Alasdair Mac Intyre, Charles Taylor, and the Demise Of

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Alasdair Mac Intyre, Charles Taylor, and the Demise Of ALASDAIR MAC INTYRE, CHARLES TaYLOR, AND THE DEMISE OF NATURALISM Reunifying Political Theory and Social Science JASON BLAKELY University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana Copyright 2016 University of Notre Dame I NTRODUCTION The Problem of Superstition and the Divorce of Political Theory from Social Science Imagine a far- flung, primitive society in which the sudden invention of an alphabet radically improves the lives of the inhabitants. Whereas once they communicated their traditions orally and were able to retain only limited amounts of knowledge, suddenly they are able to store vast quantities of information in written tomes. Their capacity for expression through written media also diversifies and deepens. Captivated by this great leap forward, this society develops a mania for writing. They write letters, journals, and books; they open institutes devoted to the written word and amass vast libraries. Their knowledge of the world advances in countless indisputable ways. They also, however, become so obsessed with written language that they gradually come to devalue speech in any form whatsoever. Various social and political movements that are hostile to speaking arise. Some of society’s brightest intellectuals demote speak- ing to a lesser form than written communication. “Speaking is dead,” these intellectuals adopt as their motto— which they write down because they refuse to speak it aloud anymore. This, of course, is a wild fiction. But something like it has happened in our own time in the wake of the scientific revolution. For although the 1 Copyright 2016 University of Notre Dame 2 Alasdair MacIntyre, Charles Taylor, and the Demise of Naturalism natural sciences have undoubtedly proved to be a great leap forward, nev- ertheless their influence has also begun to overstep rational boundaries. As a result, our own society has become like that of the alphabet-obsessed primitives, in that the sciences (or at least a certain philosophical view of the sciences) have started to morph into various forms of superstition and political control. This may seem strange. Science is widely regarded as not only the exact opposite of superstition but also entirely apolitical. Yet science becomes superstitious and political precisely when it over- steps its bounds— when it seeks to replace and displace all prescientific forms of knowing and remake the world in its image. This book examines how a certain mistaken philosophical concep- tion of the natural sciences has inspired both superstitious and politically menacing forms of thinking in the domains of political theory and the social sciences. This phenomenon is far from new. There is a long history of scientism in the study of human culture and society— for example, the infamous eighteenth- century development of physiognomy, which claimed that an individual’s personality was completely determinable by the physical features of his or her face.1 Similarly in the nineteenth cen- tury, Auguste Comte called for a “social physics” and posited the “law of human development” as a three- stage evolution of history culminat- ing in a form of scientific society that eliminated any serious need for religion or the humanities.2 Comte’s was of course only one of many “sciences” of history—including certain strains of social Darwinism, sci- entific socialism, technocratic utilitarianism, sociobiology, and so on— that crowded, confused, and menaced the political and intellectual life of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in Europe. In the coming chapters I will explore in detail how in our own time, these attempts to imitate the natural sciences have become more sophisticated and subtle (if no less problematic) than the physiognomy, the social physics, and the rest of the teeming mass of pseudosciences of two centuries past. But this book will also propose a way out of the scientism that clouds our age. In doing so, it will show how the reunification of social science and political theory can be achieved. Specifically, it will look to the ar- gumentative resources of two recent philosophers— Charles Taylor and Alasdair Mac Intyre— who each presented a new philosophical basis for social science theory in the face of reductive instrumental, technocratic, Copyright 2016 University of Notre Dame Introduction 3 and pseudoscientific ways of thinking. What I offer here is a philosophi- cal history of two of the most important thinkers of the late twentieth century. My basic overarching assumption is that the story of how these two philosophers developed their views of social science generates a new approach to political inquiry that speaks to the concrete concerns of po- litical theorists, social scientists, and policy makers. I will briefly elabo- rate its relevance to each of these three communities in turn. First, Taylor’s and Mac Intyre’s philosophical formulations of a new social science give political theorists a clear way to overcome the view that science is concerned with hard, objective facts while political theory mucks around in the subjectivity of values. Political theorists are often told that social scientists are concerned with empirical analysis, while theorists must be constrained to purely normative claims of value. But a proper recovery of Taylor’s and MacI ntyre’s views of social science shows that empirical science and normative inquiry cannot be successfully dichotomized. In overcoming this fact-v alue divide, this study offers political the- orists and philosophers an alternative to approaches that have dominated Anglophone philosophy for over forty years. For example, one way of thinking of the late John Rawls’s massively influential project is as a vin- dication of political and normative philosophy after the challenges posed by the fact- value dichotomy. At midcentury, the logical positivists had famously declared political philosophy dead because its language was un- verifiable and therefore essentially emotive (a discussion I return to in greater detail in later chapters).3 In other words, political theory was not a true form of knowledge because it dealt in subjective values and not in objective facts. In this context, Rawls’s project was received by many as a resuscitation of political and normative philosophy that showed such research could be established on rational grounds, largely free from ques- tions of fact. Rawls’s A Theory of Justice can be read (and indeed was read by many) as an attempt to carve out a radically autonomous sphere for rational normative justification, separate from the empirical researches of the social sciences, thus not running afoul of the philosophical divi- sion between facts and values. Although interest in logical positivism has long since waned, the notion that there is a dichotomy between facts and values has continued to remain largely unquestioned within mainstream Copyright 2016 University of Notre Dame 4 Alasdair MacIntyre, Charles Taylor, and the Demise of Naturalism social science and analytic philosophy. Partly for this reason, Anglophone political philosophy has been hugely attracted to the Rawlsian paradigm. By contrast, in rejecting a strong separation between normative and empirical research, Taylor and Mac Intyre have opened new, non- Rawlsian routes out of the fact-v alue dichotomy. Recovering this aspect of their work thus debunks the myth that Anglophone political theory was made defunct by positivism until Rawls arrived on the scene and re- suscitated the cadaver.4 Rather, the approaches to social science cham- pioned by Taylor and Mac Intyre have roots extending back to the early 1960s, with normative ramifications that have yet to be fully realized by philosophers and political theorists. I hope to make these ramifications clear in the account that follows. Second, social science in our own day is overwhelmed by the towering accomplishments of the natural sciences. Social scientists are everywhere on the defensive as they are asked to meet the same success in prediction, explanation, and technological control as is found in the pre- cincts of physics and biology. But what if the predictive, technological- control model of scientific success is a mistaken standard when applied to the social sciences? My treatment of Taylor and MacI ntyre is a narrative of the historical emergence of an alternative philosophy of social science to those that currently shape the majority of research programs in society and politics. As shall be made clear, Taylor and MacI ntyre each drew on a long tradition of interpretive thought that includes the cultural studies of E. P. Thompson, the linguistic philosophies of Ludwig Wittgenstein and Peter Winch, and the phenomenology and hermeneutics of G. W. F. Hegel, Martin Heidegger, and Hans- Georg Gadamer. Although Mac- Intyre and Taylor are not sui generis, I believe they do represent the state of the art in interpretive philosophy of social science. In this respect, the narrative that follows is meant to vindicate and revive interpretive insights in the face of skepticism and opposition. Over fifty years have passed since the much hailed “interpretive turn” emerged in the English- speaking world.5 Yet today the reforms of this turn have stalled. And although many social scientists now accept certain inter- pretive criticisms of their work, they also tend to treat interpretivism as one method among many, one more tool in a kit.6 Taylor’s and Mac- Intyre’s philosophical accounts of the social sciences run directly against Copyright 2016 University of Notre Dame Introduction 5 this tendency. Their philosophies give social scientists working in all disciplines (from economics and sociology to political science and psy- chology) an alternative theoretical framework for conducting research. This interpretive framework also provides social scientists with a norma- tively engaged way to do research, bridging the gap with political theory and ethics. Social science and political theory can at last be reunified. Third, policy makers and everyday political actors will find in these pages the philosophical justification for more deliberative, democratic, and antielitist approaches to politics.
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