The Three Estates of France

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Three Estates of France The Three Estates of France France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: 1. the First Estate (clergy) 2. the Second Estate (nobility) 3. the Third Estate (commoners). The king was above the Estates. First Estate The First Estate was made up of the entire clergy, traditionally divided into "higher" and "lower" clergy. Although there was no formal difference between the two categories, the upper clergy were clerical nobility (from the families of the Second Estate). In the time of Louis XVI, every bishop in France was a nobleman. At the other extreme, the "lower clergy" (about equally divided between parish priests and monks and nuns) constituted about 90 percent of the First Estate, which in 1789 numbered around 130,000 (about 0.5% of the population). Quick Facts: Made up of religious leaders who were in charge of the Church. First Estate made up 1% of total population. Controlled 10% of all land in France (charge rent from peasants) Church received a tithing (10% tax from people that lived on their land to run the church) It often funded their personal lives. The Three Estates of France France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: 1. the First Estate (clergy) 2. the Second Estate (nobility) 3. the Third Estate (commoners). The king was above the Estates. Second Estate The Second Estate was the French nobility and (technically, though not in common use) royalty, other than the monarch himself, who stood outside of the system of estates. The Second Estate is traditionally divided into "noblesse de robe" ("nobility of the robe"), the magisterial class that administered royal justice and civil government, and "noblesse d'épée" ("nobility of the sword"). The Second Estate was approximately 1.5% of France's population. Under the ancien régime, the Second Estate were exempt from the corvée royale (forced labour on the roads) and from most other forms of taxation such as the gabelle (salt tax) and most important, the taille (the oldest form of direct taxation). This exemption from paying taxes led to their reluctance to reform. Quick Facts: Made up of French Nobility that lived on rich manors that were inherited. 1.5% of the population but controlled 25% of the land. Nobles collected taxes and rent from the peasants who lived on their lands. The Three Estates of France France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: 1. the First Estate (clergy) 2. the Second Estate (nobility) 3. the Third Estate (commoners). The king was above the Estates. Third Estate The Third Estate comprised all those not members of the above and can be divided into two groups, urban and rural. The urban included the bourgeoisie, who made up 98% of France's population, as well as wage- laborers (such as craftsmen). The rural had no wealth and yet were forced to pay extremely high taxes compared to the other Estates and were unhappy because they wanted more rights. Quick Facts By far the largest group in France – 97% of the population but 0% of land. Few rights and little political power. Paid 10% tithing to the church, rent to feudal lord, land tax to the king. Very little money left to support their families. .
Recommended publications
  • Page 339 H-France Review Vol. 6 (July 2006), No. 78 Jay M. Smith, Nobility Reimagined. the Patr
    H-France Review Volume 6 (2006) Page 339 H-France Review Vol. 6 (July 2006), No. 78 Jay M. Smith, Nobility Reimagined. The Patriotic Nation in Eighteenth-Century France. Ithaca, N.Y. and London: Cornell University Press, 2005. xv + 307pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography and index. $49.95 U.S. (hb). $29.95 (pb). ISBN 0-8014-8949-0. Review by Tim Blanning, University of Cambridge. Based on c. 160 treatises and pamphlets published during the eighteenth century, this exercise in the history of ideas seeks to trace the developing relationship between the French nobility and the French patrie between the late seventeenth century and the outbreak of the Revolution. As the title suggests, it is presented as a collective recasting of the mental images through which the nobles made sense of their role: “The French thought their way to the construction of a patriotic nation by renegotiating the relationship between rank and equality, and by reimagining the meaning of nobility” (p. 11). The impetus came from a sense of crisis engendered by the policies of Louis XIV. Although current historiography plays down his “absolutism” and stresses the symbiosis of monarch and magnate, some contemporary voices loudly proclaimed the opposite. In 1688 in Les Caractères de Théophraste, traduits du Grec, avec les caractères et les moeurs de ce siècle, Jean de la Bruyère scolded his compatriots for having been lulled into decadence by Louis XIV’s pomp, spectacles, and luxury, thus allowing their master to make giant strides towards despotism. He added that “there is no patrie in a despotic [government]”, because its place is taken by “interest, glory and the service of the prince” (pp.
    [Show full text]
  • A Companion to the French Revolution Peter Mcphee
    WILEY- BLACKwELL COMPANIONS WILEY-BLACKwELL COMPANIONS TO EUROPEAN HISTORY TO EUROPEAN HISTORY EDIT Peter McPhee Wiley-blackwell companions to history McPhee A Companion to the French Revolution Peter McPhee Also available: e Peter McPhee is Professorial Fellow at the D BY University of Melbourne. His publications include The French Revolution is one of the great turning- Living the French Revolution 1789–1799 (2006) and points in modern history. Never before had the Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (2012). A Fellow people of a large and populous country sought to of both the Australian Academy of the Humanities remake their society on the basis of the principles and the Academy of Social Sciences, he was made of popular sovereignty and civic equality. The a Member of the Order of Australia in 2012 for drama, success, and tragedy of their endeavor, and service to education and the discipline of history. of the attempts to arrest or reverse it, have attracted scholarly debate for more than two centuries. the french revolution Contributors to this volume Why did the Revolution erupt in 1789? Why did Serge Aberdam, David Andress, Howard G. Brown, it prove so difficult to stabilize the new regime? Peter Campbell, Stephen Clay, Ian Coller, What factors caused the Revolution to take Suzanne Desan, Pascal Dupuy, its particular course? And what were the Michael P. Fitzsimmons, Alan Forrest, to A Companion consequences, domestic and international, of Jean-Pierre Jessenne, Peter M. Jones, a decade of revolutionary change? Featuring Thomas E. Kaiser, Marisa Linton, James Livesey, contributions from an international cast of Peter McPhee, Jean-Clément Martin, Laura Mason, acclaimed historians, A Companion to the French Sarah Maza, Noelle Plack, Mike Rapport, Revolution addresses these and other critical Frédéric Régent, Barry M.
    [Show full text]
  • Two American Jacobins Abroad, Joel Barlow and Thomas Paine, 1789
    Eastern Illinois University The Keep Masters Theses Student Theses & Publications 1973 Two American Jacobins Abroad, Joel Barlow and Thomas Paine, 1789-1801 Ginger Grigg Faber Eastern Illinois University This research is a product of the graduate program in History at Eastern Illinois University. Find out more about the program. Recommended Citation Faber, Ginger Grigg, "Two American Jacobins Abroad, Joel Barlow and Thomas Paine, 1789-1801" (1973). Masters Theses. 3778. https://thekeep.eiu.edu/theses/3778 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses & Publications at The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of The Keep. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PAPER CERTIFICATE #2 TO: Graduate Degree Candidates who have written formal theses. SUBJECT: Permission to reproduce theses. The University Library is receiving a number of requests from other institutions asking· permission to reproduce dissertations for inclusion in their library holdings. Although no copyright laws are involved, we feel that professional courtesy demands that permission be obtained from the author before we allow theses to be copied. Please sign one of the following statements: Booth Library of Eastern Illinois University has my permission to lend my thesis to a reputable college or university for the purpose of copying it for inclusion in that institution's library or research holdings. Cf.1973 Dale I respectfully request Booth Library of Eastern Illinois University not allow my thesis be reproduced because��- Date Author pdm Two American Jacobins Abroad Joel Barlow and Thomas Paine, 1789-1801 (TITLE) BY Ginger Grigg �aber THESIS SUBMITIED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL, EASTERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY CHARLESTON, ILLINOIS 1973 YEAR I HEREBY RECOMMEND THIS THESIS BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE GRADUATE DEGREE CITED ABOVE <,_ \l'fl.3 DATE I Affectionately Dedicated �o my Husband, Peter Faber, and our Children.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution 1789
    Grade 10 - History Topic 3 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1789 1 Until 1789 rule by Kings States Generals Called 1789 Fall of the Bastille, July 1789 King Louis XVI of France [http://www.biography.com/people/louis-xvi-9386943] New Constitution 1789 - 1791 Republic 1792 Extremists in Power 1793 Reign of Terror 1793 - 1794 Napoleon First The Directory Consul 1795 1799 2 [http://www.biography.com/people/napoleon- 9420291] CONDITIONS IN FRANCE BEFORE 1789 The French Revolution was the result of conditions in France in the century preceding 1789. The causes are usually considered under the following headings: POLITICAL CAUSES A. THE WORKING OF THE GOVERNMENT The government was despotic, i.e. the King had absolute power. However, there were two other powerful organisations in France: i The power of the Church a. The Catholic Church owned a large amount of land. b. It was very wealthy. c. It was not subjected to ordinary laws; it had its own legal system. d. It did not pay official taxes but gave ‘presents’ to the state on a voluntary basis. e. It was socially and educationally very important. ii The Parlements of France a. These were special courts of law that had the right to register all and therefore could refuse to register a law made by the King. b. The King could use his power of ‘Lit de justice’ whereby he could in theory force the Parlements to register the law, but in fact he was afraid to use this power in case he upset the Parlements. b. The King nominated the members of the Royal Council and they were responsible to him.
    [Show full text]
  • ROYAL AUTHORITY in SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRANCE by KENT WARREN JONES, B.A
    A DELICATE BALANCE: ROYAL AUTHORITY IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRANCE by KENT WARREN JONES, B.A. A THESIS IN HISTORY Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Approved Accepted May, 1992 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION . 1 II. INSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY. 7 III. PATRONAGE AND POWER. 69 IV. J.-B. BOSSUET AND THE "ABSOLUTE" MONARCHY. 100 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 112 ii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION French royal absolutism is an insidious historical myth. Insidious because it is so seductive, a myth because it is a generalization propagated by historians too ready to believe Louis XIV's propagandists. Part of the reason for the creation and survival of this myth is its role in providing a convenient starting point for studying the French Revolution. The tale of absolutism in France prospered during the nineteenth century because it fit well with the pro-republican and anti-monarchical political values of many of that era's historians.1 By the twentieth century, the Sun King's absolutism was a firmly entrenched part of the historical orthodoxy. This alone ensured that historians in the first half of the century continued to discuss the seventeenth-century French state within the context of absolutism. More importantly, the absolutist model survived because it was a product of traditional history. History was written, as it had always been, primarily as the story of great men and their institutions. When a Georges Pages or Gaston Zeller wrote about seventeenth-century France, they almost inevitably described an absolutist state, using abundant archival evidence of lparticularly in the works of the Romantic historians, for example, Jules Michelet in History of the French Revolution (1847-53).
    [Show full text]
  • League of the Public Weal, 1465
    League of the Public Weal, 1465 It is not necessary to hope in order to undertake, nor to succeed in order to persevere. —Charles the Bold Dear Delegates, Welcome to WUMUNS 2018! My name is Josh Zucker, and I am excited to be your director for the League of the Public Weal. I am currently a junior studying Systems Engineering and Economics. I have always been interested in history (specifically ancient and medieval history) and politics, so Model UN has been a perfect fit for me. Throughout high school and college, I’ve developed a passion for exciting Model UN weekends, and I can’t wait to share one with you! Louis XI, known as the Universal Spider for his vast reach and ability to weave himself into all affairs, is one of my favorite historical figures. His continual conflicts with Charles the Bold of Burgundy and the rest of France’s nobles are some of the most interesting political struggles of the medieval world. Louis XI, through his tireless work, not only greatly transformed the monarchy but also greatly strengthened France as a kingdom and set it on its way to becoming the united nation we know today. This committee will transport you to France as it reinvents itself after the Hundred Years War. Louis XI, the current king of France, is doing everything in his power to reform and reinvigorate the French monarchy. Many view his reign as tyranny. You, the nobles of France, strive to keep the monarchy weak. For that purpose, you have formed the League of the Public Weal.
    [Show full text]
  • Edmund Burke and His Impact on the British
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2010 Edmund Burke and his impact on the British political, social and moral response during the French Revolution (1790-1797) Guy Brendan Gonzalez Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Gonzalez, Guy Brendan, "Edmund Burke and his impact on the British political, social and moral response during the French Revolution (1790-1797)" (2010). LSU Master's Theses. 2706. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/2706 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EDMUND BURKE AND HIS IMPACT ON THE BRITISH POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND MORAL RESPONSE DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1790-1797) A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College [inverted pyramid in partial fulfillment of the form] requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History by Guy Brendan Gonzalez B.A., Loyola University of New Orleans, 2006 May 2010 Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………….iii Chapter 1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………...1 Chapter 2 Contextual Background for Burke’s Political and Moral Philosophy …….....4 Chapter 3 November 1790 – January 1793 ………….……………………………………13 Burke‟s Reflections and A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly………………….13 Support for the Bourbons…………………………………………………………………….15 Purs vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Mobility and Hereditary Titles in France, 1814-1830: the Majorats-Sur-Demande
    Social Mobility and Hereditary Titles in France, 1814-1830: The Majorats-sur-demande by David HIGGS* Honorific titles granted by the governments of nineteenth-century France interest both political historians of the Right and students of the national elite. Even before 1789 the nobility was assumed to have an inherent affinity for conservative politics, and for their part analysts of the elite emphasized its recruitment from the most favoured elements in society. In the past the grant of a title, even more than inherited nobility, was a sign of having arrived. However, the lachrymose accounts of the nobility given in many novels and histories set in post-revolutionary France chronicled their decline. Patricians were thought to have lost wealth and prestige in the battle with scheming middle-class characters like those who people the works of Balzac or Sandeau. As much remains to be clarified about the nobility's true standing among the rulers of nine­ teenth-century France as does its image in the art and literature of the times, but one thing is clear. Obviously individuals who went to pains to obtain a new hereditary title in a land where all were henceforth equal before the law were underlining their desire not to be taken for mere grands notables. Was this a psychological compulsion, the desire of individuals to satisfy vanitas, itself by no means a simple historical concept? Are we dealing with a continuing impetus towards the legal registration of titles to ensure they would receive recognition by the state like that found among the eighteenth-century Breton nobility? 1 One historian ofthe period 1814-30 has noted that many Old Regime nobles were indeed preoccupied with having a documentary basis for their claim to titles now that nobility as a quality no longer had a juridical basis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution
    THE COMING OF THE TERROR IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution Timothy Tackett The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, En gland 2015 Copyright © 2015 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First printing Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Tackett, Timothy, 1945– Th e coming of the terror in the French Revolution / Timothy Tackett. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978- 0- 674- 73655- 9 (alk. paper) 1. France— History—Reign of Terror, 1793– 1794. 2. France— History—Revolution, 1789– 1799. I. Title. DC183.T26 2015 944.04—dc23 2014023992 Contents List of Illustrations vii List of Maps ix Introduction: Th e Revolutionary Pro cess 1 1 Th e Revolutionaries and Th eir World in 1789 13 2 Th e Spirit of ’89 39 3 Th e Breakdown of Authority 70 4 Th e Menace of Counterrevolution 96 5 Between Hope and Fear 121 6 Th e Factionalization of France 142 7 Fall of the Monarchy 172 8 Th e First Terror 192 9 Th e Convention and the Trial of the King 217 10 Th e Crisis of ’93 245 11 Revolution and Terror until Victory 280 12 Th e Year II and the Great Terror 312 Conclusion: Becoming a Terrorist 340 Abbreviations 351 Notes 353 Sources and Bibliography 419 A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s 447 Index 449 Illustrations Th e Tennis Court Oath 50 Attack on the Bastille 56 Market women leave Paris en route to Versailles 67 Federation Ball 93 Confrontation between Catholics and
    [Show full text]
  • THE CITIZEN ARMY of OLD REGIME FRANCE Julia Osman A
    THE CITIZEN ARMY OF OLD REGIME FRANCE Julia Osman A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2010 Approved By: Jay M. Smith Lloyd Kramer Wayne Lee Richard Kohn Christopher Browning ©2010 Julia Osman ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Julia Osman, The Citizen Army of Old Regime France (Under the Direction of Jay M. Smith) While the creation of the French citizen army is often attributed to the French Revolution, I argue that it is a product of the old regime. In the seventeenth century, France’s aristocratic army began to crumble when Louis XIV first created a military bureaucracy that eventually ceased to effectively regulate army matters. During the Seven Years’ War in the mid-eighteenth century, French officers’ apathetic attitudes towards fighting in Canada proved that French warfare had become only a vehicle for noble advancement. In the context of crisis and reform that followed, both educated society and military circles looked to the citizen armies of ancient Greece and Rome for military inspiration. French representations of the army and militias of the American Revolution as contemporary embodiments of ancient citizen armies supported reformers’ belief that patriotism would revitalize the French army. In 1789, the National Guard institutionalized these ideas, making the French citizen army a forerunner of the French Revolution. iii To Mom and Dad iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS For all the hem and haw about the solitude of a scholarly life, this dissertation is the result of many hands and many resources.
    [Show full text]
  • Paul A. Rahe MONTESQUIEU's CRITIQUE of MONARCHY
    GRP : annuaire JOB : inst-villey DIV : mp⊕Institut-Villey p. 207 folio : 209 --- 10/2/011 --- 10H36 II Montesquieu et la civilité - P. A. Rahe e Paul A. Rahe MONTESQUIEU’S CRITIQUE OF MONARCHY: ASELF-DESTRUCTIVE ANACHRONISM mong scholars, especially in France, it has long been fashionable to suppose that Montesquieu was a partisan of the ancien régime. Some have thought him a reactionary, writing in the interests of a Adeclining feudal class 1; and there are others, far more numerous now, who attempt to square the circle by depicting him as an aristocratic liberal, persuaded that the prospects for liberty were at least as good under the This essay is an abbreviated restatement of an argument advanced in P. A. Rahe, Montesquieu and the Logic of Liberty: War, Religion, Commerce, Climate, Terrain, Technology, Uneasiness of Mind, the Spirit of Political Vigilance, and the Foundations of the Modern Republic, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 2009, and is published here with the permission of the Yale University Press. I cite Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de Montesquieu, Lettres persanes (1921), ed. E. Mass, from Œuvres complètes de Montesquieu, ed. J. Ehrard, C. Volpilhac-Auger, et al., Oxford, UK: The Voltaire Foundation, 1998 –, I, p. 137-659, as LP, specifying the letter and, where appropriate, the line; Montesquieu, De l’Esprit des lois (1757), from Œuvres complètes de Montesquieu, ed. R. Caillois, Paris, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1949-51, II, p. 225-995, as EL, specifying the part, the book, the chapter, and, where appropriate, the page; and Montesquieu, Mes pensées, from Œuvres complètes de Montesquieu, ed.
    [Show full text]
  • French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville
    This page intentionally left blank FRENCH POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM MONTESQUIEU TO TOCQUEVILLE This study makes a major contribution to our understanding of one of the most important and enduring strands of modern political thought. Annelien de Dijn argues that Montesquieu’s aristocratic liberalism – his conviction that the preservation of freedom in a monarchy required the existence of an aristocratic ‘corps intermediaire’´ – had a continued impact on post-revolutionary France. Revisionist historians from Furet to Rosanvallon have emphasized the impact of revolutionary republicanism on post-revolutionary France, with its monist concep- tion of politics and its focus on popular sovereignty. Dr de Dijn, however, highlights the persistence of a pluralist liberalism that was rooted in the Old Regime, and which saw democracy and equality as inherent threats to liberty. She thus provides a new context in which to read the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, who is revealed as the heir not just of Restoration liberals, but also of the Royalists and their hero, Montesquieu. annelien de dijn is a postdoctoral researcher in the History Department of the University of Leuven. She has also been a visit- ing scholar at the Columbia University History Faculty and at the Cambridge University History Faculty. This is her first book. ideas in context 89 French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville Liberty in a Levelled Society? ideas in context 89 Edited by Quentin Skinner and James Tully The books in this series will discuss the emergence of intellectual traditions and of related new disciplines. The procedures, aims and vocabularies that were generated will be set in the context of the alternatives available within the contemporary frameworks of ideas and institutions.
    [Show full text]