NEW ZEALAND, AUSTRALASIA and FEDERATION Nicholas Aroney* I. Introduction
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
Henry Ernest Whitaker and Charles Stanislaus Stafford at Te Aroha
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Commons@Waikato HARRY AND CHARLES: HENRY ERNEST WHITAKER AND CHARLES STANISLAUS STAFFORD AT TE AROHA Philip Hart Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers No. 159 2016 Historical Research Unit Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton, New Zealand ISSN: 2463-6266 © 2016 Philip Hart Contact: [email protected] 1 HARRY AND CHARLES: HENRY ERNEST WHITAKER AND CHARLES STANISLAUS STAFFORD AT TE AROHA Abstract: Harry Whitaker was a member of a prominent political family, and Charles Stanislaus Stafford came from an Anglo-Irish landowning family. They both invested in mines in the Te Aroha district, Whitaker being particularly active in promoting the interests of the mining industry. But he was also seen as manipulating the share market to benefit himself and as assisting Josiah Clifton Firth’s ‘clique’ to control the field, meaning that for many residents some of his actions were deeply unpopular. Both men acquired and traded in land both within and outside the settlements, and developed their Wairakau estate, all profitably. Whitaker also established the Te Aroha News, and in a variety of ways was a leading member of the community. As a member of the county council he tried to help the district, but once again was seen as working too closely with Firth for their mutual benefit. Stafford also tried to assist local development. Both men were prominent socially, notably in horse races and various sports. Whitaker in particular was renowned for his lively personality, personal charm, and elegant attire, but unusually did not marry nor, apparently, flirt with the opposite sex, which may or may not be significant. -
Māori Land and Land Tenure in New Zealand: 150 Years of the Māori Land Court
77 MĀORI LAND AND LAND TENURE IN NEW ZEALAND: 150 YEARS OF THE MĀORI LAND COURT R P Boast* This is a general historical survey of New Zealand's Native/Māori Land Court written for those without a specialist background in Māori land law or New Zealand legal history. The Court was established in its present form in 1865, and is still in operation today as the Māori Land Court. This Court is one of the most important judicial institutions in New Zealand and is the subject of an extensive literature, nearly all of it very critical. There have been many changes to Māori land law in New Zealand since 1865, but the Māori Land Court, responsible for investigating titles, partitioning land blocks, and various other functions (some of which have later been transferred to other bodies) has always been a central part of the Māori land system. The article assesses the extent to which shifts in ideologies relating to land tenure, indigenous cultures, and customary law affected the development of the law in New Zealand. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the current Māori Land Bill, which had as one of its main goals a significant reduction of the powers of the Māori Land Court. Recent political developments in New Zealand, to some extent caused by the government's and the New Zealand Māori Party's support for the 2017 Bill, have meant that the Bill will not be enacted in its 2017 form. Current developments show once again the importance of Māori land issues in New Zealand political life. -
Warriors Walk Heritage Trail Wellington City Council
crematoriumchapel RANCE COLUMBARIUM WALL ROSEHAUGH AVENUE SE AFORTH TERRACE Wellington City Council Introduction Karori Cemetery Servicemen’s Section Karori Serviceman’s Cemetery was established in 1916 by the Wellington City Council, the fi rst and largest such cemetery to be established in New Zealand. Other local councils followed suit, setting aside specifi c areas so that each of the dead would be commemorated individually, the memorial would be permanent and uniform, and there would be no distinction made on the basis of military or civil rank, race or creed. Unlike other countries, interment is not restricted to those who died on active service but is open to all war veterans. First contingent leaving Karori for the South African War in 1899. (ATL F-0915-1/4-MNZ) 1 wellington’s warriors walk heritage trail Wellington City Council The Impact of Wars on New Zealand New Zealanders Killed in Action The fi rst major external confl ict in which New Zealand was South African War 1899–1902 230 involved was the South African War, when New Zealand forces World War I 1914–1918 18,166 fought alongside British troops in South Africa between 1899 and 1902. World War II 1939–1945 11,625 In the fi rst decades of the 20th century, the majority of New Zealanders Died in Operational New Zealand’s population of about one million was of British descent. They identifi ed themselves as Britons and spoke of Services Britain as the ‘Motherland’ or ‘Home’. Korean War 1950–1953 43 New Zealand sent an expeditionary force to the aid of the Malaya/Malaysia 1948–1966 20 ‘Mother Country’ at the outbreak of war on 4 August 1914. -
Sir Harry Atkinson and the Conservative Faction in New Zealand Politics, 1879-1890
Sir Harry Atkinson and the Conservative Faction in New Zealand Politics, 1879-1890 INTERPRETATIONS of Sir Harry Atkinson's role in New Zealand political history have undergone considerable revision since they were first attempted by the nineteenth century historians, W. Gis- borne, A. Saunders and W. P. Reeves. Yet Atkinson remains to us what he was to them, a decidedly enigmatic figure. Gisborne recon- ciled the contradictions of Atkinson's behaviour by explaining that Atkinson's primary political principle was the desire for power.1 Saunders was moved by his hatred of Atkinson to add that Atkinson was a failed farmer who clung to power for the sake of profit.2 But neither Gisborne nor Saunders had an effect on subsequent writers equal to that of Reeves. Reeves was writing the first radical history of New Zealand and to him Atkinson's role was plain: he was the Conservative Premier who had delayed the Liberals' occupation of the Treasury benches. In order to make the revolutionary significance of the change of power in 1890 quite clear, Reeves described Atkin- son, along with Sir Frederick Whitaker and Sir John Hall, as leaders of a New Zealand Conservative party which had held power, with minor interruptions, since 1879. Reeves qualified his picture by pointing out that Atkinson held 'quasi-socialistic views' and was one of 'the more broadminded of the oligarchs'.3 Some twentieth century historians have enlarged upon this, pointing out that Atkinson took radical stands on the issues of female suffrage and social security, and that except on financial ques- tions, he cannot properly be labelled a conservative.4 A small minority 1 W. -
The New Zealand Great Strike and Trans-Tasman Biography
Personalizing Class Conflict Across the Tasman: the New Zealand Great Strike and Trans-Tasman Biography MELANIE NOLAN H is Harry Holland’s nibs fighting Billy Hughes, Harry lashes “Labor” fibs in the red “Reviews!” Holland’s pen is like a lance tipped with boiling gall! He is making Billy’s chance very black and small! With determination, grim, Holland’s fought for years! Prison cannot silence him, nor can bribes or fears. Josiah Cocking on Harry Holland and Billy Hughes, 1910.1 Abstract This is a revisionist account of the New Zealand 1913 Great Strike, placing it in a trans-Tasman framework rather than, as is more usual, local and international contexts. It uses the bitter relationship between Harry Holland and Billy Hughes to personalize and dramatize the wider dynamic between the New Zealand and Australian labour movements around 1913. It contests the view that that the Tasman world was dying or that New Zealanders’ resented ‘Australian intervention’ in the strike. Affective bonds which did not always match trading partnerships indicate the closeness of New Zealand and Australia peoples as indicated by a range of measures such as population exchange, the exchange of parcels in the mail and the strong push for trans- Tasman union and socialist federation. The effect of the 1913 Great Strike followed closely by the war was, however, to destroy the dream of a trans- Tasman ‘One Big Union’. Introduction: Trans-Tasman Revisionism The 1913 Great Strike was one of the most turbulent and violent industrial disputes in New Zealand’s history: there were extraordinary scenes on Wellington’s streets with the military facing strikers and their supporters with naked bayonets and machine guns. -
James Macandrew of Otago Slippery Jim Or a Leader Staunch and True?
JAMES MACANDREW OF OTAGO SLIPPERY JIM OR A LEADER STAUNCH AND TRUE? BY RODERICK JOHN BUNCE A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 iii ABSTRACT James Macandrew, a Scotsman who migrated to Dunedin in 1851, was variously a businessman, twice Superintendent of Otago Province, an imprisoned bankrupt and a Minister of the Crown. He was an active participant in provincial and colonial politics for 36 years and was associated with most of the major political events in New Zealand during that time. Macandrew was a passionate and persuasive advocate for the speedy development of New Zealand’s infrastructure to stimulate the expansion of settlement. He initiated a steamer service between New Zealand and Australia in 1858 but was bankrupt by 1860. While Superintendent of Otago in 1860 and 1867–76 he was able to advance major harbour, transport and educational projects. As Minister of Public Works in George Grey’s Ministry from 1878–79 he promoted an extensive expansion of the country’s railway system. In Parliament, he was a staunch advocate of easier access to land for all settlers, and a promoter of liberal social legislation which was enacted a decade later by the Seddon Government. His life was interwoven with three influential settlers, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Julius Vogel and George Grey, who variously dominated the political landscape. Macandrew has been portrayed as an opportunist who exploited these relationships, but this study will demonstrate that while he often served these men as a subordinate, as a mentor he influenced their political beliefs and behaviour. -
Closer Settlement in the Early Liberal Era
123 WOE UNTO THEM THAT LAY FIELD TO FIELD: CLOSER SETTLEMENT IN THE EARLY LIBERAL ERA Monique van Alphen Fyfe* This article undertakes a re-examination of the origins, construction and application of the Land for Settlements legislation in the early Liberal era. The Liberal's commitment to closer settlement reveals part of the story of highly contested land policy in colonial New Zealand. Land for Settlements legislation of the 1890s, aimed at "bursting up" the great estates, was predominantly the product of settlers' ideological aspirations and two determined politicians: John Ballance and John McKenzie. When measured against the rhetoric used to promote it, however, the policy was not necessarily effective: it was complicated by practical realities and a narrow vision of New Zealand as a vigorous Arcadian paradise. When contrasted with the treatment of Māori land, yet more of the complexity of the land issue and the frailties of the actors facing it are revealed. The article concludes by proposing that Liberal policy, while flawed in execution, may have nevertheless contributed something to the consolidation of the concept of New Zealand as an agrarian ideal, a concept that remains largely intact today. I INTRODUCING AN IDEOLOGY Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey; where wealth accumulates, and men decay.1 Liberal land policy has been an evocative and much examined topic for historians of decades past. The emergence of Waitangi Tribunal histories has since tended to homogenise Crown land policy such that very real shifts in government initiatives risk becoming overlooked. Land policy was, in fact, highly contested in colonial New Zealand. -
Blood on the Coal
Blood on the Coal The origins and future of New Zealand’s Accident Compensation scheme Blood on the Coal The origins and future of New Zealand’s Accident Compensation scheme Hazel Armstrong 2008 Oh, it’s easy money stacking carcasses in the half-dark. It’s easy money dodging timber that would burst you like a tick. yes, easy as pie as a piece of cake as falling off a log. Or being felled by one. extract from The Ballad of Fifty-One by Bill Sewell Hazel Armstrong is the principal of the Wellington firm Hazel Armstrong Law, which specialises in ACC law, employment law, occupational health and safety, occupational disease, vocational rehabilitation and retraining, and employment-related education. ISBN no. 978-0-473-13461-7 Publisher: Trade Union History Project, PO Box 27-425 Wellington, www.tuhp.org.nz First edition printed 2007 Revised and expanded edition printed May 2008 Acknowledgements The author would like to thank: Social Policy Evaluation and Research Linkages (SPEARS) funding programme for the Social Policy Research Award Rob Laurs for co-authoring the first edition Hazel Armstrong Law for additional funding to undertake the research Dr Grant Duncan, Senior Lecturer in Social and Public Policy Programmes, Massey University, Albany Campus, for academic supervision Sir Owen Woodhouse, Chair, Royal Commission of Inquiry into Compensation for Personal Injury in New Zealand (1969) for discussing the origins of the ACC scheme Mark Derby for editing the draft text Dave Kent for design and production DISCLAIMER The views expressed in this paper should not be taken to represent the views or policy of the Social Policy Evaluation and Research Committee (‘SPEaR’). -
Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament
New Zealand Journal of History, 52, 2 (2018) Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament IN A REFERENDUM held in conjunction with New Zealand’s 2011 general election, Māori overwhelmingly supported the retention of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) voting system introduced in 1996. Māori support for MMP was significantly less equivocal than that of the general population.1 The extent of support is understandable. MMP brought many benefits for Māori voters, most obviously a large increase in Māori representation in Parliament.2 The bulk of Māori votes were no longer tied up in just four electorates where they could often be safely ignored. With all votes being equal, political parties had a heightened motivation to pay heed to Māori aspirations and to put forward Māori candidates. The benefits of MMP for Māori were increased through the retention of seats reserved for voters of Māori descent, along with the innovation of linking the number of such seats directly with the numbers enrolled to vote in them. In 1996 the number of Māori seats increased to five under the new rules, and further increased to seven in 2002.3 Previously the number of reserved Māori seats was fixed at four, and had been since 1867.4 New Zealand adopted MMP following a binding referendum held in 1993. In 1990 Ranginui Walker summarized some of the faults with the electoral system then in place, pointing to both historical and ongoing discrimination. Whereas the secret ballot applied in European electorates from 1870, it did not apply in Māori electorates until 1937.5 There were no Māori electoral rolls until 1949 and compulsory voter registration was not introduced for Māori until 1956. -
Fact Sheet from Talking Shop to Party Government
From talking shop to party government: procedural change in the New Zealand Parliament, 1854-1894 John E. Martin This paper is reproduced with permission as published in the Australasian Parliamentary Review, vol 26, no 1, Autumn 2011 This article looks at parliamentary business in the nineteenth-century New Zealand Parliament, making comparisons with the British and Australian state Parliaments. Together with its companion article for the twentieth century, also to be published in this journal, it develops further the argument of a previous paper (see Related Documents) which examined the shifting balance between Parliament and the executive in New Zealand and the rise to dominance of the executive in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 1 The two articles document changes in procedure accompanying this shifting balance. The second article will look at the strengthening of control over business of the House in the twentieth century as governments sought to pass compact legislative programmes in their entirety, followed by more recent changes which were associated with a lessening of government control in some respects. Today and for the last century almost all legislation introduced into Parliament has originated from government and was virtually certain to pass into the statute book. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century the situation differed markedly. Private members’ bills comprised about 40 per cent of all bills and a substantial proportion of bills – between one-third and a half – did not become law. There were also private and local bills to consider. Governments had to find time for their business alongside these other demands and could not expect that their legislation would necessarily go through. -
Inventory Report
Date: October 2013 Seddon Statue Parliament Grounds, Molesworth Street, Thorndon, Wellington WCC Image 2014 Summary of heritage significance • The statue of Richard Seddon has architectural value for the quality of its sculpting and craftsmanship. It also admirably fills the space, dominating Parliament’s forecourt and interacting well with the grounds. • The statue of Richard Seddon has historical importance, as it commemorates one of New Zealand’s most important Prime Ministers. The statue’s maker, Sir Thomas Brock, was an important sculptor of considerable renown. The connection with Thomas Brock gives the statue added historical importance. • The statue of Richard Seddon makes a strong contribution to a sense of place for Parliament. Structurally, the Parliamentary precinct is dominated, and very much defined, by the Beehive, Parliament House, and the Parliamentary library. However, the statue, along with that of John Ballance, importantly injects a degree of humanity into the grounds, reinforcing the idea that Government is made of the people. • The statue of Richard Seddon is held in very high public esteem. Seddon is still thought of as one of New Zealand’s most important Prime Ministers, especially for the significant pieces of social legislation passed during his reign. The statue is an icon of New Zealand’s Parliament and its grounds, and often a prop for protests. 1 Date: October 2013 District Plan: Map 18, object reference 36 Legal Description: Secs 1210 1211 SO 24133 Town of Wellington Heritage Area: Parliament Heritage Area