25 Years After the Fall of the Iron Curtain the State of Integration of East and West in the European Union

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

25 Years After the Fall of the Iron Curtain the State of Integration of East and West in the European Union 25 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain The state of integration of East and West in the European Union Research and Innovation EUROPEAN COMMISSION Directorate-General for Research & Innovation Directorate B — European Research Area Unit B.6. — Reflective Societies Contact: Zoltán Krasznai European Commission 1049 Bruxelles/Brussel BELGIQUE/BELGIË E-mail: [email protected] EUROPEAN COMMISSION 25 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain The state of integration of East and West in the European Union Péter Balázs András Bozóki Ştefan Catrina Adelina Gotseva Julius Horvath Donika Limani Bogdan Radu Ágnes Simon Áron Szele Zselyke Tófalvi Krisztina Perlaky-Tóth Directorate-General for Research and Innovation 2014 Inclusive, Innovative and Reflective Societies EUR 26678 EN Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) The information given is free, as are most calls (though some operators, phone boxes or hotels may charge you). LEGAL NOTICE Neither the European Commission nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is re- sponsible for the use which might be made of the following information. The views expressed in this publication are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Commission. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2014 ISBN 978-92-79-38535-3 doi:10.2777/75613 ISSN: 1018-5593 © European Union, 2015 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged Images © Éva Széll, 2014 3 Acknowledgements This policy review was drafted by Professor Péter Balázs and his colleagues of the Central European University (CEU), Budapest. Péter Balázs is the director of the Center for European Enlargement Studies at CEU. He was the Government Representative of Hungary in the Euro- pean Convention drafting the Constitutional Treaty which became later, after several modi- fications, the Lisbon Treaty. In 2004 he became the first Hungarian Member of the European Commission responsible for regional policy. He is also a former Foreign Minister of Hungary (2009-2010). In order to complete this work the authors reviewed the proceedings of five research projects about the transition and EU integration of former socialist Member States funded by the European Union under the seventh Framework Programme along with a large amount of re- lated further international literature. On behalf of the European Commission, Directorate-General for Research and Innovation, the work was inspired and supervised by Philippe Keraudren, acting head of the unit ‘Reflective Societies’. Zoltán Krasznai, policy officer of the ‘Reflective Societies’ unit contributed with co- ordination, proofreading and advice, while Catherine Lemaire provided editorial assistance. Our heartfelt thanks go to Éva Széll whose photographs illustrate this publication as a courtesy. Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1: Geo-historical overview ................................................................................. 11 A legacy of foreign domination ................................................................................................................12 1989 and its aftermath ..............................................................................................................................13 Timeline of events in 1989 .......................................................................................................................14 Events leading to the dissolution of Yugoslavia .................................................................................16 Competing narratives on the East-West divide in Europe ................................................................16 Historical reconciliations, but some tensions still remain ................................................................18 Regional initiatives ......................................................................................................................................19 The road towards the EU ............................................................................................................................20 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................21 Chapter 2: Political transition and the state of democracy in East Central Europe: between hopes and disillusions................................................ 25 State of democracy .....................................................................................................................................26 Constitutional order and institutional framework ...............................................................................28 Elections, the electoral process and participation ..............................................................................29 Party systems ................................................................................................................................................32 Civil society ....................................................................................................................................................33 Civil liberties and human rights ...............................................................................................................33 Nationalism and the elitist-populist pendulum ...................................................................................34 Minorities ........................................................................................................................................................35 Corruption and state capture ....................................................................................................................37 Relations with and position within the European Union: success and limits of the Visegrád process ...................................................................................................................................38 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................40 Chapter 3: Economics in Central Eastern Europe: the mixed results of the transition to market economies ................................................................................ 41 From socialist to market economy ..........................................................................................................42 The first years after the break-up of the Central and Eastern European socialist system: between ‘shock therapy’ and gradual sequencing of reforms .........................................................42 Catching-up with Western Europe: 1995-2007 ...................................................................................44 Productivity gains .........................................................................................................................................45 Dependence on foreign direct investments (FDI) ................................................................................46 The slow progress of innovation ..............................................................................................................48 High rates of unemployment, especially among the young .............................................................50 Vulnerability of the CEE economic model during the recent crisis ................................................52 Modernising agriculture ..............................................................................................................................54 CEE countries and the euro currency ......................................................................................................56 Broader political economy characterisation .........................................................................................56 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................57 Chapter 4: The unequal costs of the social transition ............................................... 59 Inequality and poverty ................................................................................................................................60 Changes in wealth ........................................................................................................................................65 The mixed picture of migration ................................................................................................................65 Public health under pressure ....................................................................................................................67 Public education ...........................................................................................................................................68 Pension systems: a hectic road ................................................................................................................70 Conclusion
Recommended publications
  • The Foreign Trade Regime in the Comecon Countries Today
    THE FOREIGN TRADE REGIME IN THE COMECON COUNTRIES TODAY KAzmuExz GRzmows~i* I. THE ScoPE OF REFORM Recently, in three important aspects, foreign trade techniques in socialist Europe were changed significantly. Economic expan- sion, the growing sophistication of national economies in the en- tire area and the need for closer cooperation, both among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (hereinafter Comecon) and with the free economy countries, have rendered the system of artificial separation of import and export activities from the production of goods obsolete. Accordingly, foreign trade has been made largely the responsibility of the producers again in an effort to involve them directly in more efficient competition for foreign consumers.' Second, in the effort to promote growing effi- dency within the Eastern Bloc, the General Conditions of Delivery of 19582 and the international code of sales and deliveriess were * Professor of Law and Political Science, Duke University. This article is part of a forthcoming book entitled, East-West Economic Relations, to be published by the author in 1972. 1. See generally K. Grzybowski, Soviet Private International Law 46 (1965); K. Grzybowski, The Socialist Commonwealth of Nations: Organizations and Institutions 29, 57 (1964); S. Pisar, Coexistence and Commerce: Guidelines for Transactions between East and West 243-816 (1970); Hoya, The Comecon Gen- eral Conditions-A Socialist Unification of International Trade Law, 70 Colum. L. Rev. 253 (1970). 2. Obshchie Usloviia Postavok Tovarov mczhdu Vneshnetorgovymi Organi- zatsiiami Stran-Uchastnits Soveta Ekonomicheskoi Vraimopomoshchi (General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods Between Foreign Trade Organizations of Member-Countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance), in Mnogos- toronnee Ekonomicheskoe Sotrudnichestvo Sotsialisticheskikh Gosudantv 121, 297 (Institut Gosudarstvi Prava Ak-ademii Nauk SSR 1967).
    [Show full text]
  • Winners of the Baltic Assembly Prizes 1994 – 2019 1994 1996 1998
    Baltic Assembly Prizes for Literature, the Arts and Science Baltic Innovation Prize Baltic Assembly Medals 6 November 2020 Address by the President of the Baltic Assembly Aadu Must This year the Baltic Assembly, as any contribute to the targeted cooperation of other organisation, has been significantly our states and prosperity of our Baltic affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. region that will be extremely important Despite the difficulties and restrictions to in the years to come. These people meet in person, the traditions of our promote the unity and cooperation of organisation continue but in slightly the Baltic states - we greatly appreciate different format this year. their work. We award the Baltic Assembly Prizes to Unity and cooperation of the Baltic states outstanding people, who have are extremely important for us. We are demonstrated excellence in literature, thankful to all people who feel the same the arts, science and innovation. This way and act in order to bring the countries year’s winners of the Baltic Assembly closer together. The awarding of the Baltic Prizes have used their talent and Assembly Prizes and Medals in Estonia, knowledge to encourage thinking, remind Lithuania and Latvia is our way of saying about the historical milestones of that even though times are tough people are those who hold our nations together Photo by Ieva Ābele (Administration of Parliament of the Republic of Latvia) the Baltic states and make our countries visible in the international arena. Awards and we are grateful for that. We are also have been won in strong competition, as very proud about their achievements.
    [Show full text]
  • UNU CRIS Working Papers
    1 | P a g e The author Andrea Cofelice served as Ph.D. Intern at UNU-CRIS in 2011. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science – Comparative and European Politics at the University of Siena. He is also a junior researcher at the Interdepartmental Centre on Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples of the University of Padua. United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies Potterierei 72, 8000 Brugge, BE-Belgium Tel.: +32 50 47 11 00 / Fax.: +32 50 47 13 09 www.cris.unu.edu 2 | P a g e Abstract This paper aims at exploring which factors may promote or inhibit the empowerment of international parliamentary institutions (IPIs). According to the literature (Cutler 2006), an IPI may be defined as an international institution that is a regular forum for multilateral deliberations on an established basis of an either legislative or consultative nature, either attached to an international organization or itself constituting one, in which at least three states or trans-governmental units are represented by parliamentarians, who are either selected by national legislatures in a self-determined manner or popularly elected by electorates of the member states. Their origin dates back to the creation of the Inter- Parliamentary Union (IPU) in 1889, but they mushroomed after the Second World War, especially after 1989-1991 (new regionalism, also known as open regionalism especially in literature on Latin America), and today their presence is established almost everywhere in the world. However, they display sensibly different features in terms of institutional and organizational patterns, rules and procedures, legal status, membership, resources, functions and powers.
    [Show full text]
  • TOWI Nw866 O Uj
    TOWI Nw866 o uJ HAIII: 9 THE DECHOUKAOE HAS ONLY JUST BEOUN! PERU: IHIT BLOOD THAT HAS BEEI{ SPITT SHAtt NEUER BE FORGOIIE]II F{r**ffiffi sliti;::l$ 1986t6 Hoiti The Dechoukage Has Only Just Begun! Crisis in Haiti and the Tasks of Revolutionaries by the Haitian Internationalist Revolutionary- Group A Call to the Haitian Revolutionary Movement by the Haitian Revolutionary Internationalist Group and the Haitian Workers Party t6 People Are Disposed to Take Care of Business - Talks with Haitian Workers Party l8 Peru This Blood That Has Been Spilt Shall Never Be Forgotten 34 Flames Leap to Puno 37 Support for People's War in Peru Echoes on Every Continent 39 Excerpts From Worldwide Campaign Speech Five Years of People's War in Peru 44 RIM Committee Greets Peru Campaign 46 A "Shining Trench of Combat" Statement on the Massacre of Our Comrades in Peru's Prisons by the RIM Committee 28 "Day of Herois111" - Statement by the PCP Central Committee- 32 Forward Along the Path Charted by Mao Tsetung!42 Interview with Afghan Revolutionary 48 Romania: From Goulash Communism to Capitalist Austerity 58 The Weapon of Criticism: Book Reviews 64 A llorld to I,I4n is a quarterly published by World to Win, whose address is: BCM world to win London WCIN 3XX. U.K. This issue was printed by Russell Press, Bertrand Russeil House, Forest Road West, Nottingham, U.K. AUGUST, I986. Subscribe to A World to Win From Kurdiston to Colombio - people oll oround the world reod A World to Win Avoiloble in English, 'a.,ry%i_*{ Forsi, Sponish, ltolion, ond Turkish.
    [Show full text]
  • Twenty Years After the Iron Curtain: the Czech Republic in Transition Zdeněk Janík March 25, 2010
    Twenty Years after the Iron Curtain: The Czech Republic in Transition Zdeněk Janík March 25, 2010 Assistant Professor at Masaryk University in the Czech Republic n November of last year, the Czech Republic commemorated the fall of the communist regime in I Czechoslovakia, which occurred twenty years prior.1 The twentieth anniversary invites thoughts, many times troubling, on how far the Czechs have advanced on their path from a totalitarian regime to a pluralistic democracy. This lecture summarizes and evaluates the process of democratization of the Czech Republic’s political institutions, its transition from a centrally planned economy to a free market economy, and the transformation of its civil society. Although the political and economic transitions have been largely accomplished, democratization of Czech civil society is a road yet to be successfully traveled. This lecture primarily focuses on why this transformation from a closed to a truly open and autonomous civil society unburdened with the communist past has failed, been incomplete, or faced numerous roadblocks. HISTORY The Czech Republic was formerly the Czechoslovak Republic. It was established in 1918 thanks to U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and his strong advocacy for the self-determination of new nations coming out of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after the World War I. Although Czechoslovakia was based on the concept of Czech nationhood, the new nation-state of fifteen-million people was actually multi- ethnic, consisting of people from the Czech lands (Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia), Slovakia, Subcarpathian Ruthenia (today’s Ukraine), and approximately three million ethnic Germans. Since especially the Sudeten Germans did not join Czechoslovakia by means of self-determination, the nation- state endorsed the policy of cultural pluralism, granting recognition to the various ethnicities present on its soil.
    [Show full text]
  • The Day Holding Hands Changed History Occupation and Annexation of the Baltic States Was Illegal, and Against the Wish of the Respective Nations
    The day holding hands changed history occupation and annexation of the Baltic states was illegal, and against the wish of the respective nations. So at 19:00 on 23 August 1989, 50 years after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed, church bells sounded in the Bal- tic states. Mourning ribbons decorated the national flags that had been banned a year before. The participants of the Bal- tic Way were addressed by the leaders of the respective national independence movements: the Estonian Rahvarinne, the Lithuanian Sajūdis, and the Popular Front of Latvia. The following words were chanted – ‘laisvė’, ‘svabadus, ‘brīvība’ (freedom). The symbols of Nazi Germany and the Communist regime of the USSR were burnt on large bonfires. The Baltic states demanded the cessation of the half-century long Soviet occupation, col- onisation, russification and communist genocide. The Baltic Way was a significant step to- wards regaining the national independ- ence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, and a source of inspiration for other region- al independence movements. The live chain was also realised in Kishinev by Ro- manians of the Soviet-occupied Bessara- bia or Moldova, while in January 1990, Ukrainians joined hands on the road from Lviv to Kyiv. Just after the Baltic Way campaign, the Berlin Wall fell, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia began, and the Ceausescu regime in Romania was overthrown. On 23 August 1989, approximately two doomed to be forcedly incorporated into million people stood hand in hand be- the Soviet Union until 1991. The Soviet Un- Recognising the documents of the Baltic tween Tallinn (Estonia), Rīga (Latvia) ion claimed that the Baltic states joined Way as items of documentary heritage of and Vilnius (Lithuania) in one of the voluntarily.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
    FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia a Framework for Enlargement
    NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia A Framework for Enlargement Mark Kramer Harvard University February 2002 In 2002, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will be initiating its second round of enlargement since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1990s, three Central European countries—Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Poland—were admitted into the alliance. At a summit due to be held in Prague in November 2002, the NATO heads-of-state will likely invite at least two and possibly as many as six or seven additional countries to join. In total, nine former Communist countries have applied for membership. Six of the prospective new members—Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, and Macedonia—lie outside the former Soviet Union. Of these, only Slovakia and Slovenia are likely to receive invitations. The three other aspiring members of NATO—Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia— normally would stand a good chance of being admitted, but their status has been controversial because they were republics of the Soviet Union until August 1991. Until recently, the Russian government had vehemently objected to the proposed admission of the Baltic states into NATO, and many Western leaders were reluctant to antagonize Moscow. During the past year-and-a-half, however, the extension of NATO membership to the Baltic states in 2002 has become far more plausible. The various parties involved—NATO, the Baltic states, and Russia—have modified their policies in small but significant ways. Progress in forging a new security arrangement in Europe began before the September 2001 terrorist attacks, but the improved climate of U.S.-Russian relations since the attacks has clearly expedited matters.
    [Show full text]
  • Press Release (EN)
    Press Release 13 November 2019 For Immediate Release 8 pages Contact: Embassy of the Czech Republic, Eunmin Lim (Curator of the AAIPS Gallery) Tel.: 02) 3701-7340 E-mail: [email protected] www.aaips-gallery.com [email protected] "1989 Velvet Revolution – The Fall of the Iron Curtain” at the AAIPS Gallery A Photography Exhibition Organized by the Visegrád Group To Commemorate the 30th Anniversary of the Fall of the Communist Regime ■ The embassies of the four Visegrád countries – the Embassies of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary in Seoul – have organized a photography exhibition entitled "1989 Velvet Revolution – The Fall of the Iron Curtain” to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the fall of the communist regime. The exhibition will be held at the AAIPS Gallery of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies at Jongno-gu, Seoul, from November 16th until December 1st, 2019. ■ With the Czech presidency of the Visegrád Group in 2019/2020, the Embassy of the Czech Republic in Seoul invited the Embassies of the group's three other countries to cooperate in this exhibition, as the Czechoslovak Velvet Revolution is closely intertwined with the revolutions and events of the other nations of former communist bloc. ■ This exhibition brings a selection from a larger exhibition currently being held at the Prague Castle. A Castle spokesperson comments, "It is a selection of truly unique moments that often do not need any further words or explanations. The photographs accurately reflect the unique atmosphere, enthusiasm, hope, determination, and desire for freedom of that time. Outside and inside, there are screens showing the most important events.” ■ The viewers can see the best of Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, Polish, Bulgarian, Romanian and German photographers.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marshall Plan and the Beginnings of Comecon
    THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE BEGINNINGS OF COMECON Cristian BENȚE Abstract: The integration of the Eastern-European states into the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence at the end of the Second World War represented a complex process that aimed all the vital sectors in those states. In a relatively short period of time, the political, economic, social and cultural life of the Eastern-European states was radically transformed, according to the models imposed by Moscow. The Soviet Union imposed its control over Eastern Europe because it had strategic, political, military and economic interests in this region. The states in this region became, after the Soviet Union broke relations with its former Western allies, the main suppliers of resources for the recovery of the soviet economy. The soviet control over the Eastern-European economies took many forms: from the brutal transfer of raw materials, finite products and technology during the first years after the war, to more subtle methods, as the establishment of “mixed enterprises”, the initialization of bilateral agreements and finally by establishing the COMECON. The establishment of the COMECON in January 1949 was one of the measures taken by Moscow in order to counteract the effects of the Marshall Plan and to consolidate the Soviet influence in the satellite-states from Eastern Europe. This measure was preceded by other actions meant to strengthen Moscow’s political, economic and ideological control over these states. Keywords: Marshall Plan, COMECON, Cold War economic integration, Iron Curtain The launch of the Marshall Plan in the summer of 1947 and its rejection by the Soviet Union represents a turning point in the evolution of the Cold War.
    [Show full text]
  • YUGOSLAVIA's FIRST POST-TITO PARTY CONGRESS Part I: Problems on the Agenda
    YUGOSLAVIA'S FIRST POST-TITO PARTY CONGRESS Part I: Problems on the Agenda by Dennison I. Rusinow 1982/No. 39 Europe [DIR-2-'82] The first post-Tito Party Con- been signs since the congress that gress emphasized continuity, this may happen sooner rather than later, but it had been clear for some despite the obvious fact that months before the comrades Tito's own guiding hand has assembled in Belgrade that it would been replaced by collective not happen then or without a few leadership. The political prob- more hard knocks from "life itself," lem attendant to this change in as Marxists are fond of calling the a conflict-prone multinational ultimate confounder of even best- society is equaled and reinforced laid schemes.- woes, by Yugoslavia's economic Continuity as the theme of the Con- gress was still unavoidable in June 1982 for a regime whose slogan since its founder's death has been "Continuity" was unavoidably, if "After Tito--Tito," and whose inappropriately, the name of the leaders have been unable to agree game for the Twelfth Congress of on reforms that they also fear would the League of Communists of be interpreted as the beginning of a Yugoslavia ("the Party") which met general "de-Titoization." in Belgrade from June 26 through It is generally and probably correctly 29, 1982. In the light of economic believed that even a widespread problems so grave that they ought suspicion that a general overhaul of to have serious social and political "Titoist" principles and institutions repercussions and the experience of is on theway would be singularly de- other countries after the passing of stabilizing.
    [Show full text]
  • Silke Berndsen Outlook on Baltic Cooperation 1945-2004 at the First
    Silke Berndsen Outlook on Baltic Cooperation 1945-2004 At the First Baltic Assembly the Estonian Mati Hint evoked the unity of the Baltic nations in his manifesto “the Baltic Way". The Baltic way soon after became known beyond the three Baltic states when approximately two million people joined their hands to form a human chain across the three Baltic states on 23 August 1989 during a a peaceful political demonstration that carried the same name. In the months that followed, the popular fronts made numerous joint appeals to international organizations and foreign governments. When they had declared independence from the Soviet Union, the governments of the Baltic States were quick to renew the suspended Baltic Treaty on Unity and Cooperation signed on 12 September 1934 with an explicit reference to the "historical experience of our trilateral cooperation" and with the aim to "continue and develop political and economic cooperation among our three states". Only a few years later, the Baltic States argued over border demarcations between their countries, fought "egg wars", "herring wars", "pork wars" and competed as to which of them would be the first to join the EU and NATO. Prominent politicians in Estonia and Lithuania no longer wanted their countries to be labelled as "Baltic", but as “Nordic“ (in case of Estonia) or Central European (in case of Lithuania). So, what had happened? Did Baltic ceased to serve as an identity anchor just within a few years? And what did this mean for cooperation among the Baltic states, which was initiated by the 1990 Treaty and further institutionalised in subsequent years? Based on constructivist approaches in cultural studies, my presentation assumes that territorial spaces are analytical categories with context-dependent attributions.
    [Show full text]