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Urušavanje Ili Slom Demokratije? Zbornik radova sa međunarodne konferencije URUŠAVANJE ILI SLOM DEMOKRATIJE? DECLINE OR ECLIPSE OF DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE’S NEW DEMOCRACIES? Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka Uredili: Ilija Vujačić i Bojan Vranić URUšAVANJE ILI SLOM DEMOKRATIJE? Decline or Eclipse of Democracy in Europe’s New Democracies? ZBornik radova sa međunarodne konferencije Urušavanje ili slom demokratije? (Beograd, 24–25. septembar 2016.) Beograd, 2016. Izdavači: Udruženje za političke nauke Srbije Beograd, Jove Ilića 165 Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka Beograd, Jove Ilića 165 Za izdavače: Nebojša Vladisavljević Dragan R. Simić Uredili: Ilija Vujačić Bojan Vranić Dizajn: Stefan Ignjatović Lektura i korektura: Ivana Ilić-Šunderić Recenzenti: Milan Podunavac, Univerzitet Donja Gorica – Humanističke studije Dragica Vujadinović, Univerzitet u Beogradu – Pravni fakultet Đorđe Pavićević, Univerzitet u Beogradu – Fakultet političkih nauka Tiraž: 200 primeraka ISBN: 978-86-6425-022-1 Priprema i štampa: Čigoja štampa, Beograd Sadržaj I Lica krize demokratije Zoran Stojiljković Post(liberalna) demokratija, kapitalizam i kriza države. 9 Cirila Toplak Alternative predstavničkoj demokratiji: paralelizacija sustavne paradigme kroz heterotopije . 31 Milorad Đurić Problem legitimacijskog deficita u savremenoj demokratiji . 49 Alpar Lošonc Postoji li nova (mađarska) paradigma autoritarnosti?. .63 Boris Varga Globalna demokratska recesija i stanje političkih režima na prostoru bivšeg SSSR-a. 83 II Slabljenje institucija u evropskom kontekstu Roozbeh (Rudy) B. Baker Direct Democracy and European Union Foreign Policy: Lessons from California. 107 Dušan Pavlović Extractive institutions in the Western Balkans. .127 Themis Tzimas The bending of constitutional norms in times of economic crisis: the Greek case. .141 Zhidas Deskalovski Solving problems in Europe’s backyard: prevent democratic backslide in the Western Balkans or accept the dominance of geopolitical actors with agendas not always compatible with EU’s visions of the region. 161 III Regionalne krize demokratije i žarišta (ne)participacije Siniša Tatalović i Ružica Jakešević Migracijska kriza u Europi i Hrvatskoj: politike integracije migranata . .183 Radivoje Jovović Nedemokratske tendencije izbornih pravila savremene Italije: berluskonizam bez Berluskonija. 201 Zoran Lutovac Evropska unija i ishodi demokratizacije u Srbiji. 219 Duško Radosavljević Izbori 2016. godine i (totalni?) poraz autonomaške ideje u Vojvodini. 241 Snežana Đorđević Džentrifikacija kao nova urbana strategija i oblik krize liberalne demokratije u globalizovanom svetu. .257 Ana Milojević i Aleksandra Krstić Demokratizacija medija u Srbiji: Etika novinarske profesije posmatrana kroz analizu naslova u dnevnoj štampi . 277 I DEO LICA KRIZE dEMOKRATIjE Zoran Stojiljković* Univerzitet u Beogradu Fakultet političkih nauka Post(liberalna) demokratija, kapitalizam i kriza države SAžetak Autor u ovom tekstu nastoji da argumentuje tezu o demokratskim deficitima nastajuće post(liberalne) demokratije koja uključuje i „pražnjenje“ nacionalne države i involutivni put od socijalne, preko preduzetničke, do države sigurnosti. U tom okviru zavodljiva slika o evropskom socijalnom modelu bledi i razreša- va se rastom nejednakosti i u korist krupnog kapitala. Ovakav način rešavanja krize predstavlja problem u zemljama poput Srbije, gde se proces restauracije kapitalizma manifestuje i kroz recesiju i rast siromaštva. U korenu problema u Srbiji je „kapitalizam katastrofe“ (Naomi Klajn), u kome se neoliberalni narativ naslanja na praksu „burazerskog“ i/ili partijskog kapitalizma. Ključne reči: kriza, država, kapitalizam, demokratija, participacija. * Kontakt: [email protected] 10 Urušavanje ili slom demokratije? | I DEo: Lica krize demokratije Jedna od ključnih karakteristika s kraja prošlog i početka novog milenijuma je globalizacijom uspostavljena osnažujuća veza između nastajanja postliberalne demokratije i krize države. Kada je o građanima reč, radi se o naoko paradoksalnoj činjenici da je, upo- redo sa tehnološkim razvojem, za veliku većinu došlo do pojačavanja egzisten- cijalne nesigurnosti i nebezbednosti unutar globalizacije izvedene u neolibe- ralnom okviru i ključu. Što je inkluzivnija i transparentnija, demokratija je razvijenija. U nastajućoj postdemokratiji ili postliberalnoj demokratiji to nije slučaj – kod njih se javlja manjak kako inkluzivnosti, tako i transparentnosti. Tokom poslednje četiri decenije došlo je, širenjem logike Vašingtonskog konsenzusa i zalaganja za nesputanu marketizaciju, liberalizaciju, deregulaciju i privatizaciju, do urušavanja nacionalne socijalne države, prodora i dominacije transnacionalnog, korporativnog kapitala i transnacionalne kapitalističke klase (TKK). Urušavanjem socrealističkih zemalja i raspadom socijalističkih federacija taj proces je dalje ubrzan i olakšan. Ovo stanje je uzrokovano prodorom globalizovanog, pre svega finansijskog kapitala koji ruši prepreke nacionalnih država i ekonomija težeći da prodre do najudaljenije zabiti i da uđe u državnu sferu komercijalizijući čak i službe poput zatvora i naplate poreza. Rušeći državu blagostanja kritikom o njenoj razvojnoj nekonkurentnosti, on državnu intervenciju zamenjuje „privatizovanim kejn- zijanizmom“ ili „kazino kapitalizmom“ – olakim zaduživanjem pojedinaca i država, koje vodi u stanje zavisnosti i dužničkog ropstva i rasprodaje dobara, uključujući i izvore pitke vode. DeMokratija vs. kapitalizam: kratka (PoluveKovna) ISTORIJA „demokratskoG“ kaPitalizma U pogledu detektovanja logike „napetog“ odnosa između demokratije i kapita- lizma Volfang Štrek (Wolfgang Streeck) postavlja plauzibilnu tezu da se, u okvi- ru uskih margina između profitne, tržišne logike i logike rasta socijalnih prava, mogu izdvojiti četiri perioda i četiri specifične (anti)krizne strategije (Streeck 2013). Doba inflacije. Tokom 1970-ih konflikt između demokratskih potraživanja za socijalnom pravdom i kapitalističkih zahteva za raspodelom na osnovu margi- nalne produktivnosti ili „tržišne pravde“ uglavnom se odigravao na nacionalnim tržištima rada, gde su sindikalni pritisci na zarade, pod političkim garancijama pune zaposlenosti, izazvali ubrzanje inflacije. Kriza javnog duga. Kada je prikrivena inflatorna redistribucija postala neo- drživa, primoravajući vlade da ih uz visok politički rizik okončaju, konflikt se ponovo vratio u političku arenu. Tada je on doveo do porasta razlike između javne potrošnje i javnih prihoda – što je za posledicu imalo brži rast javnog duga Zoran Stojiljković | Post(liberalna) demokratija, kapitalizam i kriza države 11 kao odgovor na zahteve birača za javnim davanjima i uslugama, većim nego što je „poreska država“ (Šumpeter) mogla da izvuče iz svoje demokratsko-kapita- lističke ekonomije. Međutim, kada su strategije (poput reganomike i tačerizma) usmerene na to da se javni dug zauzda i da se „preopterećena i prenapregnuta“ država blago- stanja oslobodi preširokih intervencija postale dominantne, moralo je da dođe do finansijske deregulacije kao alternativnog načina za zadovoljavanje politički još moćnih zahteva za sigurnošću i prosperitetom građana kako bi se istovre- meno održao socijalni mir. Doba privatne zaduženosti – „privatizovani kejnzijanizam“. Nagli rast nejedna- kosti zarada, izazvan kontinuiranim slabljenjem sindikata i smanjenjem socijal- nih davanja, imao je protivtežu u novim, do tad neviđenim mogućnostima za građane i firme u pogledu zaduživanja. „Privatizovani kejnzijanizam“ (Crouch 2009), kao pogodan termin, skovan je kako bi opisao ono što je zapravo bila zamena javnog za privatni dug. Umesto da vlada pozajmljuje novac, sada je in- dividualnim građanima, pod okriljem sistema zaduživanja koji je bio izuzetno široke ruke, bilo dozvoljeno da se, plaćajući svoje obrazovanje ili preseljenje u manje oskudno urbano okruženje, zadužuju na sopstveni rizik. Drugorazredne (subprime) hipoteke su postale zamena za socijalnu politiku i za povećanje za- rada, koje više nije sledovalo donjem kraju „fleksibilizovanog“ tržišta rada. U jednom periodu je posedovanje stambenog prostora pružilo srednjoj klasi, čak i jednom delu siromašnih, primamljivu mogućnost da učestvuje u spekula- tivnom ludilu, zbog koje su se bogati samo još više obogatili tokom ranih 2000- ih – bez obzira na to koliko se ta mogućnost na kraju pokazala podmuklom. Za razliku od doba javnog duga, kada je vlada kroz zaduživanje obezbeđi- vala buduća sredstva za aktuelnu upotrebu, takva su sredstva postala dostupna zahvaljujući tome što je mnoštvo pojedinaca prodavalo poveriocima svoje oba- veze na osnovu kojih će im isplatiti značajan deo svojih očekivanih budućih zarada (Streeck 2013, 140–147). Varufakis (Varoufakis) je taj kritični fenomen nazvao „pozajmljivanje od budućnosti“1. U zamenu je dobijena instant mogućnost da kupe šta god požele. Individualni dug je zamenio javni, a individualna potražnja je zauzela mesto ko- lektivne potražnje rukovođene državom u održavanju zaposlenosti i profita. Doba pretnje dezintegracijom – „suverena zaduženost“. Sa krahom privatizova- nog kejnzijanizma 2008. godine kriza posleratnog kapitalizma ušla je u četvrtu i najnoviju fazu. Kvantni skok javne zaduženosti nakon 2008. oslikava činjeni- 1 Varufakisu pripada i interpretacija po kojoj je država blagostanja rezultat potrebe SAD da u po- sleratnoj Zapadnoj Evropi dobije prostor koji će konzumirati njihov izvoz. Onog momenta kada SAD postaju država sa trgovinskim deficitom, one počinju da diktiraju zaokret ka hegemoniji korporacija
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