Reduplication in Distributed Morphology Item Type text; Article Authors Haugen, Jason D. Publisher University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona) Journal Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Linguistic Theory at the University of Arizona Rights http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Download date 27/09/2021 03:15:12 Item License Copyright © is held by the author(s). Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/143067 The Coyote Papers 18 (May 2011), University of Arizona Linguistics Department, Tucson, AZ, U.S.A. Reduplication in Distributed Morphology Jason D. Haugen Oberlin College
[email protected] Keywords reduplication, Distributed Morphology, allomorphy, reduplicative allomorphy, base-dependence, Hiaki (Yaqui), Tawala Abstract The two extant approaches to reduplication in Distributed Morphology (DM) are: (i) the read- justment approach, where reduplication is claimed to result from a readjustment operation on some stem triggered by a (typically null) affix; and (ii) the affixation approach, where reduplica- tion is claimed to result from the insertion of a special type of Vocabulary Item (i.e. a reduplica- tive affix–“reduplicant" or \Red") which gets inserted into a syntactic node in order to discharge some morphosyntactic feature(s), but which receives its own phonological content from some other stem (i.e. its \base") in the output. This paper argues from phonologically-conditioned allomorphy pertaining to base-dependence, as in the case of durative reduplication in Tawala, that the latter approach best accounts for a necessary distinction between \reduplicants" and \bases" as different types of morphemes which display different phonological effects, including \the emergence of the unmarked" effects, in many languages.