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Latin Curse Texts: Mediterranean Tradition and Local Diversity
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository of the Academy's Library Acta Ant. Hung. 57, 2017, 57–82 DOI: 10.1556/068.2017.57.1.5 DANIELA URBANOVÁ LATIN CURSE TEXTS: MEDITERRANEAN TRADITION AND LOCAL DIVERSITY Summary: There are altogether about six hundred Latin curse texts, most of which are inscribed on lead tablets. The extant Latin defixiones are attested from the 2nd cent. BCE to the end of the 4th and begin- ning of the 5th century. However, the number of extant tablets is certainly not final, which is clear from the new findings in Mainz recently published by Blänsdorf (2012, 34 tablets),1 the evidence found in the fountain dedicated to Anna Perenna in Rome 2012, (26 tablets and other inscribed magical items),2 or the new findings in Pannonia (Barta 2009).3 The curse tablets were addressed exclusively to the supernatural powers, so their authors usually hid them very well to be banished from the eyes of mortals; not to speak of the randomness of the archaeological findings. Thus, it can be assumed that the preserved defixiones are only a fragment of the overall ancient production. Remarkable diversities in cursing practice can be found when comparing the preserved defixiones from particular provinces of the Roman Empire and their specific features, as this contribution wants to show. Key words: Curses with their language, formulas, and content representing a particular Mediterranean tradi- tion documented in Greek, Latin, Egyptian Coptic, as well as Oscan curse tablets, Latin curse tablets, curse tax- onomy, specific features of curse tablets from Italy, Africa, Britannia, northern provinces of the Roman Empire There are about 1600 defixiones known today from the entire ancient world dated from the 5th century BCE up to the 5th century CE, which makes a whole millennium. -
1 the Politics of the Arena
THE POLITICS OF THE ARENA 1 1 The Politics of the Arena Origin and Growth of Games The great games of the ancient Mediterranean grew out of religious holidays to become spectacular celebrations of the divine pantheon, events that not only called upon divine support to ensure continued prosperity for the state, but also offered an elaborate, formalized series of actions that encouraged, even required, the participation of an expanded human audience. These spectacles tended to follow a standard format of procession, sacrifice, and games. The procession, the first part of the festival, was, practically speaking, a means of conveying the worshipers, the officiants, and their implements of worship to the sacred space of the altar or temple. To enhance the ritual quality of the movement, the procession followed a specific, religiously significant pathway; the personnel were arranged in a specific order; the participants wore particular kinds of clothing, spoke or sang ritual words. These guidelines could involve sacrificial animals in the procession as well, who not only would be draped in wreaths or ribbons, to set them apart from “common” animals, to make them “sacred”, but also were meant to conform to certain kinds of behavior: they had to seem willing to approach the altar, and cult officials who accompanied them made sure of this. The procession was followed by the sacrifice. Sacrifice was the basic act of Graeco-Roman religion, establishing a positive relationship between deity and worshiper through the offering of a gift; this could mean the immolation of an animal, the pouring of a wine or oil libation, or setting cakes or flowers on the god’s altar for his enjoyment. -
2. Fighting Corruption: Political Thought and Practice in the Late Roman Republic
2. Fighting Corruption: Political Thought and Practice in the Late Roman Republic Valentina Arena, University College London Introduction According to ancient Roman authors, the Roman Republic fell because of its moral corruption.i Corruption, corruptio in Latin, indicated in its most general connotation the damage and consequent disruption of shared values and practices, which, amongst other facets, could take the form of crimes, such as ambitus (bribery), peculatus (theft of public funds) and res repentundae (maladministration of provinces). To counteract such a state of affairs, the Romans of the late Republic enacted three main categories of anticorruption measures: first, they attempted to reform the censorship instituted in the fifth century as the supervisory body of public morality (cura morum); secondly, they enacted a number of preventive as well as punitive measures;ii and thirdly, they debated and, at times, implemented reforms concerning the senate, the jury courts and the popular assemblies, the proper functioning of which they thought might arrest and reverse the process of corruption and the moral and political decline of their commonwealth. Modern studies concerned with Roman anticorruption measures have traditionally focused either on a specific set of laws, such as the leges de ambitu, or on the moralistic discourse in which they are embedded. Even studies that adopt a holistic approach to this subject are premised on a distinction between the actual measures the Romans put in place to address the problem of corruption and the moral discourse in which they are embedded.iii What these works tend to share is a suspicious attitude towards Roman moralistic discourse on corruption which, they posit, obfuscates the issue at stake and has acted as a hindrance to the eradication of this phenomenon.iv Roman analysis of its moral decline was not only the song of the traditional laudator temporis acti, but rather, I claim, included, alongside traditional literary topoi, also themes of central preoccupation to Classical political thought. -
Graham Jones
Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium.. -
An Ancient Cave Sanctuary Underneath the Theatre of Miletus
https://publications.dainst.org iDAI.publications ELEKTRONISCHE PUBLIKATIONEN DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Dies ist ein digitaler Sonderdruck des Beitrags / This is a digital offprint of the article Philipp Niewöhner An Ancient Cave Sanctuary underneath the Theatre of Miletus, Beauty, Mutilation, and Burial of Ancient Sculpture in Late Antiquity, and the History of the Seaward Defences aus / from Archäologischer Anzeiger Ausgabe / Issue 1 • 2016 Seite / Page 67–156 https://publications.dainst.org/journals/aa/1931/5962 • urn:nbn:de:0048-journals.aa-2016-1-p67-156-v5962.3 Verantwortliche Redaktion / Publishing editor Redaktion der Zentrale | Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Weitere Informationen unter / For further information see https://publications.dainst.org/journals/aa ISSN der Online-Ausgabe / ISSN of the online edition 2510-4713 Verlag / Publisher Ernst Wasmuth Verlag GmbH & Co. Tübingen ©2017 Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Zentrale, Podbielskiallee 69–71, 14195 Berlin, Tel: +49 30 187711-0 Email: [email protected] / Web: dainst.org Nutzungsbedingungen: Mit dem Herunterladen erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen (https://publications.dainst.org/terms-of-use) von iDAI.publications an. Die Nutzung der Inhalte ist ausschließlich privaten Nutzerinnen / Nutzern für den eigenen wissenschaftlichen und sonstigen privaten Gebrauch gestattet. Sämtliche Texte, Bilder und sonstige Inhalte in diesem Dokument unterliegen dem Schutz des Urheberrechts gemäß dem Urheberrechtsgesetz der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Die Inhalte können von Ihnen nur dann genutzt und vervielfältigt werden, wenn Ihnen dies im Einzelfall durch den Rechteinhaber oder die Schrankenregelungen des Urheberrechts gestattet ist. Jede Art der Nutzung zu gewerblichen Zwecken ist untersagt. Zu den Möglichkeiten einer Lizensierung von Nutzungsrechten wenden Sie sich bitte direkt an die verantwortlichen Herausgeberinnen/Herausgeber der entsprechenden Publikationsorgane oder an die Online-Redaktion des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts ([email protected]). -
Dr. Emmanuel Ramírez Nieves
Universidad de Puerto Rico Recinto de Río Piedras Departamento de Literatura Comparada Literatura Clásica Latina, LITE 3052. Segundo semestre, año académico 2018-2019. Profesor: Dr. Emmanuel Ramírez Nieves Oficina: Janer 129 Horas de oficina: lunes 2:30-3:30 p.m., jueves 2:30-3:50 p.m., o por acuerdo e-mail: [email protected] Salón: LPM 122 3 créditos, 3 horas Sitio web del curso: https://sites.google.com/s/1fS2hDv2GpvcfzZMmonitG4zlNk8eDWl1/p/1p_hGp5 0pCqmNd6Wl6d8u6pifZmL3awmR/edit Descripción general del curso: En esta parte del curso de dos semestres, estudiaremos la literatura clásica romana (desde el siglo III a. C. hasta los siglos IV y V d. C.) en sus contextos culturales e históricos. Leeremos ejemplos de varios géneros literarios clásicos: dramas de Séneca (tragedia) y Plauto (comedia), poemas de la lírica clásica latina de Catulo y Horacio, ensayos filosóficos de Cicerón, la épica La Eneida de Virgilio y las Metamorfosis de Ovidio, entre otros. Consideraremos éstos en relación con los textos filosóficos, cosmogónicos, científicos e históricos de la cultura clásica romana. Preguntaremos ¿qué significaba la literatura en la época clásica y cómo interpretan otros tiempos posteriores esta literatura? ¿Cuál era su importancia en la legitimación y formación de la cultura occidental durante los siglos? ¿Qué significa la literatura clásica dentro de los estudios de la literatura comparada en la UPR? Además de los estilos y el contenido de la literatura consideraremos también asuntos teóricos de género, la sex ualidad, el placer, las emociones, la formación de comunidades y la ética. Objetivos: Al finalizar el curso el y la estudiante: 1. -
The Imperial Cult and the Individual
THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME _______________________________________ A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Department of Ancient Mediterranean Studies at the University of Missouri-Columbia _______________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy _____________________________________________________ by CLAIRE McGRAW Dr. Dennis Trout, Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2019 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME presented by Claire McGraw, a candidate for the degree of doctor of philosophy, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. _______________________________________________ Professor Dennis Trout _______________________________________________ Professor Anatole Mori _______________________________________________ Professor Raymond Marks _______________________________________________ Professor Marcello Mogetta _______________________________________________ Professor Sean Gurd DEDICATION There are many people who deserve to be mentioned here, and I hope I have not forgotten anyone. I must begin with my family, Tom, Michael, Lisa, and Mom. Their love and support throughout this entire process have meant so much to me. I dedicate this project to my Mom especially; I must acknowledge that nearly every good thing I know and good decision I’ve made is because of her. She has (literally and figuratively) pushed me to achieve this dream. Mom has been my rock, my wall to lean upon, every single day. I love you, Mom. Tom, Michael, and Lisa have been the best siblings and sister-in-law. Tom thinks what I do is cool, and that means the world to a little sister. -
Marriage in Roman Law
YALE LAW JOURNAL VOL. XVI. MARCH, 1907. No. 5 MARRIAGE IN ROMAN LAW. 'TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL FRENCH TEXT BY ANDREW I'. BIRRKAN, D. C. L.; EDITED BY CHARLES P. SHERMAN, D. C. L., INSTRUCTOR IN ROMAN LAW, YALE LAW SCHOOL Monogamy was, among the Romans, a traditional custom, ordained by the positive law: Neminem, qui sub dicione sit Romani nominis, binas uxores habere posse vulgo patet, cum et in edicto praetoris huiusmodi viri infamia notati sint. Quam rem covpetensjudex, inultam esse non patietur. (Cod. 5, 5, 2.) In Roman Law, marriage is a status created by a simple pri- vate agreement. Its validity results from this understanding and is absolutely independent of the betrothal which ordinarily precedes, of physical cohabitation (nuptias non concubitus, sed con- sensusfadt, says Ulpian in the Digest), of the festivities or of the religious ceremony by which it may be accompanied; it is finally independent of any settlement which confirms the pecuniary terms of the union and serves as its evidence. However, accord- ing to the opinion of many authors, Roman marriage, even of the last period, was never formed simply by the mere exchange of consents; it presupposed a mode of living characterized by public acts of various kinds. That the concordant wills alone did not suffice is, in the first place, shown by the fact, that marriage may take place outside of the presence of the future husband, providing the bride should be brought to his house; finally, and above all, it could not take place in the absence of the bride, since in this case she could not possibly be at the hus- band's disposal. -
TRADITIONAL POETRY and the ANNALES of QUINTUS ENNIUS John Francis Fisher A
REINVENTING EPIC: TRADITIONAL POETRY AND THE ANNALES OF QUINTUS ENNIUS John Francis Fisher A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS SEPTEMBER 2006 UMI Number: 3223832 UMI Microform 3223832 Copyright 2006 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 © Copyright by John Francis Fisher, 2006. All rights reserved. ii Reinventing Epic: Traditional Poetry and the Annales of Quintus Ennius John Francis Fisher Abstract The present scholarship views the Annales of Quintus Ennius as a hybrid of the Latin Saturnian and Greek hexameter traditions. This configuration overlooks the influence of a larger and older tradition of Italic verbal art which manifests itself in documents such as the prayers preserved in Cato’s De agricultura in Latin, the Iguvine Tables in Umbrian, and documents in other Italic languages including Oscan and South Picene. These documents are marked by three salient features: alliterative doubling figures, figurae etymologicae, and a pool of traditional phraseology which may be traced back to Proto-Italic, the reconstructed ancestor of the Italic languages. A close examination of the fragments of the Annales reveals that all three of these markers of Italic verbal art are integral parts of the diction the poem. Ennius famously remarked that he possessed three hearts, one Latin, one Greek and one Oscan, which the second century writer Aulus Gellius understands as ability to speak three languages. -
The Vestal Virgins' Socio-Political Role and the Narrative of Roma
Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 2021; 14 (2), s. 127–151 doi:10.4467/20844131KS.21.011.13519 www.ejournals.eu/Krakowskie-Studia-z-Historii-Panstwa-i-Prawa Zeszyt 2 Karolina WyrWińsKa http:/orcid.org/0000-0001-8937-6271 Jagiellonian University in Kraków The Vestal Virgins’ Socio-political Role and the Narrative of Roma Aeterna Abstract Roman women – priestesses, patrician women, mysterious guardians of the sacred flame of goddess Vesta, admired and respected, sometimes blamed for misfortune of the Eternal City. Vestals identified with the eternity of Rome, the priestesses having a specific, unavailable to other women power. That power gained at the moment of a ritual capture (captio) and responsibilities and privileges resulted from it are the subject matter of this paper. The special attention is paid to the importance of Vestals for Rome and Romans in various historic moments, and to the purifying rituals performed by Vestals on behalf of the Roman state’s fortune. The study presents probable dating and possible causes of the end of the College of the Vestals in Rome. Keywords: Vesta, vestals, priesthood, priestesses, rituals Słowa kluczowe: Westa, westalki, kapłaństwo, kapłanki, rytuały Vesta and her priestesses Plutarch was not certain to which of the Roman kings attribute the implementation of the cult of Vesta in Rome, for he indicated that it had been done either by the legendary king- priest Numa Pompilius or even Romulus, who himself being a son of a Vestal Virgin, according to the legend, transferred the cult of the goddess from Alba Longa,1 which was contradicted by Livy’s work that categorically attributes the establishment of the Vestal Virgins to Numa by removing the priesthood structure from Alba Longa and providing it with support from the state treasury as well as by granting the priestesses numerous privileges”.2 Vesta, the daughter of Saturn and Ops became one of the most important 1 Plut. -
The Vestal Habit
THE VESTAL HABIT Andrew B. Gallia* In her epochal study of the Vestal virgins, Mary Beard called attention to the ambiguous position of these priestesses in relation to the normative categories of gender in Roman society.1 Drawing on the insights of structural anthropology, she argued that this ambiguity was central to the Vestals’ sacredness. Essentially, her interpretation rests on the proposition that, by combining features relating to the status of unmarried daughters (virgines) with those of married women (matronae), the priestesses became in themselves vessels for the symbolic mediation between culturally opposed categories that Claude Lévi-Strauss, Mary Douglas, and others have identified as a central function of myth and ritual.2 Although the underlying observation about the peculiarity of the Vestals’ “sexual status” must ultimately be allowed to stand, more recent work on the inherent instability of categories of sex and gender suggests that we ought to revisit the problem of the priestesses’ ambiguity, paying closer attention to the socially contingent nature of its production.3 In this article, I will confine my discussion to an aspect of gender construction that Beard regarded as essential to establishing the matronal piece of the Vestals’ supposed interstitiality: * Published in Classical Philology 109.3 (2014). 1 Beard 1980. 2 Beard 1980, 23-4; cf. Lévi-Strauss 1955, 437-42; Douglas 1969, 163-70; Leach 1976, 34-6. 3 Butler 1990; Fausto Sterling 2000. For social-historical critiques of Beard’s original thesis, see Gardner 1986, 22-6; Cancik-Lindemaier 1990; Scardigli 2003; Gallia 2015. Note also the subsequent self-critique of Beard 1995, although this account is avowedly “not concerned with ‘how the facts fit’” (169). -
Caecilia, Calpurnia, and Their Dreams of Political Importance. Patterns of Constructing Gender Relations and Female Scope for Action in Ancient Roman Sources
Athens Journal of History - Volume 4, Issue 2 – Pages 93-116 Caecilia, Calpurnia, and Their Dreams of Political Importance. Patterns of Constructing Gender Relations and Female Scope for Action in Ancient Roman Sources By Anna Katharina Romund During the crisis of the Roman Republic, ancient sources mention a number of political interventions by women. The paper at hand seeks to investigate two of these occurences in which dreams motivated women to play an active role in political affairs. Cicero and Julius Obsequens report the dream of Caecilia Metella that instigated the repair of the temple of Juno Sospita in 90 BC. Nicolaus of Damascus, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus, Plutarch, Suetonius, Appian, Cassius Dio, and, again, Obsequens cover the dream of Caesar's wife Calpurnia in their works. According to them, the dream drove her to save Caesar from the imminent assassination in 44 BC. If we aim for a better understanding of the growing female scope for action, we will need to systematically analyse ancient authors’ personal conceptions of gender relations in a comparative way. Therefore, my paper examines the reports on Caecilia and Calpurnia in order to find recurring patterns that reflect the writers’ ideas of gender relations and gender hierarchies. A three-step analysis scheme will be created. 1) The model regards family roles as an indicator of the gender relationship discussed by the author. 2) The verbal or non-verbal mode of the woman’s intervention, whether of strong or weak intensity, mirrors the options of female action depending on that specific relationship. Furthermore, this relationship is defined by means of the depicted reaction attributed to the addressee.