Hales also quote a letter written by J.R. Planche that indicates that it was the custom of the Knights of Bath, as early as the reign of Henry the Fourth, to wear a lace or shoulder knot of white silk on the left shoulder (II, 57).
420 Saint Leonard is probably Leonard of Nob lac, the six-century Frank, who is known for his freeing of prisoners during the reign of Clovis
(Fumivall and Hales, II, 74), and is usually depicted with chains on his hands (Roeder, Saints and their Attributes, p. 89)* Gawadn's reference to Saint Leonard may symbolize his entrapment by the wife1 wiles.
493 hutton. Identified with Hutton Manor House, Somersetshire by
Fumivall and Hales (II, 76). BIBLIOGRAPHY
EDITIONS
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