D A V Academic Review A Refereed Research Journal Issue 4, Vol. 1 ISSN 2455-3999 December 2018 [email protected]

Hindu Communitarian Politics in United Province: A Role ofMadan Mohan Malviya

Dr. Vijay Singh

Assistant Professor

Arya (P.G.) College Panipat

Abstract

Madan MohanMalaviya was the famous religious leader of whom was associated with the Cow protection movement, SanatanDharamSabhas, Bharat Mahamandal, MaghMela, NagriParcharniSabha, Shuddhi and Sanghatan Movements etc.Along with these associations, he was important Congress leader from United Provinces (U.P).Malaviya became famous during the time of MaghMela festivals and Nagrimovement. was one of the prominent figures during the freedom movement.Malaviya was famous intellectual of United Province yet his opinion was conservative one.He was deeply influenced by SanatanDharm and Philosophy of Vedas. Especially, Nagri movement established Malaviya on highest position of politics in U.P. After the Nagri movement, languages described with particular religion, for example Hindi with Hindus and Urdu with Muslims. Nagri movement was the turning point of Hindu-Muslim tension and Malaviya was the prominent figure of this movement. Malaviya remained a part of Congress from it’s beginning. But he did not support many time Congress movement due to his conservative and pro-governance attitude.

Key Words:Hindu MahaSabha, Hindi, Nagri, Muslim League, Muslim, Nationalism, Communitarian, Communalism, Congress, Sanghatan.

It is well known that in north-, apart from the nascent growth of nationalism, there was an attempt among different segments of the middle classes belonging to the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs to define their respective sectarian identities on the basis of religion. The relationship between communitarian assertion during the colonial period and the nationalist struggle was actually defined by the specific historical context.1 In some recent writings it has been argued that the national movement spearheaded under the leadership of the Congress was becoming weak in India in this phase because its provincial leadership became more interested in issues which concerned the interests of their sectarian communities than the issues of larger national concerns. 2Religious nationalism has become familiar feature of modern Indian politics. It has established itself as a central idiom in the high politics of state power during the final two decades of the twentieth century. Religious nationalism has become involved among the two prominent religions Hindu as well as Islam. It remained reflecting political culture of Indian politics. It shows its true color when nationalism reached on its height. With the growing of nationalism, some prominent figure of Indian nationalism had become also icons of religious nationalism. They were deeply involved in nationalist activity as well as socio-culture movements of their respective society and regions. These leaders influenced larger section of society, even some times, particular region too.These religious bent of mind leaders could be seen easily both in Hindu and Islam religion. For example, MohamadIqbal, SafuddinKithluu, LajpatRai, Madam MohamMalaviya were prominent among such religious bent of mind

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leaders. Due to such type of political ideology, some historians call them communitarian leaders.3This observation is based on the assumption that communitarian consciousness is invariably and in all cases incompatible with nationalist perspective which grows out of consistent and systematic anti-colonial struggle.

Paper assesses Malaviya political activities in different Hindu Sanghatans and its impact on provincial U.P. politics as well as on national movement. Paper also examines how Malaviya communitarian and sectarian interests weaken the Congress movement in United Province during the first two decades of twentieth century. It also studies that Malaviya’s functioning on communal issuesinfluencednational politics on the communal issues.Present paper deals with the communitarian Hindu leader, Madan Mohan Malaviya and his active political activities in United Provinces. Malaviya was well-known leader of U.P Congress but he was closely associated with social and cultural organizations. In reality, social and cultural organizations were platform of Malaviya’s politics in U.P.

Madan Mohan Malaviya was one of the prominent figures during the time of freedom movement. Malaviya was born on December 25th of 1861.4Malaviya belonged to elite class Brhamin family of Allahabad, like the two high standingTandon and Nehru families of the Allahabad. He had ample opportunity to establish himself from his childhood.5 He had lot of experienced of stage and theater during his college time. He also had aperture to association with some distinguish personalities which help him in professional and public life later on. He had got degree of law and established himself a famous lawyer.6He did job of editor of several newspapers like Leader, Abhyudaya, Aajetc and also founded Banaras Hindu University at Allahabad. 7Although Malaviya was famous intellectual of province yet his opinion was conservative one.8 He was deeply influenced by SanatanDharm and Philosophy of Vedas.9Malaviya was the famous religious leader of Allahabad whom was associated with the Cow protection movement, SanatanDharamSabhas, Bharat Mahamandal, MaghMela, NagriParcharniSabha, Shuddi and Sanghatan Movements etc.10 Apart from these associations, Malaviya was important Congress leader of United Provinces (U.P).11Malaviya became famous during the time of MaghMela festivals and Nagri movement in the United Provinces. Especially, Nagri movement established Malaviya on highest stature of politics in U.P. due to this movement, Devnagri (Hindi) got equal status with Persian script as a court language in 1901. After the Nagri movement, languages related with particular religion, for example Hindi with Hindus and Urdu with Muslims.Nagri movement was the turning point of Hindu-Muslim tension and Malaviya was the prominent figure of this movement.Malaviya remained a part of Congress from it’s beginning. But he did not support many time Congress movement due to his conservative and pro-governance attitude.12

It is indeed true that was the first national leader who consciously attempted to achieve an effective linkage between communitarian loyalties in the political field with commitment to the larger collectivity of the nation that had gradually emerged in the course of common confrontation of all sectarian communities with in the colonial regime.13The main thrust of the Congress at the time was to build an anti-imperialist consciousness as a broader objective. For this, Congresswantedenlist support from all sections belonging to different communities. That iswhy from its very inception the Congress maintained a broad secular character and carried all sections in the fold of National Movement. The Congress, however, always took care to project itself as a secular organization, and the Muslims in

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particular, were assured that by joining it their interests would always be protected. But communitarian leaders like Malaviya was not much convince with Gandhian philosophy when he disagreed with non- Cooperation and Khilafat movements on certain issues.14 Especially, Malaviya was not in favourto boycott educational of institutions and legislative councils.15Because,Malaviya wanted government Aid for the Banaras Hindu University. Therefore, he did not support non-Cooperation movement of Gandhi. It was example of Malayia’s sectarian and personal interest of factional politics.

Although, it is true that religious rifts were not much vigorous during the period, yet, some Hindu revival and cultural organizations were formed in the province. Sectarian political activities of Hindu organizations ascertained hatred socio-political order in U.P, particularly, in Allahabad. Malaviya was deeply concerned with these institutions. The main aim of thisnew type of socio-political order was to conserve or promote Hindu interests in the local and the rest of provincial areas of politics. In this move, a number of religious fairs were the organized near Allahabad, among them MaghMela16 was significant and famous. In the early phase, it wascommon to participate in religious festivals. But in 1870s and 1880s, after the foundation of Prayag Hindu Samaj, it became more communalized.17 The prominent Hindu leaders like Bhattacharya brothers and Malaviya etc. were prominent members of this Samaj.18Its first meeting was held in the compound of Kashi Prasad where Malaviya spoke about the upliftment of the Hindus and encouraged them to develop their self dependence and present a strong face to their ‘enemies’ (Muslims). 19 Similarly, Prayag Hindu Samaj, Madhya or Mut Hindu Samaj20 of Allahabad established in 1894 and Bharat DharmMahamandal, were other strong SanatanDharm organizations to protect ‘Hindu1 interests’. Bharat DharmMahamandal had a weak tie up with the local DharmSabhas until the end of 1890s. The main aim of these organizations was to propagate Sanskrit and Hindi literature to bring awareness among the Hindus. In addition to this, they established Dharmashalas and Sanskrit colleges.21These religious centers were working place of Malayia’s activities and deeply influenced Malaviya’s ideas.

Consequently, after one year of combined struggle of the Hindus and the Muslims in the non-Cooperation andKhilafat movement, British government played another tactic to divide in society. The introduction of the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 was an important landmark in Indian electoral politics.22 This act increased people’s participation in electoral politics at the provincial and the local levels in U.P. This Act increased the Muslim representation in central as well as in legislative assemblies.23 This became big cause of rift between the Hindus and the Muslims. It created widened gap in the social and the political life of both communities.24Moplah outbreak had already added a new chapter in the Hindu- Muslim tension. Like the other part of the country, the story of forcible conversion in Malabar gave a boost and popularity to the Shuddhi Movement which in U.P. had never been witnessed before.25Here, one thing is very important that although Shuddhi movement was a tool of AryaSamaj. On the other hand, SanatanDharam was not much concern with the ideas of AryaSamaj. Malaviyabecame staunch supporter of Sanatan ideas despite this he strongly advocated the Shuddhi movement. The Hindu leaders responded more enthusiastically when the rumors of conversion of Malkanas of came at the time of Congress’s Gaya session.26 By such activities, the prominent Hindi writer MunsiPremChand wrote that Hindu

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leaders failed to come out to openly fight these mischievous activities. This Act resulted in major riots of Agra, Rae-Bareilly and in the U.P.27

However, Gandhi’s fast and a Unity Conference were a serious effort for finding a remedy for the Hindu- Muslim problem and Malaviya too participated in the Unity Conference.28 It is necessary to mention here that participation of local Congress leaders, like Malaviya, in early Hindu organizations was now openly seen in U.P. provincial Congress. A private bill in 1922 lowered the qualification for franchise in municipal elections and provincial councils under the Government of India Act of 1919, thus, creating about 120,000 voters in the municipalities in 1923, and this number rose to over 150,000 in 1926.29 In 1922, the U.P. District Boards Act was passed. By this act, the voting qualification was laid down for provincial elections. According to the Act, Muslims got special representation.30 For example, where they constituted less than one percent of the population they received 10 percent of the seats and if 15 to 30 percent they got 30 percent seats.31 The legislative council in U.P. was to consist of 123 members, 100 of them elected, among them 30 from the Muslim constituencies.32 This act increased community consciousness among the masses in U.P . Communitarian leader got a ample opportunity to spread their ideology. Because, representation in District Boards and Legislative Councils had become a challenge among the different sectarian leaders and Malaviya could not escape himself in that circumstances.According to the Government of India Act of 1919, The Council of State had Five seats, Three non-Muslim and Two Muslims.33 Except for One Landholder seat, the Legislative Assembly Constituencies for U.P. were also divided into communal groups like Eight non-Mohammedans, Six Mohammedan and One European.34 On the other hand, the U.P. Legislative Council comprised Twenty- Three nominated and One hundred elected members. Again, Ninety were divided on communal lines; Sixty of them non-Mohammedan, Twenty-Nine Mohammedan, One European and Ten were special seats to represent particular organizations or interest groups. The had decided to boycott the general election of 1920.35 The Indian National Congress, as part of the non-cooperation campaign initiated by Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920, accepted the resolution in the special session of Congress in Calcutta in September and re-affirmed it at the annual session at Nagpur in December.36

These developments brought about a Hindu reaction in the form of an emphasis on the need for the counter organization. Hindu leaders, especially, Swami Shardhanand and otherAryaSamajists launched a movement for re-conversion of MalkanaRajput, Gujar and Bania converts to Islam in western U.P.37 Hindu MahaSabha session of Banaras adopted the AryaSamaj’sShuddhi and Sanghathanprogramme and a prominent Hindu minded leader presided over it. Here Malaviya whole heartedly supported the Shuddhiprogramme.38 A notable businessman, Ghansyam Das Birla, financed ShuddhiProgramme. This helped in escalating the Shuddhi and Sanghathan movement39and to counter this, Muslims also organized themselves in Tabligh and Tanzim. The weekly meetings of AryaSamaj in Agra had become popular in the western part of the province. Prayers of Muslims on Fridays were turned into counter checks to the Hindus. This led to the seventeen communal riots in the eight divisions of the U.P.40As earlier discussed, the provincial Congress leader,Malaviya was prominent among these Hindu-minded leaders who supported the Shuddhi Movement. Now sectarian interests had amalgamated withlocal level electoral politics. Malaviya and his group were always fascinated with the political domination in the Congress. In those days, its contender, Motilal Nehru was much closer to Gandhi and the unquestioned leader of the Party after the death of C.R.Das.41But one thing is very important here that prior to

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this, Malaviyawas working in Hindu organizations like SewaSamitis, and Kissan movements.42 That’s, why Malaviya’s position was strong in comparison to Motilal Nehru.43 Conflicts between the two leaders were ostensible at the time of 1923 election, though Malavya did not openly oppose the in the provincial election.44 Despite this, Malaviya supported Liberal Party and few Independent candidates against the Swarajists. These candidates had sectarian interests which suited to Malaviya.

In the meantime, the Muslim League, at its session of Lahore in 1924, demanded to retain the system of separate electorate for the Muslim majority provinces like Bengal and Punjab.45 This was, however, not acceptable to a large section of the Hindu leadership in both the provinces. But in the Muslim minority provinces, like United Province and Central Province, Hindus perceived it as a challenge for their community.46 Moreover, they were worried about Congress’ dealing with Muslim League’s demand. Now, Hindus wanted that Congress should give up its secularist and pluralist principles. In other words, the Congress leadership failed to deal with the communal strife on the secular platform.47In addition to this, in the build-up to the electoral politics, Hindu communal propaganda was the important part of the province. Controversial issues increased political controversies and communal riots during the years 1923 to 1926.48After these riots, Malaviya and his followers raised this controversy more vigorously. Hindu Sabha of Allahabad was also deeply involved in this issue.49 In the mean-time, riots in the other parts of the country created common Hindu identity in the provincial Hindu Sangathans. After these riots, Hindu- Muslim leaders visited the spot to justify the act. On the other hand, Malaviya admitted and believed that Shuddhi and Sanghathan had worsened local communal feelings in the province. As earlier discuss, it showed, Malaviya’s differences with the AryaSamaj. In this series, prominent Khilaftist leader of Punjab, Dr. SafudeenKichlew, used his presidential platform of All India Khilafat Committee in December 1924 to insult the Hindu Mahashabha’s leader LajpatRai and Madan Mohan Malaviya. The hatred speeches, through public and political platforms, created problems and provoked both communities to fight for their religious interests. This sparked the feelings of communitarian ideology. Therefore, massive communal riots broke out at different parts of country.

The Hindus also suffered in the riots of Multan and Kohat in 1923. Malaviya initiated to organize Hindus. An organization, known as MahabirDal, was formed consisting of volunteers who were exhorted to build up their physical strength for the rescue of their brethren. Meanwhile, Malaviya presided over the Hindu Mahasabha’sBelgaon session but he did not attend the BelgaonCongress session while both were happening at the same time in Belgaon. Gandhi was not happy with Malaviya and the Hindu MahaSabha politics. Once again,it showed clearly that Malaviyapreferred sectarian issues in compare to nationalist. He made a provincial and Punjab tour to boost up Hindu Sanghathans and presided over a SanatanDharmSammelan at Rawalpindi. Muslims were observing activities of Malaviya and took him as their arch enemy. At this, Dr. Kitchlew started the Tanzimmovement to oppose the Sanghathan movement of AryaSamaj.50 In 1924, after failure of Delhi unity conference, the attitude of secular leadership of Congress gave a fresh look to the idea of nationalism.51 Now LajpatRai decided to work and support for Hindu Sanghathan such as Hindu MahaSabha.52

In 1926, LajpatRai and Madan Mohan Malaviya established an Independent Congress Party (ICP) to contest the forthcoming elections to the Central and the Provincial Legislatures against the Swaraj Party.53 According to both leaders, the national leadership was not concerned about protecting the Hindu

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interests. But the such kind of efforts made by Malaviya seemed more political than protecting Hindu interests. With the efforts of Malaviya, a candidate jointly supported by Hindu MahaSabha, liberals, dissidents from the Congress, were brought together in the 1926 elections to fight against the Sawaraj party. This group had no real organization of its own but it was able to unite the local Hindu Sabhas, in particular, and it able to bring together alike opinions leaders from U.P. and the Punjab.54 The issue between Swarajists and Independent Congress Party might seem as a continuation of struggle between Motilal and Malaviya on communal issues from 1923 onwards. It was not directly the issue of Hindu- Muslim, but the agenda of Independent Congress Party to protect Hindu interest.The election of 1926 assigned massive strength to the Hindu communal and religious propaganda. Both Nehru and Malaviya were working for this propaganda to ensure Hindu votes. Again Malaviya was throwing himself into the Hindu-Muslim controversy. In September of 1926, Madan Mohan Malaviya addressed a meeting of about 10,000 Hindus who assembled to protest against the district authority’s decision imposing restriction on the Hindu religious processions.55 However, these leaders indulged in propaganda and blamed each other. In the election time, Hindu communal organization blamed the Swaraj Party. Motilal, who was at the centre of this criticism, was denounced ‘pro-Muslim’ and ‘beef-eater’ by Hindu leaders. In this election, Hindu Sabha was supporting Malaviya.56 Both the leaders of Hindu Sabha and Malaviya’s Independent Congress Party were touring the province for election- canvassing and propagating the Hindu interests. A notice was issued by Krishan Kant Malaviya on behalf of the Hindu Sabha. According to it, candidates willing to contest the election had to submit their names to him. If they wanted to get support of the Hindu Sabha, then they were asked to inform him about the provincial political situation.57

Election of 1926 also revealed the factional and communitarian politics in the Congress’s camp. In this phase, Hindu-Muslim issue became stronger rather than other issues. Malaviya became staunch supporter of communitarian ideology. For example, LajpatRai, Guari Shankar Mishra of Allahabad and Raghava Das of Azamgarh supported ICP candidates. These leaders addressed public meetings, Nukkar-Sabhas, led processions of AryaSamaj and Hindu Sabhas.58 Leading businessman, G.D.Birla was also contesting election from Banaras-Gorakhpur legislative seats on behalf of ICP. In this election, despite the above local Congress leaders, Hindu Sabha and AryaSamaj leaders openly supported G.D.Birla. The main reason for this was that Birla was the main financer of Shuddhi Movement of AryaSamaj in the U.P. That is why, despite ill health Shardhananad campaigned for Birla.59 On the other hand, his son Indra supported the Congress candidates. Although Swarajists campaigned from a secular platform and declared that the Congress could and would protect the interests of all the Hindus as well as the Muslims. Motilal himself wooed the Mahasabha and urged it to join the Congress rather than to start a separate political organization of its own. He encouraged the Mahasabhasites to remain in the Congress camp with the hope of securing a victory in the election. However, Swarajists contested on secular programme but some prominent leaders like Sampurnanand were interacting with Hindu Sabha leaders.60 Being in dilemma, the Muslims were to support the Swaraj Party’s candidates. The association between the Congress and the Hindu Sabha leadership was evitable as leadership occupied the two offices at the same time i.e. at local level either in the Congress or Hindu Sabha.In this communal prospect, leaders of the Swaraj party did not keep themselves aloof. For example, in Bihar the entire list of Swaraj Party candidates was prejudiced by Hindu Sabha workers. Motilal, himself, adopted the same formula of the Malaviya led ICP.61 By this action, he wanted to solve two motives-- firstly, to look for support of

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Hindus in the coming election and secondly to capture the annual conference of Hindu Sabha by nominating his own supported candidates.62 However, Motilal’s later motive was failed due to the strong grouping of Malaviya’s followers. But Motilal was successful in mustering the support of Hindu saints and sanyasis of Banaras.63 However, after the election of 1926, it was quite clear that Muslims would keep themselves aloof in the National struggle. Community consciousness was too strong at this time and communitarian leaders of Congress could not separate themselves from it and Malaviyawas one of the major examples of this. Several religious festivals and Melas were organized by Hindu Sanghathans. Shuddhi and Sanghathan movement of Hindu and Tanzim and Tablqe of Muslims created tension in the various provinces.

It was Malaviya’s communitarian ideology that was blemishing image of Congress. It was seemed clearly when Malaviya accepted resolution passed by Calcutta Congress’s session on the issues of Cow slaughters, music before mosque etc in Madras session of Congress in 1927. Here, Malaviya became a member in the committee on communal issues headed by MotiLal. Hindu MahaSabha leaders criticized Malaviya.64After this, Malaviya committed to the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. He did not advocating the Hindu Raj and Muslim Raj. That’s why, B.S.Moonje and BhaiParmanand condemned Malaviya.65Malaviya’s philosophy became underwent change in secular politics in place of communitarian ideas. This political phase was entire differ phase of Malaviya. Now Malaviya became holdup strong tie with his opponents like, MotiLal and be poles apart with his previous fellows like Moonje and Parmanand. Again, Malaviya was fully satisfied with Gandhi and his Civil Disobedience Movement. Now Malaviya was a profound nationalist. But, Malaviya’s associates doubted his sincerity for the cause of Hindu Interest. One thing was very important to understand that communitarian leaders like Malaviya was remain nationalist some time and become Hindu supporter other time. Such philosophy developed separatist ideology within the Indian nationalism. It helped to support separatist and communal ideas among the different communities of Indian societies.

It is important to mention here that political personalities like Malaviya remained affected by the social and political environment. Some time communitarian leaders manipulated politics by their sectarian activities. The interests of particular community remained more important in compare of whole society. But at the same time, interests of whole society became more powerful in compare of particular community. In such situations, behavior of political figures, like Malaviya becomes more important. That’s why, it is very important to access activities of communitarian leaders during the time national movement. Communitarian leaders had established their worth at their particular community level as well as national politics.Therefore, it was quiet clear that leader like Malaviya was very important political figure in provincial and national politics.

References and Endnotes:

1 . For detail see, K.L.Tuteja, Hindu Consciousness, Communalism and the Congress in the Pre-Partition Punjab, ‘Presidential Address, Proceedingsof the Indian History Congress, Bangalore Session, 1997.’

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2 . K.W.Jones, AryaDharm: Hindu Consciousness in the Nineteenth Century Punjab, New Delhi, 1975, pp-280-330.

3Prominent historian Modern Indian of history Prof K.L.Tuteja give this specific term Communitarian. 4 . on Christmas Day. 5 .Parmanand, MahamanaMadan Mohan Malayiya: A Historical Biography, Vol-1, Banaras Hindu University, Allahabad, 1961, Capter-1. 6 .Parmanand, MahamanaMadan Mohan Malayiya: A Historical Biography, Vol-11, Op.cit, pp-10-11. 7 . 8C.A.Bayly, TheLocal Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920, Oxford, 1975, p-217 9 . Especially views on Caste and Verna system. 10. John Zavos, The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism in India, Oxford, 2000, pp-12-14,and 50-54. 11 . C.A.Bayly,Op.cit, p-217. 12Parmanand, MahamanaMadan Mohan Malayiya: A Historical Biography, Vol-11, Op.cit, pp-533. 13 . Ravinder Kumar, Essays in the Social History of Modern India, Delhi,1983, pp-47-48. 14 .Parmanand, MahamanaMadan Mohan Malayiya: A Historical Biography, Vol-11, Op.cit, pp-533. 15 . The Leader, September 22, 1920. 16 .MaghMela which takes place every year at the confluence of the river the Ganga and the Yamuna. Benares, Hardwar, and Ajodhya were the main centre of Mela. 17 .Hindu professionals like teachers, lawyers and raises of Allahabad played active role in defense of MaghMela. The small businessmen like barbers, vendors, and flower sellers were also involving in the changing ritual functions. Now a day MaghMela became a commercial occasion in the U.P.; C. A. Bayly, Op. Cit p.106; and for detail also see ; H.R.Nevill, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, vol. xxiii, Allahabad, 1911, pp. 69-73 18 .Prayag Hindu Samaj was founded at Agra in 1880. Other members of Samaj were BeniMadhab, Raises Ram Charan Das and CharnChanderMitter ; S.R. Chaturvedi,MahamanaPanditMadan Mohan Malaviya, Varanasi, 1936, p.28

19 .S. R. Chaturvedi ,Op.cit; p.29. 20 .Before this Samaj, Hindu Samaj was a social organization founded by Pt. Aditya Ram Bhattacharya at Allahabad in 1880. Later on, this Samaj was transformed into Madhya Samaj in 1885, a political organization on provincial level.

2121 .Bharat DharmMahamandalemerged in 1889. By the 1910, it was supposed to have 600 accredited branches and 400 affiliated DharmSamaj; S. R. Chaturvedi , Op.cit; p.54; and Bayly, Op.cit; p.115. 22 .The new scheme proposed to transfer some departments such as local government, education and agriculture, to the control of minister responsible to the legislature; David Page , Prelude to Partition ; the Indian Muslims and the Imperial System of Control, 1920-32, Delhi, 1982, p.30-72. 23 .GyannedraPandey, Op.cit; p.22; and see also, David.Page, Ibid. 24 .David Page,Ibid, pp.30-72 25 .LalaLajpatRai ,A History of the AryaSamaj, New Delhi Op.cit; P.120; ChoudharyKhaliquzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, Lahore, 1961, pp. 69-71; and N . G. Barrier, Op.cit; p.220 25.LalaLajpatRai ,A History of the AryaSamaj, New Delhi Op.cit; P.120; ChoudharyKhaliquzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, Lahore, 1961, pp. 69-71; and N . G. Barrier, Op.cit; p.220

26 .All India Khilafat conference and Jamiat- ul - Ulama-i-Hind also passed resolution at Gaya in December 1922; N.N.Mittra, Indian Annual Register, 1922-23, I, pp. 917-27, 937-43.

27 .Agra and Saharanpur riots happened in August, and September, 1923, Leader, (Allahabd), August, 28 and September, 2 and 9, 1923; see also, UPLAD, 530, 1923, UPRR , Lucknow , cited in Gail Minault , Op.cit; pp. 192 to 195. 28 .During the days of fast, Mahatma Gandhi was stay at MaulanaMohmmad Ali’s house in Delhi ; N.G. Barrier, Op.cit; p.224. 29 .P.D. Reeves, (ed.), A Hand Book to Elections in , 1920-1951, Delhi, 1975, p.xxxiv

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30 .Government assured Muslims at least one representation in every District Board. 31 .In Moradabad, Bijnor and Sharanpur districts, where Muslims population was more than 30 percent see also, Indian Statutory Commission, volume ix , Memorandum submitted by the government of the United Provinces to the Indian statutory commission, London, 1930, p.481 cited in, G. Pandey, Op.cit;p.22.

32 .G. Pandey, Ibid, p.22; and see also; and David Page, Op.cit; pp.30-72.

33 .The five council seats of U.P. were divided in to two communal seats; all five were torrential constituencies with the existing administrative division as the basic units. Council of state constituencies’ conversed very large areas, despite the smallness of their electorates. There was no distinction made between Urban and rural in the council of state; P.D. Reeves, (ed.), Op.cit;pp.xx-xvi.

34 .Agra, Meerut, Bareilly, Cawnpore, Allahabad, Lucknow and Benares, all seven cities were in Urban constituencies; P.D. Reeves, Ibid, p. xxi 35 .P.D.Reeves, Ibid,p.xxxi; and also see, All India Congress Committee Papers, 82/1931; cited in G. Pandey, Op.cit; p.22. 36 .P.D. Reeves, Ibid,p.ixiii, 37 .See for details, F.Robinson, Op.cit; pp. 338-40; and J.T.F.Jordens, Op.cit; pp. 131-42; and R.A.Gordon, The Hindu MahaSabha and Indian National Congress , 1915-1926, in, Modern Asian Studies , vol.9,2, April, 1975,pp. 182-95. 38 .G. Pandey, Op.cit; p.96 39 .J. T. F. Jorden, Op.cit; p.150. 40 .G. Pandey, Op.cit; p.97. C.R.Das was prominent Bengali Congress leader and founder member of SwarajDal. Swaraj party faced heavy loss after his death in 1925.41 . 42 .By the active participation in these organizations, Malaviya succeeds to get support prominent Hindu leaders, Sadhus, Sanyasis and common Hindu people. 43 .Jawahar Lal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters, Bombay, 1958, pp.6-7. 44 .P. D. Reeves (ed.) , Op.cit;p.iXiii

4545 . K.L.Tuteja, ‘Hindu Consciousness the Congress and Partition’, in, Amrik Singh (ed.), The Partition in Retrospect, Anamika Publisher, 2000, P.11.

46 .N.N.Mitra, Indian Annual Register, April-June1924; Kanchan Moy Majumdar, Saffron Versus Green: Communal Politics in the Central Province and Berar 1919-1947, New Delhi , 2003, p.71; David.Page, Op.cit; p. 138.

47 .Here Congress thought that their leadership was able to take up the Muslim communal challenge as well as Hindu communal challenge, B.D. Graham, ‘Congress and Hindu Nationalism’, in, D.A. Low (ed), The Indian National Congress: Centenary Hindsight, Oxford, 1988,pp.183-184.

48 .David Page,Op.cit;pp.80-84. 49 .Ibid, and G. Pandey, Op.cit; pp.98-99. 50 . Gail Minault, Op.cit;pp.145-46; and D.Page, Op.cit; p.102.

51 .Parmanand , Op.cit; p.652; P. Nagar, Op.cit; p. 271, and G. Pandey, Op.cit; p.255

52 . P. Nagar, Op.cit; p. 271; and G. Pandey, Op.cit; p.255.

53 .In this election Sawrajist reorganized themselves within the Congress camp. In 1926 election ICP wars more successful in U.P. and Punjab in compare of its rival Swrajist ; K.L. Tuteja, ‘HinduConsciousness, theCongress’, in , Amriksingh, (ed) Op.cit; P.12; and David.Page, Op.cit; pp.126-30. 54 .P.D. Reeves, Op.cit;p.ixiv.

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55 .Before the 1926’s election, Malaviya had already defeated by Nehru’s Swarajist alliance. By such type of actions Malaviya wanted to gain Hindu masses sympathy at the time of election. The election of 1926 in UP. was not Independent Congress Party versus Swarjist, despite this it was Malaviya versus Moti Lal ; G. Pandey , Op.cit; p.100. 56., Op.cit; pp.51-53; and David.Page, Op.cit; p.135.

57 .G. Pandey ,Op.cit; pp.100-101.

58 .Aaj, October 4 and 8, 1926 59 .J.I.F. Jordens ,Op.cit; p.150-165; and P.D Reeves , Op.cit; p.34. 60 .Abhyudaya , March, 13&20, 1926; and David Page, Op.cit;p.131 61 .Ravinder Kumar and Haridev Sharma (ed), Selected Works of Moti Lal Nehru , pp.108,126,134&135, 414-15; and J..Nehru, Op.cit; p.52.

62 .G. Pandey,,Op.cit; pp.100-101. 63 .Ravinder Kumar and Haridev Sharma, Op.cit; pp.134-135.

64 . RamlalWadhwa, Hindu MahaSabha, 1928-1947, Radha Publications, New Delhi,1999, p-44. 65 . Ibid, p-55 and also see, Aaj, Hindi newspaper from Allahabad, April, 1928

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