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On the relevance of the European Neolithic
R. Alexander Bentley, Michael J. O’Brien, Katie Manning and Stephen Shennan
Antiquity / Volume 89 / Issue 347 / October 2015, pp 1203 - 1210 DOI: 10.15184/aqy.2015.98, Published online: 09 October 2015
Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0003598X15000988
How to cite this article: R. Alexander Bentley, Michael J. O’Brien, Katie Manning and Stephen Shennan (2015). On the relevance of the European Neolithic. Antiquity, 89, pp 1203-1210 doi:10.15184/aqy.2015.98
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Debate R.A. Bentley et al.
Even if the extent of Neolithic land clearance was not substantial everywhere (McMichael et al. 2012), debate concerning the modern Malthusian limits of the planet (Rockstrom¨ et al. 2009; Barnosky et al. 2012; Ehrlich & Ehrlich 2013; Hughes et al. 2013) makes relevant study of prehistoric population growth. The occurrence of the Neolithic on multiple continents reveals how fertility rates vary over very long timescales in the kinds of small- scale subsistence communities that fundamentally inform the evolutionary study of modern fertility (Mace 2008; Bocquet-Appel 2011). For decades the view has been that agriculture initiated higher fertility in Neolithic Europe, effectively enabling steady population growth for all those subsequent millennia (Bocquet-Appel 2011). Although occurring at vastly different rates, both ancient and modern cereal domestication has increased yields, nutrition content and climatic resilience of domestic crops (Dayton 2014). New evidence, however, indicates that Neolithic populations fluctuated through millennial-scale cycles of population growth and decline (Zimmermann et al. 2009; Shennan et al. 2013). In Britain and Ireland, pollen evidence suggests forest clearance by growing numbers of farmers from about 6000 years ago (Whitehouse et al. 2014; Woodbridge et al. 2014), followed by a decline in both population and human impact approximately 5500 years ago. It was not until late in the fifth millennium BP that population levels and associated land clearance were renewed. In continental Europe, the abundance of radiocarbon dates from the Neolithic—over 13 000—enable their use as a statistical proxy for population size through time, which demonstrates a recurrent pattern of population boom and bust following the introduction of farming into Europe (Shennan et al. 2013; Timpson et al. 2014). As more such finely resolved time-series data become available, abrupt changes may resolve themselves and we can perhaps determine if there were early warning signs in the lead up to these critical transitions (Scheffer et al. 2009). Between cycles of population growth and decline (Shennan et al. 2013; Timpson et al. 2014), population bottlenecks will have had a considerable impact on the genetic and cultural diversity of subsequent growth periods, with strong selective pressures acting on populations. Nutrition, disease resistance, climatic adaptations and group alliances will have affected survival rates during these population bottlenecks. Although Neolithic farmers were shorter than Mesolithic hunter-gatherers, had bad teeth and suffered from farming-related diseases (Jackes et al. 1997; Holtby et al. 2012; Bickle & Fibiger 2014), the Neolithic still provided a selective advantage for those biologically evolved for adult lactose tolerance and carbohydrate digestion (Itan et al. 2009, 2010; Laland et al. 2010). If dairy farming constituted its own evolutionary niche in the European Neolithic (Laland et al. 2010; Gerbault et al. 2011; O’Brien & Laland 2012; O’Brien & Bentley in press), lactose-tolerant lineages may have emerged as an increased proportion of the population. As a result, the modern European digestive system is partly a legacy of Neolithic dairy farming and cereal production. These ancient origins may yield insight into the breakdown of the insulin- regulatory system that underlies modern diabetes and obesity. Ownership of food production fundamentally changed in the Neolithic; this has contemporary relevance as the world debates who ‘owns’ new, genetically modified crops (Eisenstein 2014). While the landscape of Mesolithic Europe was probably communal for hunting and gathering (e.g. boar, aurochs, deer, eggs, fish, shellfish, hazelnuts, medicinal plants), Neolithic farmers cultivated their crops (wheat, barley, peas, flax, opium poppy) in C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015
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Debate R.A. Bentley et al.
Shennan 2011b; Bentley & O’Brien 2012) is echoed by a new economic theory that twenty- first century populations will lead new technologies, which are capable of keeping pace with environmental demands (Malakoff 2013). This, in turn, feeds back into the origins of inequality. Social memory, which was so resilient in Neolithic societies (Hodder & Cessford 2004), may leave legacies in modern populations, such as the suggestion that millennia of rice agriculture in China brought about more holistic and collective social norms than the wheat-intensive Neolithic of Europe (Talhelm et al. 2014), or that norms associated with the prehistory of plough-use continue to affect modern fertility (Alesina et al. 2011). Insights into cooperation are demonstrated in how the exchange of foodstuffs mitigates the risk of seasonal uncertainty between different regional systems. If climate fluctuations undermined the stability of Neolithic societies (Gronenborn 2007), the disruption of exchange may have been as important as reduced productivity. These may provide important lessons for the twenty-first century regarding the effects of global warming on food supply (e.g. Battisti & Naylor 2009), the increased likelihood of warfare (Hsiang et al. 2013)ora reduction in labour capacity (Dunne et al. 2013). More generally, the detailed regional diversity of the material and cultural data from Neolithic Europe—including burial practices, pottery decorations, stone tools, craft techniques and raw material sources (Modderman 1988;Luning¨ et al. 1989; Gronenborn 1999)—makes for an excellent testing ground of culture evolutionary process, including the neutral theory of ‘cultural drift’ (Shennan & Wilkinson 2001; Bentley & Shennan 2003), variations of which are now applied widely to contemporary phenomena, even Twitter (Gleeson et al. 2014). Similarly, concepts of cumulative culture, tested in the Neolithic and before, underlie theories of modern innovation and the combinatorial possibilities of technology (Hausmann & Hidalgo 2011). Archaeology is increasingly playing a significant role in these debates as we begin to learn from the early agricultural societies where so many trends began. The role of people in changing global environments and climate has become an issue of massive concern. Human diets have never been subject to closer scrutiny, and the links between genetic patterns and subsistence practices are becoming ever clearer. The consequences of a human population that is heading towards ten billion members are unknown. Will a new equilibrium be reached, or will we see a repeat of the boom-and-bust patterns visible in prehistory but on a much larger scale because of the strength of global interconnections? Are we doomed to ever-greater inequality as a result of the increased concentration of resources in fewer hands? The continuing relevance of the Neolithic has never been more apparent.
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