Intersectionality at 30: Mapping the Margins of Anti-Essentialism, Intersectionality, and Dominance Theory
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Critically Evaluate the Understanding of Gender As Discourse
Vol. 1, No. 2 International Education Studies Critically Evaluate the Understanding of Gender as Discourse Changxue Xue College of Foreign languages, Yanshan University Qinhuangdao 066004, China Tel: 86-335-805-8710 Email: [email protected] Abstract In this paper, the author explores the different views on gender and the nature of gender as discourse. Furthermore, the author argues that discursive psychology’s views on gender are convincing and explain more than other perspectives of gender. Keywords: Gender, Essentialism, Constructionism Since the 1950s, an increasing use of the term gender has been seen in the academic literature and the public discourse for distinguishing gender identity from biological sex. Money and Hampson (1955) defined the term gender as what a person says or does to reveal that he or she has the status of being boy or girl, man or woman (masculinity or femininity of a person). Gender is a complex issue, constituents of which encompass styles of dressing, patterns of moving as well as ways of talking rather than just being limited to biological sex. Over the years, the perception of the issue ‘gender’ has been changing and developing from essentialism to social constructionism. Essentialism suggests that gender is a biological sex, by contrast, social constructionism suggests that gender is constructed within a social and cultural discourse. Due to its complex nature, gender intrigues numerous debates over the extent to which gender is a biological construct or a social construct. Social constructionists employ discourse analysis as a method for research on gender identity. Discursive psychology is one of most important approaches within discourse analysis in the field of social psychology. -
Catalyst Circle Bringing Racial Equity Into Focus for St
Catalyst Circle Bringing racial equity into focus for St. Louis A reality in which a person is no more or Racial less likely to experience society’s benefits or bur- Equity: dens just because of the color of their skin. We operate in our world and live our lives unaware of many things happening around us – until there is a catalytic event. For St. Louis, for many people in St. Louis, the catalytic event to put racial equity at the forefront was the shooting of Michael Brown. Throughout its history, St. Louis has long wrestled with race relations. Today, through the diligent work of the Ferguson Commission, we can better understand our role in making our community more equitable. The goal of this work, undertaken by individuals, small groups, and organizations throughout St. Louis, is to raise the level of understanding and identify a path toward racial equity. Racial equity can come through system-wide policy changes. It can also come through YOU. By having potentially difficult conversations about race with your friends and family, we can all play a part in stemming the tide of racism. No longer being comfortable remaining a bystander to our community’s racial inequities, this work will equip you to engage in those conversations, to share insights from a mismatched history, to radically listen to those who are different from you, and to become an individual catalyst for change in our community. Why does this matter to you? To our community? Racial equity provides each of us with individual enrichment and exposes us to diversity of thought, making us each more knowledgeable and effective members of our community. -
The Freedom of Speech Vs the Right to Discriminate; American and French Policy on Banning Muslim Religious Attire”
“The Freedom of Speech Vs the Right to Discriminate; American and French Policy on banning Muslim Religious Attire” Cortni Holthaus A New Middle East Spring 2016 3/31/2016 From hijab bans to TSA patdowns, the American and French government have shown no tolerance whatsoever to the people in the Muslim community in the aftermath of terror events such as 9/11 and the 2015 Paris Attack. In my essay, I explain why the American and French government have responded to these events the way they did, how it negatively affects Muslim people, and how the problem should be solved instead. The first and fourteenth amendments of the U.S Constitution, according to the American Civil Liberties Union, gives religious Muslim women the right to wear hijab, because there can be no state or federal law which prohibits this activity. However, there is a major caveat in this amendment; Sometimes, in a building like a school or an airport, hijab is not allowed, along with headscarves. This is because these public buildings often have a rule of no head coverings, and wearing hijab can be perceived as a safety issue, as the garment is loose, and items could potentially be stored under it. In the US' laws and French laws surrounding the right to religious attire, the laws are often contradicting, and can be interpreted many different ways by the governments and other national institutions. My goal is to explain why the U.S and French are inherently Islamophobic towards Muslim clothing, and explain what can be done in order to ameliorate this problem, taking in mind the recent terror attacks in Paris, and of past events such as 9/11. -
Volume 33, Numbers 1-2, Fall 2019-Spring 2020 • Realism Published Twice Yearly, Mediations Is the Journal of the Marxist Literary Group
Volume 33, Numbers 1-2, Fall 2019-Spring 2020 • Realism Published twice yearly, Mediations is the journal of the Marxist Literary Group. We publish dossiers of translated material on special topics and peer-reviewed general issues, usually in alternation. General inquiries and submissions should be directed to [email protected]. We invite scholarly contributions across disciplines on any topic that engages seriously with the Marxist tradition. Manuscripts received will be taken to be original, unpublished work not under consideration elsewhere. Articles should be submitted electronically in a widely-used format. Manuscripts should not exceed reasonable article length, and should be accompanied by an abstract of up to 300 words, including six keywords. Articles will be published in MLA endnote format, and should be submitted with the author’s name and affiliation on a separate cover page to facilitate blind peer review. Photographs, tables, and figures should be sent as separate files in a widely- used format. Written permission to reproduce copyright-protected material must be obtained by the author before submission. Books for review should be sent to: Mediations Department of English (MC 162) 601 South Morgan Street University of Illinois at Chicago Chicago IL 60607-7120 USA Articles published in Mediations may be reproduced for scholarly purposes without express permission, provided the reproduction is accompanied by full citation information. For archives and further information, visit http://www.mediationsjournal.org Cover -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks Dylan Riley Antonio Gramsci is once again moving to the center of debates in contemporary social theory. Sociologists have taken up the concepts of hegemony and civil society to analyze regimes and social movements (Riley 2010; Tugal 2009). Political theorists have used Gramsci as an inspiration for developing the idea of radical democracy (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Scholars of international relations have found Gramsci’s focus on global processes useful for analyzing neo-liberalism (Morton 2004, 125-127). Gramsci’s work has also been central in the attempt to elaborate a “sociological Marxism” that moves beyond both the statist and economistic biases of more traditional forms of Second and Third International historical materialism (Burawoy 2003; Wright 2010). But despite this outpouring of recent interest, many of the key elements of Gramsci’s political theory remain obscure. In this context, this essay returns to the Prison Notebooks1 to ask a specific question: “How did Gramsci conceive of the connection between democracy and hegemony?” This question has already generated a substantial body of scholarship. But most of it can be placed into one of two positions. One interpretation views hegemony as a theory of revolutionary dictatorship: a “Leninism” for the West (Galli della Loggia 1977, 69; Salvadori 1977, 40-41). These writers tend to be highly critical of the various attempts by the Partito Comunista Italiano (Italian Communist Party, PCI) to use Gramsci as a symbolic justification -
Reification in the Modern World
University of Mary Washington Eagle Scholar Student Research Submissions Spring 5-3-2020 Reification in the Modern orldW Tommy F. White Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.umw.edu/student_research Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation White, Tommy F., "Reification in the Modern orld"W (2020). Student Research Submissions. 337. https://scholar.umw.edu/student_research/337 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by Eagle Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Research Submissions by an authorized administrator of Eagle Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. White 1 Reification in the Modern World Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in Philosophy University of Mary Washington Fredericksburg, Virginia Tommy F. White Philosophy 485 4/26/2020 Supervised by Professor Craig Vasey White 2 REIFICATION IN THE MODERN WORLD TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction: 3 II. Reification: 8 III. Heidegger and Lukács: 18 IV. Marcuse and Leisure Time: 26 V. Conclusion: 31 Special Thanks to Dr. Craig Vasey, Dr. Michael Reno, Dr. Jason Hayob-Matzke, and Dr. David Ambuel for all the help and discussions over the last four years. White 3 I. In this paper, I will discuss a couple of ways that our experiences as individuals are affected by the capitalist structures of the society we live in. Mainly, I will focus on the process of reification, and whether it can help us understand society. There is reason to believe that by living in the late-capitalist society that is the United States, we are expediting our process of dying. -
Gender/Sex Diversity Beliefs: Heterogeneity, Links to Prejudice, and Diversity-Affirming Interventions by Zachary C
Gender/Sex Diversity Beliefs: Heterogeneity, Links to Prejudice, and Diversity-Affirming Interventions by Zachary C. Schudson A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Psychology and Women’s Studies) in the University of Michigan 2020 Doctoral Committee: Professor Sari van Anders, Co-Chair Professor Susan Gelman, Co-Chair Professor Anna Kirkland Associate Professor Sara McClelland Zach C. Schudson [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-1300-5674 © Zach C. Schudson ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the many people who made this dissertation possible. First and foremost, thank you to Dr. Sari van Anders, my dissertation advisor and co-chair and my mentor. I have never met someone more committed to social justice through psychological research or to their students. Your expansive, nuanced thinking about gender and sexuality, your incredible, detailed feedback on everything I wrote, your lightning-quick, thoughtful responses whenever I needed anything, and your persistence in improving communication even when it was difficult all make me feel astoundingly lucky. Despite the many time and energy-intensive challenges you have faced over the last several years, you have done everything you can to facilitate my success as a scholar, all the while showing deep care for my well-being as a person. Thank you also to Dr. Susan Gelman, my dissertation co-chair, for your incredible support these last feW years. Your intellectual generosity is truly a gift; I feel smarter and more capable every time we speak. Thank you to Drs. Sara McClelland and Anna Kirkland, members of my dissertation committee and my teaching mentors. -
Race and Essentialism in Gloria Steinem
Scholarly Commons @ UNLV Boyd Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 2009 Race and Essentialism in Gloria Steinem Frank Rudy Cooper University of Nevada, Las Vegas -- William S. Boyd School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.law.unlv.edu/facpub Part of the Law and Gender Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation Cooper, Frank Rudy, "Race and Essentialism in Gloria Steinem" (2009). Scholarly Works. 1123. https://scholars.law.unlv.edu/facpub/1123 This Article is brought to you by the Scholarly Commons @ UNLV Boyd Law, an institutional repository administered by the Wiener-Rogers Law Library at the William S. Boyd School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Race and Essentialism in Gloria Steinem Frank Rudy Cooper* I. INTRODUCTION A. The Story of My Discovery ofAngela Harris The book that I have referred to the most since law school is Katherine Bartlett and Roseanne Kennedys' anthology FEMINIST LEGAL THEORY. 1 The reason it holds that unique place on my bookshelf is that it contains the first copy I read of Angela Harris's essay Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory.2 My edition now has at least three layers of annotations. As I reread it today, I recall my first reading. I encountered the essay in my law school feminist theory class. Up to the point where we read Harris's article, I was probably a dominance feminist, having found Catherine MacKinnon's theory that women are a group bound together by patriarchal domination to be simpatico with my undergraduate training. -
Georg' Lukacs, “Reification and the Consciousness of the Proletariat”
Georg Lukacs History & Class Consciousness Written: 1923; Source: History & Class Consciousness; Publisher: Merlin Press, 1967; Transcribed: Andy Blunden; HTML Markup: Andy Blunden. Reification and the Consciousness of the Proletariat To be radical is to go to the root of the matter. For man, however, the root is man himself. Marx: Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. It is no accident that Marx should have begun with an analysis of commodities when, in the two great works of his mature period, he set out to portray capitalist society in its totality and to lay bare its fundamental nature. For at this stage in the history of mankind there is no problem that does not ultimately lead back to that question and there is no solution that could not be found in the solution to the riddle of commodity-structure. Of course the problem can only be discussed with this degree of generality if it achieves the depth and breadth to be found in Marx’s own analyses. That is to say, the problem of commodities must not be considered in isolation or even regarded as the central problem in economics, but as the central, structural problem of capitalist society in all its aspects. Only in this case can the structure of commodity-relations be made to yield a model of all the objective forms of bourgeois society together with all the subjective forms corresponding to them. I: The Phenomenon of Reification 1 The essence of commodity-structure has often been pointed out. Its basis is that a relation be- tween people takes on the character of a thing and thus acquires a ‘phantom objectivity’, an autonomy that seems so strictly rational and all-embracing as to conceal every trace of its fun- damental nature: the relation between people. -
Delayed Critique: on Being Feminist, Time and Time Again
Delayed Critique: On Being Feminist, Time and Time Again In “On Being in Time with Feminism,” Robyn Emma McKenna is a Ph.D. candidate in English and Wiegman (2004) supports my contention that history, Cultural Studies at McMaster University. She is the au- theory, and pedagogy are central to thinking through thor of “‘Freedom to Choose”: Neoliberalism, Femi- the problems internal to feminism when she asks: “… nism, and Childcare in Canada.” what learning will ever be final?” (165) Positioning fem- inism as neither “an antidote to [n]or an ethical stance Abstract toward otherness,” Wiegman argues that “feminism it- In this article, I argue for a systematic critique of trans- self is our most challenging other” (164). I want to take phobia in feminism, advocating for a reconciling of seriously this claim in order to consider how feminism trans and feminist politics in community, pedagogy, is a kind of political intimacy that binds a subject to the and criticism. I claim that this critique is both delayed desire for an “Other-wise” (Thobani 2007). The content and productive. Using the Michigan Womyn’s Music of this “otherwise” is as varied as the projects that femi- Festival as a cultural archive of gender essentialism, I nism is called on to justify. In this paper, I consider the consider how rereading and revising politics might be marginalization of trans-feminism across mainstream, what is “essential” to feminism. lesbian feminist, and academic feminisms. Part of my interest in this analysis is the influence of the temporal Résumé on the way in which certain kinds of feminism are given Dans cet article, je défends l’idée d’une critique systéma- primacy in the representation of feminism. -
A Response to #Livingwhileblack: Blackness As Nuisance
RESPONSE RACE, SPACE, AND SURVEILLANCE: A RESPONSE TO #LIVINGWHILEBLACK: BLACKNESS AS NUISANCE LOLITA BUCKNER INNISS* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................ 213 I. Nuisance, Trespass, and the Interaction Between the Two ............................................................................ 219 II. #LWB Incidents as Legal Geography: Race and Space ................................................................................ 225 III. #LivingWhileBlack and Surveillance .............................. 229 Conclusion................................................................................... 231 INTRODUCTION In #LivingWhileBlack: Blackness as Nuisance, Taja-Nia Henderson and Jamila Jefferson-Jones examine incidents wherein white people called 911 to report Black people for occupying spaces that callers believed the Black people in question ought not to occupy.1 Sadly, these incidents * Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, Professor of Law, University Distinguished Professor and Inaugural Robert G. Storey Distinguished Faculty Fellow, SMU Dedman School of Law. Ph.D., LLM with Distinction, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University. J.D., University of California, Los Angeles. A.B., Princeton University. 1. Taja-Nia Y. Henderson & Jamila Jefferson-Jones, #LivingWhileBlack: Blackness as Nuisance, 69 AM. U. L. REV. 863, 863 (2020). The phenomenon of white people calling the police or personally accosting Black people based on unfounded allegations of wrongdoing -
Transcript by Rev.Com
Speaker 1: Major funding for Backstory is provided by an anonymous donor, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the Joseph and Robert Cornell Memorial Foundation. Speaker 2: From Virginia Humanities this is Backstory. Brian Balogh: Welcome the Backstory. I'm Brian Balogh. If you're new to the podcast we're all historians and each week, along with my colleagues, Joanne Freeman, Ed Ayers, and Nathan Connolly, we explore a different aspect of American history. Brian Balogh: Today on the show we're bringing you a compilation of past segments in celebration of March as women's history month. With over a hundred women serving in Congress and already a record number of women announcing their 2020 presidential candidacy this year marks the strongest female presence in American political history. But for most of American history, of course, the US government was almost exclusively male. That is until Margaret Chase Smith, a Republican senator from Maine, ran for President in 1964 and made it all the way to the party's convention. A few years back the podcast radio diaries ran this piece about her campaign, the farthest any woman had gotten in major party politics up to that point. Margaret C.S.: There are those who make the contention that no woman should ever dare to aspire to the White House, that this is a man's world and that it should be kept that way. Janann Sherman: My name is Janann Sherman, and I wrote the book No Place for a Woman, A Life of Senator Margaret Chase Smith.