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AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA (1945-1975): THE CONTAINMENT POLICY AND THE PERCEPTIONS OF “THREAT” by Benjamin Aaron Reed Bachelor of Philosophy, University of Pittsburgh, 2011 Submitted to the Undergraduate Faculty of The University of Pittsburgh’s Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2011 1 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH University Honors College This thesis was presented by Benjamin Aaron Reed It was defended on Dec 2, 2011 and approved by Jonathan Harris, PhD, Professor, Political Science, University of Pittsburgh John Soluri, PhD, Associate Professor, History, Carnegie Mellon University Thesis Director: Scott Morgenstern, PhD, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Pittsburgh 2 Copyright © by Benjamin Reed 2011 3 AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA (1945-1975): THE CONTAINMENT POLICY AND THE PERCEPTIONS OF “THREAT” Benjamin Reed, Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh, 2011 This paper analyzes the U.S. foreign policy of containment as it was applied to Latin and South America, from 1945 through the 1970s, which U.S. policy makers employed to prevent the spread of “communism.” The containment policy defines communism as the most significant threat to U.S. interests: a threat that directed policy theory and catalyzed policy action. That is, when a situation was deemed a “communist threat,” U.S. policy makers responded through a variety of options including, but not limited to, the use of covert intervention (such as the orchestration of military coups to unseat supposed communist leaders), of economic reprisals (such as the removal of U.S. economic aid to a given country), and even of military force. But, through my study of the containment policy, I realize that the way U.S. policy makers characterized a “communist threat” was not always consistent, for they did not always react to similar circumstances in similar ways. I contend that how U.S. policy makers viewed world events, that is, how they judged and perceived those events (for example, land reform in a given country) was not always congruent from situation to situation. In this light, the purpose of this paper, then, is to explain why this discrepancy in perception occurred, and therefore to explain the evolution of American foreign policy and action from the late 1940s through the early 1970s. First, I contend that U.S. policy perspective (a term I coined to describe how U.S. policy makers judged world events) and U.S. foreign policy evolved from 1945 through the 1970s, 4 causing U.S. policy makers to define threats in different ways across time. In layman’s terms, U.S. policy makers were not as anti-communist by the 1970s, which caused them to be less critical, and perhaps more practical, when judging a situation to be a “communist threat.” Second, I will argue that whether or not a regime was democratic or dictatorial was significant, in that U.S. policy makers favored dictatorial regimes as the best defense against “communist threats” in the Western hemisphere. As a result, U.S. policy makers were more sensitive to “communist threats” in democratic regimes and more likely to investigate such regimes with greater scrutiny for the possibility of these threats. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 INTRODUCTION: THE PUZZLE .......................................................................... 13 1.1 SOLVING THE PUZZLE: ............................................................................... 16 1.2 HOW FOREIGN POLICY AND POLICY PERSPECTIVE EVOLVED: .. 19 1.3 HOW THE CASE OF ALLENDE THREATENS MY THESIS AND WHY THE THREAT CAN BE DISPELLED: ........................................................................... 22 1.4 THESIS 2: ........................................................................................................... 24 1.5 ALTERNATIVE THESIS: ............................................................................... 25 1.6 HOW THE PAPER WILL PROCEED ........................................................... 34 2.0 CHAPTER 1: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE CONTAINMENT POLICY: EVOLUTION OF FOREIGN POLICY AND FOREIGN POLICY PERSPECTIVE........................................................................................................................... 36 2.1 THE COLD WAR BEGINS: ............................................................................ 36 2.2 INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL CONTEXT (LATE 1940S AND EARLY 1950S): ............................................................................................................................. 38 2.3 CONTAINMENT: THE BEGINNING ........................................................... 41 2.4 THE VAGUE AND ABSTRACT NATURE OF KENNAN’S POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS: .................................................................................................. 42 6 2.5 U.S. POLICY MAKERS AND THE AMERICA PUBLIC’S PERSPECTIVE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: LEGAL-MORALISM: ................................... 43 2.6 IMPLICATIONS OF THE LEGAL-MORALISTIC PERSPECTIVE: ...... 45 2.7 AN ANTI-COMMUNIST LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM CONSENSUS AND A DEFINING OF KENNAN’S ORIGINAL POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS: . ............................................................................................................................. 46 2.8 THE ANTI-COMMUNIST DEMOCRATS: .................................................. 47 2.9 THE CONTAINMENT POLICY IN ACTION AND THE FURTHER DEFINING OF THE “COMMUNIST THREAT”: THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE. .... 48 2.10 ANOTHER DOSE OF KENNAN’S CONTAINMENT THEORY: ............. 50 2.11 FURTHER ACTION IN THE NAME OF CONTAINMENT: BUILDING U.S. DEFENSES AND “MAKING FRIENDS.” .............................................................. 51 2.12 THE BEGINNING OF THE DOMESTIC PURGE OF COMMUNISM. ... 52 2.13 NSC-68: FURTHER DEFINING THE “COMMUNIST THREAT”: .......... 55 2.14 U.S. PRESIDENTS AGREE WITH NSC-68: “UNIVERSAL CONCEPTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS” AT THE HIGHEST LEVELS OF U.S. GOVERNMENT. ................................................................................ 58 2.15 THE COMMUNIST SCARE AND HYSTERIA OF THE 1950S— DOMESTIC CONTAINMENT: ....................................................................................... 59 2.16 “NEW LOOK” (NSC 162/2): FURTHER DEFINING THE CONTAINMENT POLICY ............................................................................................... 63 2.17 A CHANGE IN TIDES— AWAY FROM MCCARTHYISM: ..................... 64 2.18 CONTAINMENT BEYOND 1954: .................................................................. 67 7 2.19 ECONOMIC CONTAINMENT: ..................................................................... 68 2.20 LOVE OF DICTATORSHIPS: ........................................................................ 71 2.21 THE CONTAINMENT POLICY AND THE CUBAN REVOLUTION: .... 72 2.22 THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS: .................................................................... 74 2.23 ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS—THE EVOLUTION OF MODERNIZATION: ......................................................................................................... 75 2.24 LOVE OF DICTATORS IN THE 1960S: ....................................................... 79 2.25 U.S.S.R. AND CHINA SPLIT: A FRACTURE IN THE COMMUNIST ARMOR. ............................................................................................................................. 81 2.26 VIETNAM AND A SHIFT IN POLITICAL ATTITUDE: ........................... 83 2.27 CONSERVATIVE RESURGENCE OF ANTI-COMMUNISM, BUT A CHANGE IN THE BELIEFS OF U.S. POLICY MAKERS: ......................................... 86 2.28 DÉTENTE: THE RELAXATION OF SOVIET-U.S. TENSION ................. 88 2.29 NIXON AND THE LOVE OF DICTATORS: ................................................ 89 2.30 CONCLUSION: ................................................................................................. 92 2.31 APPLYING CHAPTER 1 TO THE CASE STUDIES: GUATEMALA, CHILE, AND PERU ........................................................................................................... 93 3.0 CHAPTER 2: THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN GUATEMALA, PERU, AND CHILE AND THE RELATIVELY RADICAL STANCE OF ALLENDE’S CHILE .......... 95 3.1 A COMPARISON: THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN AREVALO, ARBENZ, AND VELASCO (CONCLUSION 1): ........................................................... 96 3.1.1 A quick note on the three major authors: ................................................ 97 8 3.1.2 Arevalo and Arbenz: Political Ideology, Relationship with Domestic Communists, Stance on Marxism and Communism, and Stance on Democracy: 98 3.1.3 Velasco: Political Ideology, Relationship with Domestic Communists, Stance on Marxism and Communism, and Stance on Democracy: .................... 106 3.2 SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES BETWEEN REGIMES: ARBENZ AND VELASCO ............................................................................................................... 112 3.2.1 Arbenz’s Guatemalan Social Platforms: ................................................ 112 3.2.2 Velasco’s Peruvian Social Platforms:...................................................... 114 3.2.3 The CP in Arbenz’s regime: .................................................................... 116 3.2.4 The CP in Velasco’s regime: .................................................................... 118 3.2.5 The Arbenz Regime: Relations with the U.S.S.R. and Socialist countries. ....................................................................................................................
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