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S P R I N G 20 18
S P R I N G 2018 URBAN REVIEW LETTER FROM THE EDITORS A magazine of the Hunter College Planning is inherently political; this is something that Hunter students know well. The Introduction Department of to Planning course has many students reading entire books on problem solving and policy analysis, Urban Affairs & Planning as we aspire to not simply write plans from afar but to affect change, using our skills as planners to SPRING ‘18 advocate within the imperfect and at times broken realm of politics. STAFF However, politics is not simply a tool to accomplish goals of planning. Planning itself is a powerful Editors in Chief political tool, one that can be used to accomplish and demonstrate political goals. A zoning change, a Aly Hassell parking limit, or a design for a park are not technical planning decisions but are pronouncements of Atara Lindenbaum priorities, of political goals, and of particular visions of space and community. Our responsibility as future planners is to probe this technical side of planning, determining its larger context. Layout and Design Editor Aly Hassell This issue of Urban Review had the privilege to feature two accomplished and active planners: Com- missioner Mitchell Silver of the NYC Parks Department and Dr. Lester King, Sustainability Planner Writers James Hull in Houston, TX. Both Silver and King emphasize the need for proper community engagement and Beatriz Gil dialogue. Vicky Garvey Ranjana Venkatesh It is time to ask, however, if this focus on process, on stakeholder engagement and communication Atara Lindenbaum suffices. Equitable planning processes may be inherently positive improvements, but our cities, our Andy Lawson Michael Kralovich people, need equitable results as well. -
Using PAIA to Promote Housing Rights a Guide to Using the Promotion of Access to Information Act to Advocate for Access to Adequate Housing
USING PAIA TO PROMOTE HOUSING RIGHTS A guide to using the Promotion of Access to Information Act to advocate for access to adequate housing ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The material in this guide was developed by the South African History Archive (SAHA) as part of a long- term strategy aimed at building the capacity of individuals and organisations to understand and utilise the Promotion of Access to Information Act, 2000 (PAIA) as a strategic advocacy tool. SAHA gives permission for this guide to be used and reproduced, with acknowledgement, by all those seeking to better understand and utilise PAIA. CREDITS: This guide was made possible through the generous support of the Open Society Foundation for South Africa and the Atlantic Philanthropies. This guide builds on the work of previous members of the Freedom of Information Programme including Charlotte Young, Gabriella Razzano and Tammy O’Connor. Content development – Catherine Kennedy, Senkhu Maimane, Kathryn Johnson, Persia Sayyari and Omalara Akintoye Production support – Debora Matthews Design and layout – Rizelle Standard Hartmeier Sector liaison – Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI) IMAGES: AL3274 – The Gille de Vlieg Photographic Collection Photographs on front cover, and pages 4 and 27 AL3290 – The Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF) Collection Photograph on page 8 AL2446 - The SAHA Poster Collection Gardens Youth Congress poster on back cover SAHA – K Johnson – Soweto, June 2013 – photograph on page 14 Bandile Mdlalose – B Mdlalose, 2013 – photograph on page 28 Abahlali base Mjondolo (AbM) – AbM, 2013 – photographs on pages 29 and 30 SAHA thanks Gille de Vlieg, APF, Bandile Mdalose and AbM for permission to reproduce their photographs within this booklet. -
Forging New Political Identities in the Shanty Towns of Durban, South Africa
Historical Materialism 26.2 (2018) 178–197 brill.com/hima Forging New Political Identities in the Shanty Towns of Durban, South Africa Richard Michael Pithouse University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa [email protected] Abstract This contribution offers some observations with regard to political identities in a pop- ular movement largely based in the shantytowns of Durban, South Africa. It seeks to examine, via more than a decade of immersion and research, one instance of how popular organisation and mobilisation have been mediated through shifting political identities. It argues that if discourse professionals on the left are to become effective actors it will be necessary to take popular political identities a lot more seriously, and to enable mutually transformative engagement between theory and actually-existing forms of popular striving and struggle. Keywords political identities – popular politics – Durban – South Africa The intra-elite contestation within the public sphere in South Africa has come to be shaped by intense conflict between elites organised around accumula- tion via the market and those organised around accumulation via the state. In ideological terms liberalism, which continues to take the form of racial capi- talism, is pitted against a form of authoritarian nationalism organised around forms of clientelism that have approached kleptocratic levels. Both sides in this conflict present their own interests as enmeshed with those of the people, or sometimes the poor, and themselves as the protagonists best equipped, in terms of credibility and expertise, to represent the people, or the poor. But, as the convergence between the state and capital formed in response to the strikes on the platinum mines in 2012 showed so clearly, there © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/1569206x-00001644 Forging New Political Identities 179 is a shared hostility to autonomous organisation and struggle on the part of impoverished or working-class people. -
Editorial Archive July
Greek capitalism at a critical point Stamatis Karayannopoulos 2 October 2013 Greek capitalism continues to be the weak link of the Eurozone as it is still under the “intensive care” of the EU support mechanisms for the fourth consecutive year and is in recession for the sixth consecutive year. Overall GDP decline since the crisis began will reach 25% by the end of 2013 and unemployment will reach 30%. According to the Institute of Labour (INE) of the Greek General Greek General Confederation of Labour (GSEE) it will take at least 20 years to return to the pre-crisis levels! With growing rage, millions of workers, pensioners, small traders and young people who have been crushed by the austerity measures of the Memorandum are discovering what a big deception the so-called “rescue” of the country by the troika is. In reality it is a rescue of the speculators who hold the Greek debt and at the same time an attempt to avoid a domino effect of bankruptcies that could lead to the end of the Eurozone. In 2009 the Greek debt had reached 298.5 billion Euros and 128.9% of GDP. By the end of 2013, after three and a half years of such “rescue”, the debt will be 330 billion Euros and 178.5% of GDP. Up to June of this year, Greece had received 219 billion Euros from the Troika. Only 7.6 billion of this money went to towards alleviating the deficit, the rest was spent on recapitalising the banks and paying off part of the debt and the interest on the debt. -
The Homeless and the Right to Remain in Public Space
RUDIN_PUBLISHERPROOF_3.28.18 .DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/14/18 9:16 PM “YOU CAN’T BE HERE”: THE HOMELESS AND THE RIGHT TO REMAIN IN PUBLIC SPACE DAVID RUDIN∞ ABSTRACT In cities throughout the country, homeless individuals are continuously relocated from place to place and faced with the quandary that by engaging in basic life activities they are breaking the law. Many of these individuals and their legal advocates have argued that laws prohibiting the homeless from sleeping or sitting down in public make it effectively impossible for them to exist, violating the Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishments and the right to travel derived from the Fourteenth Amendment. However, the vast majority of courts have rejected these arguments because they do not readily fit into existing doctrines. This article argues that the Supreme Court’s decision in Obergefell v. Hodges provides a mold for homeless individuals and their advocates to recast challenges to anti-homeless ordinances and regularly-issued move-along orders into a more compelling form. In Obergefell, the Supreme Court recognized the right to same- sex marriage by looking at the confluence of several different lines of case law and allowing concerns for equality to guide its substantive due process analysis. This article follows the mode of substantive due process analysis that Obergefell endorsed and focuses on the connections between the right to movement, the Eighth Amendment, Fourth Amendment privacy concerns, the attention to inequality motivating applications of the right to travel, and the Court’s vagueness cases as they relate to vagrancy and public spaces. -
Abahlali Basemjondolo Is One Such Counter-Hegemonic Movement
‘Unlearning’ hegemony: An exploration of the applicability of Alain Badiou’s theory of the event to informal learning through an examination of the life histories of South African social movement activists By Anne Harley Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of KwaZulu-Natal 2012 Abstract This thesis argues that it is both necessary and possible to change the world. Changing the world requires engaging with, to try to understand it from the basis of lived reality, and then acting. Our ability to do this is, however, affected by hegemony, which attempts to convince us that the way things are is either normal and natural and the only possible way they could be, or that it is impossible to change them. Nevertheless, there is always resistance to this, and I suggest that we might learn something useful by examining how this happens. The thesis thus explores Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, and its applicability to our current world; and also considers resistance to this. I argue that the nature of capitalism has shifted, and discuss how this shift has impacted on hegemony, identifying three current interlocking hegemonic ideologies. I consider current resistance to this hegemony, including the role of social movements. Much resistance, and many social movements, I argued, cannot properly be called counter-hegemonic in that, although it/they may critique the dominant economic system, it/they remain trapped within hegemonic logic. However, it is clear that there is existing truly counter-hegemonic resistance, including some social movements, and I argue that Abahlali baseMjondolo is one such counter-hegemonic movement. -
Anna Selmeczi Central European University Selmeczi [email protected]
“We are the people who don’t count” – Contesting biopolitical abandonment Anna Selmeczi Central European University [email protected] Paper to be presented at the 2010 ISA Convention in New Orleans, February 17-20th Panel: Governing Life Globally: The Biopolitics of Development and Security Work in progress – please do not cite without the author’s permission. Comments are most welcome. 2 “We are the people who don’t count” – Contesting biopolitical abandonment 1. Introduction About a year before his lecture series “Society Must be Defended!”, in which he first elaborated the notion of biopolitics, in a talk given in Rio de Janeiro, Foucault discussed the “Birth of the Social Medicine”. As a half-way stage of the evolution of what later became public health, between the German ‘state medicine’ and the English ‘labor-force medicine’, he described a model taking shape in the 18th century French cities and referred to it as ‘urban medicine’. With view to the crucial role of circulation in creating a healthy milieu, the main aim of this model was to secure the purity of that which circulates, thus, potential sources of epidemics or endemics had to be placed outside the flaw of air and water nurturing urban life. According to Foucault (2000a), it was at this period that “piling-up refuse” was problematized as hazardous and thus places producing or containing refuse – cemeteries, ossuaries, and slaughterhouses – were relocated to the outskirts of the towns. As opposed to this model, which was the “medicine of things”, with industrialization radically increasing their presence in the cities, during the subsequent period of the labor force medicine, workers and the poor had become to be regarded as threats and, in parallel, circulation had been redefined as – beyond the flow of things such as air and water – including the circulation of individuals too (Ibid., 150). -
Creating Community Controlled, Deeply Affordable Housing a RESOURCE TOOLKIT for COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS & ALLIED COMMUNITY-BASED HOUSING DEVELOPERS
Creating Community Controlled, Deeply Affordable Housing A RESOURCE TOOLKIT FOR COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS & ALLIED COMMUNITY-BASED HOUSING DEVELOPERS PARTNERS FOR DIGNITY & RIGHTS Spring 2021 Date Spring 2021 Authors Peter Sabonis Partners for Dignity & Rights Zachary Murray Up South/Down South Community Development Editors Philippa Rizopoulos Ben Palmquist Acknowledgements We would like to thank the community housing developers that provided the data and time that made this report possible. Steve King, Executive Director at Oakland CLT Keith Cooley, Director of Asset Management at SF CLT Rick Lewis, Executive Director at the Bay Area CLT Berkeley Athena Bernkopf, Project Coordinator at East Harlem/ El Barrio CLT Michael Monte, Chief Executive Officer at Champlain Housing Trust Nora Lictash, Executive Director of the Women’s Community Revitalization Project Julius Kimbrough, Executive Director of the Crescent City Community Land Trust Thanks also to the Right to the City Alliance, the New York City Community Land Initiative and the New Economy Project with whom we partnered to host the “Affordable for Whom?” conference in August 2019 that led to this report, and to Jenny Akchin, a former staff member at Picture the Homeless, who envisioned the value of information sharing among CLTs that were reaching levels of deep affordability. This report was made possible by a grant from Oak Foundation. Thank you to Deirdre Reznik, DPI Creative for design and production of this report. Creating Community Controlled, Deeply Affordable Housing Contents 2 -
PDF of CLT Bibliography
International Community Land Trust Bibliography Selected and Compiled by John Emmeus Davis [Most recent update: August 1, 2021] Abrams, Amanda. 2019. Helping at-risk homeowners stay put with a land trust. Shelterforce (April 25). Available online at: https://shelterforce.org/2019/04/25/a-land-trust-model-for-seniors/ ———. 2020. Lessons from the last housing crisis: how to get control of properties. Shelterforce (September 17). Available online at: https://shelterforce.org/2020/09/17/lessons-from-the-last- housing-crisis/ Abromowitz, David M. 1991. An essay on community land trusts: Towards permanently affordable housing. Mississippi Law Journal 61: 663–682. ———. 1992. Long-term affordability, community land trusts and ground leases. ABA Journal of Affordable Housing & Community Development Law 1(2): 5–6, 17. ———. 2000. An essay on community land trusts: Toward permanently affordable housing. In Property and values, ed. Charles Geisler and Gail Daneker, 213–231. Washington, DC: Island Press. ———. 2008. Addressing foreclosures: A great American dream neighborhood stabilization plan. Washington, DC: Center for American Progress. Abromowitz, David, and Roz Greenstein. 2008. A foreclosure-free option. Boston Globe, January 23. Abromowitz, David, and Kirby White. 2006. Deed restrictions and community land trust ground leases: Protecting long term affordable homeownership. Housing News Network, Journal of the Florida Housing Coalition 22 (May): 7–10, 24. Abromowitz, David, and Kirby White. 2010. Deed restrictions and community land trust ground leases: Two Methods of establishing affordable homeownership restrictions. In The community land trust reader, ed. John Emmeus Davis, 327-334. Cambridge, MA: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. Aernouts, Nele and Michael Ryckewaert. 2017. Beyond housing: on the role of commoning in the establishment of a community land trust project. -
External Stakeholder Input Report: Region 2 Community – New York City, New York
Supplemental Document to the Federal Strategic Plan to Prevent and End Homelessness: June 2010 External Stakeholder Input Report: Region 2 Community – New York City, New York U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness Federal Strategic Plan to Prevent and End Homelessness External Stakeholder Input Report: Region 2 Community Stakeholder Input March 5, 2010 New York, New York Attending: Daniel Altilio, United Way of Hudson County Kristin Green, Hudson County Division of Housing Manny Alvarado, HUD and Community Development Nereida Andino, Bank of America Tory Gunsolley, Newark Housing Authority Barbara Andrews, HHS Erin Healy, Corporation for Supportive Housing Steven Auerbach, NYRD, ORO, HRSA, HHS Arvernetta Henry, Picture the Homeless Kristin Barlup, Robin Hood Foundation Valentina Holston, Love and Wisdom, Inc George Bates, 820 River Street Inc. Vincent Hom, HUD Sarah Benjamin, Eastern Suffolk BOCES Julie Irwin, Dept. of Veterans Affairs Michael Berg, Family of Woodstock Kathy Jaworski, Ocean County Dept. of Human Doug Berman, Care For the Homeless Services Michelle Billups, HHS/HRSA Selene Kaye, American Civil Liberties Union Lisa Black, New York City Dept of Homeless Services Robert Kelty, Coalition for the Homeless Nicole Branca, Supportive Housing Network of NY Adam Kirkman, CARES, Inc. Mary Brosnahan, Coalition for the Homeless Eduardo Laguerre, NAICA Richard Brown, Monarch Housing Associates Robert Landolfi, Ocean County Dept of Human William Burnett, Picture the Homeless Services Susanne Byrne, York Street Project Herb Levine, -
Ungovernability and Material Life in Urban South Africa
“WHERE THERE IS FIRE, THERE IS POLITICS”: Ungovernability and Material Life in Urban South Africa KERRY RYAN CHANCE Harvard University Together, hand in hand, with our boxes of matches . we shall liberate this country. —Winnie Mandela, 1986 Faku and I stood surrounded by billowing smoke. In the shack settlement of Slovo Road,1 on the outskirts of the South African port city of Durban, flames flickered between piles of debris, which the day before had been wood-plank and plastic tarpaulin walls. The conflagration began early in the morning. Within hours, before the arrival of fire trucks or ambulances, the two thousand house- holds that comprised the settlement as we knew it had burnt to the ground. On a hillcrest in Slovo, Abahlali baseMjondolo (an isiZulu phrase meaning “residents of the shacks”) was gathered in a mass meeting. Slovo was a founding settlement of Abahlali, a leading poor people’s movement that emerged from a burning road blockade during protests in 2005. In part, the meeting was to mourn. Five people had been found dead that day in the remains, including Faku’s neighbor. “Where there is fire, there is politics,” Faku said to me. This fire, like others before, had been covered by the local press and radio, some journalists having been notified by Abahlali via text message and online press release. The Red Cross soon set up a makeshift soup kitchen, and the city government provided emergency shelter in the form of a large, brightly striped communal tent. Residents, meanwhile, CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Vol. 30, Issue 3, pp. 394–423, ISSN 0886-7356, online ISSN 1548-1360. -
The Struggles of Abahlali Basemjondolo As an African Philosophy in the Making
A journal dedicated to the scholarship of teaching and learning in the ‘global South’ Volume 4 , Issue 1 April 20 20 Pages: 26 -36 Peer-reviewed article Living Ubuntu: The struggles of Abahlali BaseMjondolo as an African philosophy in the making Motlatsi Khosi University of South Africa [email protected] Department of Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology Abstract What does it mean to engage in a philosophy of struggle and emancipation in our South African context? As part of my MA research I took an internship with Abahlali BaseMjondolo, a shack dwellers’ movement whose office is based in central Durban. Their members reside in various settlements within KwaZulu Natal and the Eastern Cape. Whilst interning at the movement I conducted interviews with some of their members, using this experience to gain insight into the movement’s theory and philosophy. Here I was challenged by what it means to do research using narrative as the foundation of my work. It is through narrative that one can tackle the problematic representations of black people in academia and society. I argue that in this movement a philosophy is at work. Their philosophy is based on the lived experience of struggle. As producers of knowledge, I argue that they represent the workings of Ubuntu. Using Maboge B. Ramose’s (2002) explanation of ‘Ubuntu as philosophy’ I show how it can help us understand what it means to be human and how this is being affirmed in spaces of struggle. As agents of struggle we (black people) must be recognised for how we create knowledge.