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MMS 1 (1) pp. 143–153 Intellect Limited 2015

Metal Music Studies Volume 1 Number 1 © 2015 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/mms.1.1.143_1

David Geliebter John Jay College of Criminal Justice Ari J. Ziegler Brooklyn College Evan Mandery John Jay College of Criminal Justice

Lyrical stresses of heavy metal and rap

Abstract Keywords Two hundred and ten college students were played either a rap or heavy metal attentiveness version of a song and surveyed to determine lyrical recollection and comprehension of heavy metal the song’s themes. Students who heard the heavy metal version paid less attention to lyrical stress the song’s themes and had worse lyrical recollection. This data strengthens the argu- misogyny ment that has a lesser lyrical stress than rap. Consequently, a rap ‘gangsta’ heavy metal song is less likely to be repeated, taken to heart and acted upon recollection than a song. This finding offers important support for a non-race-based theory explaining the disproportionality between criticism of gangsta heavy metal music and gangsta rap music.

Introduction Sociologists Carrie Fried and Katheryn Russell-Brown have argued that although predominantly white genres of music, including heavy metal, often have lyrical content similarly violent and misogynistic to rap music, since

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rap is most often associated with black people it is singled out as being the violent and misogynistic genre (Fried 1996; Russell-Brown 2004). However, an important non-racial distinction may exist between heavy metal and rap music. As supported in a pilot study (Geliebter and Ziegler 2009), heavy metal music may have a lesser lyrical stress than rap music. To test this theory, the researchers hypothesize that in a study in which heavy metal and rap songs with near-identical lyrics are played to college students, participants who hear the heavy metal version will be less able to recall song lyrics and show comprehension of the song’s themes. These results may demonstrate a non- race-based, inherent, differentiating characteristic that makes ‘gangsta’ heavy metal subject to less criticism.

Literature review Carrie Fried (1996) carried out a research project in order to answer the ques- tion ‘Are some songs getting more extreme reactions because they are rap songs, and not because of the actual lyrics involved?’ (Fried 1996: 2136). In the first part of the experiment, researchers polled 118 white individuals in public places about their reactions towards anti-law-enforcement lyrics from the Kingston Trio’s 1960 folk song ‘Bad Man’s Blunder’. Those who were told that the lyrics were from a rap song were more critical of the song than those who were told the lyrics were from a folk or country song. In the second part of the experiment, the same lyrics were shown to 80 white individuals in public places and those who were told that the lyrics were written by a black artist were more critical than those who were told that the lyrics were written by a white artist. These results led Fried to conclude:

[T]he race of the singer play[s] a significant role in reactions to musical lyrics. The exact same lyrical passage, which is acceptable as a coun- try song or when associated with a White artist, becomes a dangerous, offensive song in need of government regulation when it is a rap song or associated with a Black artist. (Fried 1996: 2141)

Katheryn Russell-Brown (2004) contemplated the rap criticism dispropor- tionality further and asked ‘whether the scrutiny of gangsta rap is comparable to the scrutiny given to other music genres, such as the music of predomi- nantly white musicians who use crude lyrics (e.g., heavy metal)’ (Russell- Brown 2004: 49). David Geliebter and Ari J. Ziegler conducted a pilot study to gain insight into whether there was a non-race-based reason for why participants in Fried’s study were more critical of the lyrics when they were portrayed as rap lyrics and as Russell-Brown asked, why heavy metal does not receive the same scrutiny as rap. In this study, 130 individuals aged roughly 16 to 23 years were asked how important on a scale of 1–10 they thought song lyrics were for heavy metal and rap and for their preference of the two genres. Regardless of the musical preference, age or sex, participants indicated that lyrics were less crucial to heavy metal than rap songs. Together, the 130 scores aver- aged almost three points higher for rap (heavy metal: 4.35; rap: 7.26) and of the 130 individuals that participated, 76.9 per cent said that the lyrics were more important in rap, while only 13.1 per cent said that lyrics were more important in heavy metal. Some of the participants commented that the key

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component of heavy metal is the , are some- times unintelligible and that rap music without the lyrics would lose its main characteristic, sounding similar to other rap. These participants who actually listen to rap and heavy metal music largely agreed that lyrics were a neces- sity for rap, whereas an accouchement for heavy metal (Geliebter and Ziegler 2009). This pilot study only confirms that heavy metal is perceived as having a lesser lyrical stress; however, if this lesser lyrical stress can be verified, a non-race-based explanation for the aforementioned inquiries concerning disproportionate criticism of rap can be supported. If heavy metal truly has a lesser lyrical stress, then even if a gangsta heavy metal and gangsta rap song have near-identical lyrics, the lyrics and themes should be detected less in the heavy metal song.

Methodology Two hundred and ten interested students from City University of New York classrooms were given a face-down survey (included at the end of this arti- cle as Appendix A) and asked to direct their attention toward the projector screen where a pictorial advertisement for coffee was shown. (The image has previously been advertised on NYC MTA subway cars and platforms, so it is something that a person might naturally view while listening to music.) While the participants viewed the advertisement, the first minute of Lil’ Wayne’s 2008 rap song ‘Lollipop’ was played to 103 students and the first minute of Framing Hanley’s heavy metal cover of the song was played to 107 participants. Each treatment group was comprised of several smaller classes. The first minute of each song’s lyrics (available from an Internet search) differ only slightly. After the minute of either song ended, the researchers asked the participants to complete the survey and accompanying consent form.

Hypotheses While the collected data should pave the road for several analyses, the major hypotheses were:

• The rap group will on average be able to correctly recall more sexually- explicit-related lyrics of the song. • The rap group will on average be able to correctly recall more non-sexually- explicit-related lyrics of the song. • A greater percentage of the rap group will be able to correctly fill in the missing word. • The difference between the average ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ will be greater for the rap group. (As the songs’ lyrics are misogynistic, but not violent, the larger a group’s difference between the two ratings, the more attention the group paid.) • The difference between the average ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ will be greater for the heavy metal group. (Since the lyrics of the song overall are only perceived aurally, but the lyrics of the single line are actually read by the participant on the survey, similarity in the ratings of these two variables’ ratings parallels a similarity in compre- hension of the songs’ lyrics when heard and when read. Thus, the smaller a group’s difference between these two ratings, the more attention the group paid.)

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Results Preliminary comparisons of participants Chi-square tests show that preference of genre, age, race, school and gender of participants did not differ by genre of music heard. Chi-square tests show that the percentage of participants that previously heard the song played to them did differ by genre of music heard χ2 (1, N = 209) = 11.74, p = .001; a greater percentage of those who heard the rap version heard the song before.

T-tests There was no significant difference between ‘likeliness of listening to song with unknown woman’, ‘essentialness of music’, ‘effectiveness of advertise- ment’, ‘essentialness of lyrics’, ‘violence of song’, ‘support of song’ or ‘accept- ance of artist’s message about women’ ratings of the two groups. There was a significant difference between the amount of sexually-explicit lyrics recalled by the two groups, t(208) = 2.19, p = 0.029; those who heard rap recalled more lyrics. (Lyrics considered sexually-explicit lyrics were ‘hump’, ‘lick’, ‘lumps’/‘lady lumps’, ‘mama’/‘lil’ mama’/‘little mama’, ‘shorty’ and ‘touch’.) There was a significant difference between ‘misogyny of line read’ ratings of the two groups, t(208) = 2.35, p = 0.020; those who heard rap rated higher. There was a significant difference between the amount of non-sexually- explicit lyrics recalled by the two groups, t(208) = 2.38, p = 0.018; those who heard rap recalled more lyrics. (Lyrics considered non-sexually-explicit lyrics were ‘bottles’, ‘club’, ‘feel’, ‘hair’, ‘know’, ‘let’, ‘like’, ‘lollipop’, ‘lovely’, ‘make’, ‘rapper’/‘wrapper’, ‘right’, ‘say’/‘said’, ‘swag’, ‘sweet’, ‘thug’, ‘wanna’/‘want’, ‘wear’ and ‘wrong’. [Common stop words were not included in the count.]) There was a significant difference between ‘danger of song’ ratings of the two groups, t(207) = 2.99, p = 0.003; those who heard rap rated higher. There was a significant difference between ‘audibility of lyrics’ ratings of the two groups, t(207) = 3.09, p = 0.002; those who heard rap rated higher. There was a significant difference between ‘offensiveness of song’ ratings of the two groups, t(207) = 3.15, p = 0.002; those who heard rap rated higher. There was a significant difference between ‘misogyny of song’ ratings of the two groups, t(207) = 4.40, p =0.000; those who heard rap rated higher.

Word fill-in Chi-square tests show that the percentage of participants that were able to correctly fill in the missing word differed by genre of music heard, χ2 (1, N = 209) = 6.12, p = .013; a greater percentage of those who heard the rap version were able to fill in the missing word. Moreover, 26 per cent of those who heard the rap version left the space blank, while 40 per cent of those who heard the heavy metal version left the space blank.

Misogyny of song vs violence of song The distribution of ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ for the rap and the heavy metal groups can be seen in Figure 1. There was a significant difference between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ of the rap group, t(101) = 11.86, p = 0.000; ‘misog- yny of song’ scored higher. (More specifically, the p-value was 7.54 × 10-21.)

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Figure 1: Song Misogyny vs. Song Violence Ratings for Rap and Heavy Metal Groups.

There was a significant difference between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ of the heavy metal group, t(106) = 6.31, p = 0.000; ‘misogyny of song’ scored higher. (More specifically, the p-value was 6.6 × 10-9.) There was a weak significant correlation between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ of the rap group, p(100) = 0.23, p = 0.021. There was a medium-strength significant correlation between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ of the heavy metal group, p(105) = 0.38, p = 0.000.

Misogyny of song vs misogyny of line The distribution of ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ for the rap and the heavy metal groups can be seen in Figure 2. There was no significant difference between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ of the rap group, t(101) = −1.03, p = 0.304. There was a significant difference between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ of the heavy metal group, t(106) = −3.18, p = 0.002; ‘misogyny of line’ scored higher. There was a strong significant correlation between the ratings of ‘misog- yny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ of the rap group, p(100) = 0.53, p = 0.000. There was a medium-strength significant correlation between the ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ of the heavy metal group, p(105) = 0.30, p = 0.001.

Discussion The lyrics of Framing Hanley’s ‘Lollipop’ are quite audible if the listener attempts to listen to them, and so the major difference between the study’s two songs is the instrumental. Therefore, although this study only compares one heavy metal and one rap song, since it controls for lyrics and compares audience response based upon influence of the songs’ instru- mentals (the main non-lyrical difference between these two music genres),

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Figure 2: Song Misogyny vs. Line Misogyny Ratings for Rap and Heavy Metal Groups.

some generalizations about listeners’ attention to the two genres overall can be drawn. The only significant association among the preliminary comparison χ2 tests was the association between the percentage of participants that heard the song played to them and genre of music heard. While a greater percent- age of those who heard the rap version claimed they previously heard the song that was played to them, it is likely that the exposure of both versions of these songs is consistent across groups. Regardless of the version of the song played, most participants had probably previously heard the more famous Lil’ Wayne’s ‘Lollipop’, but not Framing Hanley’s heavy metal cover of the song; however, the lyrics of both of these songs are near identical, so the fact that one genre was previously heard more than the other is not an important distinction. There was a greater difference between ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ of the rap group (t-test p-value of 7.54 × 10-21) than the heavy metal (t-test p-value of 6.6 × 10-9). Moreover, ratings of the rap group had a weaker correlation (0.23) than the heavy metal group (0.38). As the songs’ lyrics are misogynistic, but not violent, the heavy metal group’s smaller difference between the two ratings reflects that they paid less attention to the song lyrics. There was a greater difference between ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ of the heavy metal group. (The difference was significant only for the heavy metal group.) Moreover, ratings of the heavy metal group had a weaker correlation (0.30) than the rap group (0.53). The difference in the heavy metal group’s rating parallels a difference in comprehension of the songs’ lyrics when heard and when read, indicating that its participants paid less attention to the song lyrics. Unlike single t-tests that merely ask about listeners’ reactions, the tests comparing ability to recall lyrics and fill in a missing word actually quantify attentiveness that participants had for lyrics. Moreover, the tests that compare difference between ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ and difference between ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’ actu- ally quantify comprehension participants had of themes.

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The heavy metal group:

• Recalled fewer sexually explicit lyrics • Recalled fewer non-sexually-explicit lyrics • Was less able to fill in the missing word • Had a smaller difference between ratings of ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘violence of song’ • Had a greater difference between ‘misogyny of song’ and ‘misogyny of line’

All five of these distinctions provide concrete, quantified evidence that heavy metal has a lesser lyrical stress than rap music. Whereas there is a possibility that the listener may not even hear heavy metal lyrics let alone comprehend or repeat them, rap music places a great emphasis on lyrics, and thus the message conveyed in a rap song is identical to what the lyrics state. Studies have shown that rap music affected participants’ attitudes and behaviours regardless of their musical preference (Gatto, Jackson and Johnson 1995; Barongan and Nagayama Hall 1995). Adding this information to the results from the current study, the likelihood that a song’s lyrics be heard, repeated, taken to heart and acted upon, is greater for rap than heavy metal. While the fact that the black artists in Fried’s experiment were seen more negatively than the white artists demonstrates racism, the current study supports a non-race-based reason explaining why participants in Fried’s study were more critical of the violent lyrics when presented as rap lyrics (Fried 1996), and why gangsta heavy metal is not scrutinized as much as gangsta rap (Russell-Brown 2004: 49). The results of the current study should not encourage the use of violence and misogyny in heavy metal songs, but with regards to policy, provide support that gangsta heavy metal songs may not need as tight a regulation (in sales and where the songs are played) as gangsta rap songs of equal misogyny/ violence. If the current experiment is repeated using rap and heavy metal versions of the same song promoting good values, and the rap version solicits a greater positive response than the heavy metal version, two results may occur. The theory that gangsta rap is criticized disproportionately solely because of racial identifications could be utterly disproven and the avenue of using rap music to thwart criminal activities can be explored. Rap, with its great lyrical stress, could be impregnated with positive lyrics and used as a form or rehabilita- tion. Additionally, if rap songs with positive lyrics are played with a simi- lar frequency as gangsta rap is today, perhaps individuals’ predispositions towards crime can be reduced.

Conclusion Participants who heard rap music had better lyrical recollection and theme comprehension than those who heard heavy metal. This disparity illustrates rap music’s greater lyrical stress. This stress increases the likelihood that a song’s lyrics be heard, repeated, taken to heart and acted upon if the song is a rap song rather than a heavy metal song. This distinction justifies greater scrutiny of rap music and greater criticism of gangsta rap music, resolving why participants in Fried’s study were more critical of the violent lyrics when presented as rap lyrics (Fried 1996) and why gangsta heavy metal music is criticized less than gangsta rap music (Russell-Brown 2004).

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Acknowledgements Gratitude is extended to the John Jay College of Criminal Justice Honors Program faculty and students who helped with data collection and support, Lila Kazemian, William Parkin and Margaret Smith for guidance in statistical testing and design, classroom professors for giving class time to the study, and participants of the pilot and final studies.

References Barongan, C. and Nagayama Hall, G. C. (1995), ‘The influence of misogynous rap music on sexual aggression against women’, Psychology of Women Quarterly, 19: 2, pp. 195–207. Fried, C. (1996), ‘Bad rap for rap: Bias in reactions to music lyrics’, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 26: 23, pp. 2135–46. Gatto, L., Jackson, L. A. and Johnson, J. D. (1995), ‘Violent attitudes and deferred academic aspirations: Deleterious effects of exposure to rap music’, Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 16, pp. 27–41. Geliebter, D. and Ziegler, A. J., (2009), ‘Under one minute survey’ [Pilot study, CUNY]. Russell-Brown, K. (2004), Underground Codes, New York: NYUP.

Appendix A – Survey Please answer the questions in the order that they are presented and as honestly as possible:

1. How effective at persuading viewers do you think the advertisement is? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely 2. How misogynistic (portraying a negative view of women) would you rate the lyrics in the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely 3. How violent would you rate the lyrics in the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely 4. How offensive do you feel the song you just listened to is? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely 5. How dangerous to society do you feel the song that you just listened is? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely 6. How supportive are you of the song that you just listened to playing on the radio? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

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7. How likely are you to listen to the song you just listened to with a woman you are unacquainted with? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

8. How accepting are you of the artist’s message about women in the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

9. How audible were the lyrics in the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

10. How essential were the lyrics to the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

11. How essential was the musical accompaniment in the song you just listened to? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

12. Have you ever heard the song you just listened to before today?

YES NO

13. Briefly recall any lyrics you can from the song you just listened to: ______

14. If you can, fill in the next word of the following line from the song you just listened to: (Don’t add the following words to the above answer if you haven’t already.)

Shorty wanna thug, Bottles in the club, Shorty wanna______.

(Turn over)

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15. The line was “Shorty wanna thug, Bottles in the club, Shorty wanna hump.” How misogynistic (portraying a negative view of women) would you rate this line? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not at All Somewhat Extremely

16. Which musical genre do you prefer to listen to? HEAVY METAL RAP

Age: ______

Gender: FEMALE MALE

Which Race do you most associate yourself with? AMERICAN INDIAN/ ALASKAN NATIVE

ASIAN/PACIFIC ISLANDER BLACK HISPANIC/LATINO MIDDLE_EASTERN WHITE OTHER

Are you registered at Brooklyn College or John Jay College of Criminal Justice?

BROOKLYN COLLEGE JOHN JAY COLLEGE OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE

Suggested citation Geliebter, D., Ziegler, A. J. and Mandery, E. (2015), ‘Lyrical stresses of heavy metal and rap’, Metal Music Studies, 1: 1, pp. 143–153, doi: 10.1386/ mms.1.1.143_1

Contributor details David Geliebter received a BS in Forensic Science from John Jay College of Criminal Justice (CUNY) and an MPS in Applied Ecology from the College of Environmental Science and Forestry (SUNY). He is completing an Ed.D. in Science Education at Teachers College, Columbia University and plans to teach high school natural sciences in natural settings. Contact: John Jay College of Criminal Justice (City University of New York), 524 West 59th. Street New York, NY 10019, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

Ari J. Ziegler received a BS in Psychology from Brooklyn College (CUNY). He is currently completing a Master’s degree in Experimental Psychology at Brooklyn College where he is particularly interested in the psychological study of creativity as it applies to storytelling and visual art. He is in the process of publishing his second novel. Contact: Brooklyn College (City University of New York), 2900 Bedford Avenue, Brooklyn, NY 11210, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

Evan J. Mandery is the chairperson of the department of criminal justice at John Jay College of Criminal Justice (CUNY) and an expert on the death

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penalty. A former capital litigator, he is the author of fifteen law review arti- cles on the subject and a textbook currently in its second edition. He has writ- ten a history of the two seminal Supreme Court cases Furman v. Georgia and Gregg v. Georgia and three novels. Contact: John Jay College of Criminal Justice (City University of New York), 524 West 59th. Street New York, NY 10019, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

David Geliebter, Ari J. Ziegler and Evan Mandery have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work in the format that was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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