World Protests 2006-2013
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A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE by Ethan Earle Table of Contents
A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE By Ethan Earle Table of Contents Spontaneity and Organization. By the Editors................................................................................1 A Brief History of Occupy Wall Street....................................................2 By Ethan Earle The Beginnings..............................................................................................................................2 Occupy Wall Street Goes Viral.....................................................................................................4 Inside the Occupation..................................................................................................................7 Police Evictions and a Winter of Discontent..............................................................................9 How to Occupy Without an Occupation...................................................................................10 How and Why It Happened........................................................................................................12 The Impact of Occupy.................................................................................................................15 The Future of OWS.....................................................................................................................16 Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, November 2012 Editors: Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114, -
The Occupy Wall Street Movement's Struggle Over Privately Owned
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 3162–3181 1932–8036/20170005 A Noneventful Social Movement: The Occupy Wall Street Movement’s Struggle Over Privately Owned Public Space HAO CAO The University of Texas at Austin, USA Why did the Occupy Wall Street movement settle in Zuccotti Park, a privately owned public space? Why did the movement get evicted after a two-month occupation? To answer these questions, this study offers a new tentative framework, spatial opportunity structure, to understand spatial politics in social movements as the interaction of spatial structure and agency. Drawing on opportunity structure models, Sewell’s dual concept of spatial structure and agency, and his concept of event, I analyze how the Occupy activists took over and repurposed Zuccotti Park from a site of consumption and leisure to a space of political claim making. Yet, with unsympathetic public opinion, intensifying policing and surveillance, and unfavorable court rulings privileging property rights over speech rights, the temporary success did not stabilize into a durable transformation of spatial structure. My study not only explains the Occupy movement’s spatial politics but also offers a novel framework to understand the struggle over privatization of public space for future social movements and public speech and assembly in general. Keywords: Occupy Wall Street movement, privately owned public space (POPS), spatial opportunity structure, spatial agency, spatial structure, event Collective actions presuppose the copresence of “large numbers of people into limited spaces” (Sewell, 2001, p. 58). To hold many people, such spaces should, in principle, be public sites that permit free access to everyone. The Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement, targeting the engulfing inequality in the age of financialization and neoliberalization, used occupation of symbolic sites to convey its message. -
Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees
Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees Journalist Category Mahmoud Abou Zeid, aka Shawkan (Egypt) “I am a photojournalist, not a criminal,” Shawkan wrote from Tora prison in February. “My indefinite detention is psychologically unbearable. Not even animals would survive in these conditions." Shawkan is an Egyptian freelance photojournalist who has been in pretrial detention for more than 760 days. He was arrested on 14 August 2013 while providing the US photojournalism agency Demotix and the US digital media company Corbis with coverage of the violence used to disperse demonstrations by deposed President Mohamed Morsi’s supporters in Rabiaa AlAwadiya Square. Three journalists were killed that day in connection with their work Aged 28, Shawkan covered developments in Egypt closely from Mubarak’s fall to Morsi’s overthrow and on several occasions obtained striking shots of the popular unrest. His detention became illegal in August of this year because, under Egyptian law, pretrial detention may surpass two years only in exceptional cases. Few people in Egypt have ever been held pending trial as long as him. A date has finally been set for the start of his trial, 12 December 2015, when he will be prosecuted before a Cairo criminal court along with more than 700 other defendants including members of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was declared a terrorist organization in December 2013. Many charges have been brought against him without any evidence, according to his lawyer, Karim Abdelrady. The most serious include joining a banned organization [the Muslim Brotherhood], murder, attacking the security forces and possession of weapons. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Real Democracy in the Occupy Movement
NO STABLE GROUND: REAL DEMOCRACY IN THE OCCUPY MOVEMENT ANNA SZOLUCHA PhD Thesis Department of Sociology, Maynooth University November 2014 Head of Department: Prof. Mary Corcoran Supervisor: Dr Laurence Cox Rodzicom To my Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is an outcome of many joyous and creative (sometimes also puzzling) encounters that I shared with the participants of Occupy in Ireland and the San Francisco Bay Area. I am truly indebted to you for your unending generosity, ingenuity and determination; for taking the risks (for many of us, yet again) and continuing to fight and create. It is your voices and experiences that are central to me in these pages and I hope that you will find here something that touches a part of you, not in a nostalgic way, but as an impulse to act. First and foremost, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Laurence Cox, whose unfaltering encouragement, assistance, advice and expert knowledge were invaluable for the successful completion of this research. He was always an enormously responsive and generous mentor and his critique helped sharpen this thesis in many ways. Thank you for being supportive also in so many other areas and for ushering me in to the complex world of activist research. I am also grateful to Eddie Yuen who helped me find my way around Oakland and introduced me to many Occupy participants – your help was priceless and I really enjoyed meeting you. I wanted to thank Prof. Szymon Wróbel for debates about philosophy and conversations about life as well as for his continuing support. -
Piquetes, Cacerolazos Y El Motivo De La Madre Perturbada Alteridades, Vol
Alteridades ISSN: 0188-7017 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa México Pérez, Adrián Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada Alteridades, vol. 14, núm. 28, julio-diciembre, 2004, pp. 75-89 Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=74702807 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ALTERIDADES, 2004 14 (28): Págs. 75-89 Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada* ADRIÁN PÉREZ MELGOZA** Resumen Abstract: Este trabajo estudia el universo simbólico de las protestas This paper studies the symbolic universe of current street callejeras argentinas en combinación con un análisis de cinco protests in Argentina in combination with five films from the películas de la postdictadura que contienen el motivo de la ma- post-dictatorship that contain the deranged mother motif. dre perturbada. Ambos fenómenos indican la existencia de Both phenomena indicate the existence of a profound cultural una profunda contradicción cultural en el país: mientras las contradiction in the country: while women and symbols of mujeres y los símbolos de la maternidad juegan un papel maternity are playing key roles in the articulation of effective central en la articulación de cambios políticos efectivos, muchas political change, many films include the character of the películas utilizan el personaje de la madre perturbada como deranged mother as a metaphor for the nation and displace metáfora de la nación desplazando sobre ella las responsabili- over her the responsibilities for the country’s crises. -
The Distribution of Bolivia's Most Important Natural Resources And
Issue Brief • July 2008 The Distribution of Bolivia’s Most Important Natural Resources and the Autonomy Conflicts BY MARK WEISBROT AND LUIS SANDOVAL * Over the last year, there has been an escalation in the political battles between the government of President Evo Morales and a conservative opposition, based primarily in the prefectures, or provinces. The opposition groups have rallied around various issues but have recently begun to focus on "autonomy." Some of the details of this autonomy are legally complex and ambiguous, and they vary among the provinces whose governments are demanding autonomy. Since May of this year, four prefectures – Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando, and Tarija, which are often referred to as the "Media Luna" 1 – have held referenda, which were ruled illegal by the national judiciary, 2 in which a majority of those voting voted in favor of autonomy statutes. While there are a number of political and ideological aspects to this conflict, this paper focuses on one of the most important underlying sources of the dispute: the distribution of Bolivia's most important natural resources. For reasons described below, these are arable land and hydrocarbons. This paper shows that the ownership and distribution of these key resources are at the center of the current conflict. Furthermore, it appears that reform of this ownership and distribution may be necessary for the government to deliver on its political promise to improve the living standards of the country's poor majority, who are also disproportionately indigenous. According to the most recent data, Bolivia has a poverty rate of 60 percent. The number of people in extreme poverty is about 38 percent (UDAPE, 2008). -
Appendix C: High School Summit Notes High School Student Climate Change Summit, October 19, 2019
Appendix C: High School Summit Notes High School Student Climate Change Summit, October 19, 2019 Built Environment Facilitator: Izzy, Lucena, Aileen Lawrence, Mayani, Emma, Yelena, Talon Participants: Grace, Sydney, Alyssa, Darius Question: What does our city look like when it’s carbon free? More trees, solar panels in populated areas More local food Electric car charging, replacement of gas stations Emphasis on recycling, making it more available More reusable packaging and less of it Getting families and older generation on board, annoy them into it Forests on buildings, plant walls @ DOCO More parks means more biking Grey water system, saving water, refilter water Water recycling? Conservation? Compost bins in school cafeteria, reusable plates for meals, easily recyclable materials Urban farms, bring to west sac Have more native plants on landscape Using old affordable materials to build housing, involve contractors and architects Useful landscapes, garden and drought resistant plants Rock garden among schools Bring plants into classrooms Community gardens/arboretum/green spaces Drought tolerant landscapes of California native plants Preserving current landscapes and planting more trees, mitigation More farmers markets, more farm to fork, more local food More solar panels and renewable energy Energy efficient buildings, vertical gardens outside of and on top of buildings with drought resistant and native plants, community gardens, farm to fork self sufficient communities for homeless and low income Wiser land development, school and -
Online Media and the 2016 US Presidential Election
Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Faris, Robert M., Hal Roberts, Bruce Etling, Nikki Bourassa, Ethan Zuckerman, and Yochai Benkler. 2017. Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society Research Paper. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33759251 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA AUGUST 2017 PARTISANSHIP, Robert Faris Hal Roberts PROPAGANDA, & Bruce Etling Nikki Bourassa DISINFORMATION Ethan Zuckerman Yochai Benkler Online Media & the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper is the result of months of effort and has only come to be as a result of the generous input of many people from the Berkman Klein Center and beyond. Jonas Kaiser and Paola Villarreal expanded our thinking around methods and interpretation. Brendan Roach provided excellent research assistance. Rebekah Heacock Jones helped get this research off the ground, and Justin Clark helped bring it home. We are grateful to Gretchen Weber, David Talbot, and Daniel Dennis Jones for their assistance in the production and publication of this study. This paper has also benefited from contributions of many outside the Berkman Klein community. The entire Media Cloud team at the Center for Civic Media at MIT’s Media Lab has been essential to this research. -
THESIS NO MORALES Corrections
University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/2047 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. Andreas Tsolakis Globalisation and the reform of the Bolivian state, 1985-2005 Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics and International Studies University of Warwick March 2009 2 Table of Contents Illustrations and tables 3 Acknowledgments 5 Abbreviations and acronyms 6 Abstract 10 Chapter 1: Introduction 12 Chapter 2: The state as contradictory organisation of subjection 59 Chapter 3: The National Revolution, state capitalism and crisis 92 Chapter 4: The transnational historic bloc and global restructuring 125 Chapter 5: The internationalisation of the Bolivian state, 1985-2005 172 Chapter 6: Polyarchy in Bolivia, 1985-2005 221 Chapter 7: Conclusion 267 Appendix 1: Selected economic indicators 279 Appendix 2: Bolivian state map 286 Appendix 3: List of interviewees 287 Notes 289 Bibliography 322 3 Illustrations and Tables Tables : 1.1 Bolivian governments, 1985-2005. 3.1 Bolivian governments, 1951-1985. 3.2 Capital flight during Banzerato and democratic transition era. 3.3 Fixed investment, as percentage of GDP 1970-1985. 3.4 Pre-transition election results (% vote; major parties only). 4.1 Relative importance of major state-owned enterprises 1990. -
The Axis and Allied Maritime Operations Around Southern Africa, 1939-1945
THE AXIS AND ALLIED MARITIME OPERATIONS AROUND SOUTHERN AFRICA, 1939-1945 Evert Philippus Kleynhans Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Military Science (Military History) in the Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof I.J. van der Waag Co-supervisor: Dr E.K. Fedorowich December 2018 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: December 2018 Copyright © 2018 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract The majority of academic and popular studies on the South African participation in the Second World War historically focus on the military operations of the Union Defence Force in East Africa, North Africa, Madagascar and Italy. Recently, there has been a renewed drive to study the South African participation from a more general war and society approach. The South African home front during the war, and in particular the Axis and Allied maritime war waged off the southern African coast, has, however, received scant historical attention from professional and amateur historians alike. The historical interrelated aspects of maritime insecurity evident in southern Africa during the war are largely cast aside by contemporary academics engaging with issues of maritime strategy and insecurity in southern Africa. -
The Reasons for the Mass Protests in Chile 2019/2020
Institute for International Political Economy Berlin Chile Despertó – The Reasons for the Mass Protests in Chile 2019/2020 Author: Lea Sasse Working Paper, No. 166/2021 Editors: Sigrid Betzelt, Eckhard Hein (lead editor), Martina Metzger, Martina Sproll, Christina Teipen, Markus Wissen, Jennifer Pédussel Wu, Reingard Zimmer Chile Despertó – The Reasons for the Mass Protests in Chile 2019/2020 Lea Sasse Berlin School of Economics and Law Abstract: Starting on 18 October 2019, Chile experienced the largest mass protests in its history. The movement was immensely broad in its demands and diverse in tactics and participants. The citizens' discontent went beyond solely one issue, addressing a more equal welfare system and social justice, among other things. But it was not only about street protests; the social movement also caused an avalanche in social media exchanges and initiated a dialogue among Chileans in the form of neighbourhood associations. This paper argues that long-standing inequalities, the inability of politics to address them, a growing distancing of the population from politics, and the process of the citizens' politicisation were the reasons for the mass protests. Keywords: Social movements, Chile, inequality, mass protests, civil society, Latin America, social media, political opportunities, social justice JEL Codes: O54, I38, Z13, N36 Contact: Lea Sasse, Email: [email protected] Acknowledgements: I would like to thank José Magone and Hansjörg Herr for their support and helpful comments throughout the writing process of this work. Furthermore, I would like to thank my interview partners who gave me insights into the events and shared their personal experiences. Errors made in this working paper are of course mine.