Ethnicity and Political Behaviour of the Gambian People: The Case of 2017 Parliamentary election in Niani District
Undergraduate Thesis Submitted to Meet the Requirements in Obtaining a Bachelor of Social Science Degree (S. Sos)
Written by: Abdou Barrow 11161110000076
Program Study Sociology Faculty of Social and Political Science State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta 2020
Supervisor’s Approval
With this, my supervisor has endorse that, a student:
Name : Abdou Barrow
NIM : 11161110000076
Program Study : Sociology
Has successfully completed writing his thesis with a title:
Ethnicity and the Political Behavior of the Gambian People: The Case of 2017 Parliamentary election in Niani District
He has meet the requirement for examination.
Jakarta, 29 August 2019
Confirmed by, Approved by, Head of Program Study Supervisor
Dr. Cucu Nurhayati, M.Si. M. Hassan Ansori, Ph.D. NIP. 197609182003122003
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PANEL OF THESIS EXAMINERS APPROVAL SHEET UNDERGRADUATE THESIS ETHNICITY AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOUR OF THE GAMBIAN PEOPLE: THE CASE OF 2017 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION IN NIANI DISTRICT
Written By:
Abdou Barrow 11161110000076 Has successfully defended his undergraduate thesis at the Faculty of Social and Political Science, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta on 14 April 2020. This thesis was assessed and approve as partial fulfillment of the requirements for obtaining Bachelor of Social Science in Sociology.
Head, Secretary,
Dr. Cucu Nurhayati, M,Si Dr. Joharotul Jamilah,M.Si NIP. 197609182003122033 NIP. 196808161997032002
Examiner I Examiner II
Saifuddin Asrori, M.Si. Fathun Karib., MA NIP. 197701192009121001 NIP.
Accepted and declared eligible for graduation on the 14th April 2020. Head of the Department of Sociology FISIP UIN Jakarta Dr. Cucu Nurhayati, M.Si.
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Free From Plagiarism
Thesis with a title: Ethnicity and Political Behavior of the Gambian People: The Case of 2017 Parliamentary election in Niani District
1. This is the original copy of my work, which is submit to meet the
Requirements in Obtaining Bachelor’s degree in the Syarif Hidayatullah
State Islamic University Jakarta.
2. All the references used in this research, I cited them by adhering to the
regulations of the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta.
3. In the event that there happens to be refutable evidence that shows that, this
work is plagiarize or stolen from someone else, I agreed to receive any
punishment decided to deploy by the University. State Islamic University
Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.
Jakarta, 29 August 2019
Abdou Barrow
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Abstract
For the past decades, the issue of ethnicity and ethnic politics has been the prevailing custom of Africans, which means ethnicity had a great impact on African politics until today. The trend of ethnicizing politics is widely spread throughout Africa including The Gambia. This process of ethnicizing politics has triggered a form of political competition between ethnic groups in Africa, which, in most parts resulted in conflict between these groups in African societies. However, despite what ethnicity has been doing to most African countries, Gambia was enjoying her diversity and ethnic tolerance until in the early hours of 2016 when ethnicity and politics have strongly been associated. This research is intended to describe the role of ethnicity, on the voting and political behavior of the people in Niani District Central River Region of The Gambia in the 2017 parliamentary election. Furthermore, the research describes the mobilization process of votes through ethnicity. The researcher used Elite Mobilization Theory: Ethnicity as a Political Resource Malesevic, (2004). In this research, a qualitative approach is used, with a purposive sampling technique. Researcher use Telephone interview during the data collection process. The findings from this study describe the political behavior of the people in Niani district in the 2017 parliamentary election as follows: (1) Ethnicity has played an instrumental tool in mobilization process of votes during the election period. In other words, ethnicity was an instrumental tool in the 2017 Parliamentary election in Niani. (2) The current political situation in Niani today makes ethnic voting inevitable because people feel obligated to choose their ethnic members or social group member when running for political office. In sum, the ethnic identity of candidates was also a curial determinant during the election period in Niani. (3) Some other determinants that affects the voting and political behavior of the people in Niani other than ethnicity are candidate’s political party, academic qualifications of candidates, and candidate’s involvement in community/national development. Keyword: Ethnicity, Political Behavior, Voting Behavior, Ethnic Identity, Mobilization
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Acknowledgment Alhamdulillah Rabbil Alamin, all praise are to Allah SWT who has given me the strength, good health, and a steady mind to write and complete this project. With sincere gratitude, I wish to express my appreciation and thanks to all who have helped me through my study, especially on this project. As I cannot bring along all the wonderful people I met during this process but I wish to thank the following people for their tireless support, which are:
1. My parents for their support, motivation, and prayers throughout time.
Thank you, mama, for the trust and faith you have in me. Knowing that you
are always there to support and comfort whenever am down. You served as
a friend, a sister, mother grandmother to me. Nonetheless, you are not just
a mother but instead, you serve multifunction purposes as far as I am
concern.
2. Prof. Dr. Zulkifly, MA. Former Dean of Faculty of Political and Social
Sciences in State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.
3. Dr. Ali Munhanif, MA, Dean of Faculty of Political and Social Sciences,
State Islamic Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.
4. Dr. Cucu Nurhayati, M.Si, who is serving as the head of Sociology
Department in State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. As well
as my academic guide lecturer. I appreciate all the support, advice, and
guidance you gave me during my study at UIN.
5. Muhammad Hasan Ansori, Ph.D., who serves as my research guide, thank
you for your help, guidance, motivations, and been inspiring throughout our
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encounter. With your tireless support, allowed me to complete my research
within an average period.
6. Lecturers in the Department of Sociology, State Islamic University Syarif
Hidayatullah Jakarta. Especially those I have been interacting with from
semester one to my final semester.
7. The entire Staff of faculty of social and political science. Thank you all for
always been there whenever I knock at your doors. Your support has made
my study in UIN very easy and successful I would say.
8. The leadership and the entire staff of the international office of State Islamic
University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.
9. My fellow international students especially my Gambian brothers and
sisters, without them, I might not be where I am today. I appreciate your
support and loyalty.
10. Special thanks to all my Informants without whom I might not achieve what
am pursing on time. Bakary Kanteh, Sarjo Koteh, Alhagie Jawneh, Sibiti
Conteh, Foday Jobarteh, Foday Jabbi, Omar Jobe, Alhagie Dembo Jaiteh,
Begay Mbye, Isatou Mbye, Kaddy Mbye.
11. Mustapha Jobarteh who has been resourceful in helping me on the ground
for interviews. Your role has a great impact on the completion of this
project.
12. 2016 intakes in the department of sociology, especially those in class A of
2016 intake.
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13. Ebrima Sillah, who has been my main facilitator in making sure I can
conduct the telephone interview all the times I need.
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CONTENT CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
A. Background……………………………………………. 1 B. Research Question …………………………………….. 9 C. Purpose of the Research……………………………… 9 D. Significant of the Research…………………………….. 10 E. Theoretical framework………………………………… 10 a. Ethnicity………………………………… 10 b. Ethnic Identity…………………………………. 12 c. Political Behavior………………………………… 13 d. Voting Behavior………………………………… 14 e. Elite Mobilization Theory…………………….. 15 F. Literature Review………………………………….. 19 G. Methodology………………………………………. 26 a. Methodological Approach…………………………. 26 b. Method of Respondent Selection…………………… 27 c. Method of Data Collection……………………………… 29 1. Document………………………………. 29 2. Telephone Interview…………………………… 29 d. Types and Sources of Data…………………………… 30 e. Place and Time……………………………………….. 30 f. Method of Data Analysis……………………………… 31 g. Research Structure……………………………………… 33 CHAPTER II OVERVIEW OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA AND NIANI DISTRICT
A. The Gambia……………………………………………………… 34 B. The Gambia’s Political System…………………………………. 36 C. Niani District…………………………………………………. 38 D. Demography of Niani District……………………………… 40 E. Ethnic Distribution……………………………………………… 41
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F. Local Government Administration Structure …………………… 42 a. District Chairperson………………………………….. 44 b. Ward Councilors…………………………………………… 45 c. District Chief or “Seyfo” …………………………….. 45 d. Village Alkalo ……………………………………………. 46 CHAPTER III ETHNICITY AND VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE PEOPLE OF NIANI IN THE 2017 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION IN NINAI DISTRICT
A. The Effect of Ethnicity on Political Behavior of the People of Niani District………… 49 1. Election Results per Polling Station in Niani District………. 58 B. The effect of ethnicity on political Behavior of the People of Niani District: Other Determinants That Affect the Political Behavior of the People of Niani District……………….. 61 1. Ethnic Mobilization during Campaign …………………… 61 2. Ethnic Identity of the Candidates……………………… 66 CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
A. Conclusion ……………………….. 70 B. Recommendation………………………………… 71 REFERENCES………………………………………….. 73
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LIST OF PICTURES
Picture II.1 Map of the Gambia within Senegal………………………………
Picture II.2 an Ethnic Compositions of the Gambian
Population…………………………
Picture II.3 the Stone Circle of Wassu in Niani District…………………………
Picture II.4 Position of Niani District in the Map of the Gambia in Central River
Region (CRR)…………………………………….
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LIST OF TABLES
Table I.A.1 National Assembly Election results in Niani District…………………
Table II.D.1 Population by Local Government Area, District and Sex: Kuntaur
LGA……………………………………………………….
Table III.A.1.1 2017 National Assembly Election Results per Polling Station in
Niani District……………………………………………………….
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LIST OF ABBREVIATION POLITICAL PARTIES UDP United Democratic Party GDC Gambia Democratic Party NRP National Reconciliation Party PDOIS People Democratic Organization Independent and Socialism GPDP Gambia party Democracy and Progress GMC Gambia Moral Congress PPP People Progressive Party APRC Alliance for Patriotic for Orientation and Construction NCP National Convention party REGIONS WCR West Coast Region LRR Lower River Region CRR Central River Region NBR North Bank Region URR Upper River Regions KMC Kanifing Municipal Council BCC Banjul City Council IND Independent OTHERS LGA Local Government Administration IEC Independent Electoral Commission CEO Chief Executive Officer GBOS Gambia Bureau of Statistic UNESCO: United Nations Organizations for Education, Science and Culture
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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
A. Background
Ethnicity and ethnic politics has been the prevailing custom of Africans for the past decades, which means ethnicity had a great impact on African politics until today. Studies had proved that “ethnic identity does really matter and plays a significant role in political competition in Africa. In other words, ethnic identity matter in Africa, because it serves an instrumental role in the struggle for political power” (Eifert & Miguel 2010).
The trend of ethnicizing African politics has affected various parts of Africa including The Gambia. This process of ethnicizing our politics has activated a form of political competition between ethnic groups, which has consequently resulted in conflict between ethnic groups within the African society. For example in the eastern part of Africa, countries like Rwanda, Kenya, and Congo Kinshasa has suffered a lot in the hand of ethnic conflict for the past decades (Crawford 2002).
Crawford, (2002) has identified a route in which ethnic politics was taking in
African countries, and how much it is costing them. He further argued that ethnic competition in African politics has sent most of the East African nations into ethnic conflict.
However, despite what ethnicity has been doing to most African countries,
Gambia was enjoying her diversity and ethnic tolerance until early 2016, when the former president of The Gambia Yahya Jammeh was on his annual nationwide tour
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under a theme “meet the people tour”. During the tour, in one of his speeches, he started attacking ethnic groups and accusing them of not wishing his government well. He even went further to mention some ethnic groups to be specific Mandinka ethnic group.
Jammeh convinced himself that, Mandinkas were the biggest threat to his leadership, that being said, one could understand that a brutal dictator who was never ready to let go of power will do anything to protect or cut off any threat that he or she feels threatened his leadership. Consequently, Jammeh made a pronouncement which was to kill every last member of a Mandinka ethnic group and bury them six meters deep if they dare come out to the street to protest
(Courtright, 2018). Yahya Jammeh’s hatred towards Mandinkas was not new, because they were the central victims of his 22 years of brutal ruling.
Notwithstanding, for Jammeh to publicly attack Mandinkas and or even threatened their existence was the consequence of the April 14 and 16 protests against his rule.
The leaders of these protests were Mandinkas, which further convince Jammeh to believe that they are of no good as far as his government was concerned.
These protests have resulted in the arrest of many prominent people in the political discourse of the Gambia, which triggered public anger and sympathy and mass protest was to follow. One could theorize that if that mass protest happens it might be consequential to Jammeh’s regime. Therefore, when he was on the nationwide tour and decided to address the issue by making a statement to scare people off from coming out to the street to protest.
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The tour was not a political campaign period it was a constitutionally sanctioned one, during which the president ought to reach out to the people and listen to their concerns, and from that, they could make policies that should address those national outcries. Unfortunately, due to lack of proper democratic institution, the purpose of the tour was defeated because president Jammeh made it all about himself and his government nothing was about the people who are supposed to be the central subject in this tour, for government to listen to their needs and concern and address them accordingly. The pronouncement against ethnic groups was made during this meet the people tour because Jammeh believed that Mandinkas was behind all that has been happening. This was one of the factors, which made him make that statement, but the public did not know the general motive.
Nevertheless, one clear thing was his bitterness towards the UDP, which was a major opposition party in the Gambia at the time. More importantly, it was considered a Mandinka political party as well. Jammeh’s statement offended many
Mandinkas and they started seeing each other as a social group who should stand together to get rid of Jammeh in the December 2016 Presidential election. Many believe that ethnicity has been the main power behind his removal from power in the said presidential election while some felt otherwise.
Meanwhile after the 2016 presidential election in the Gambia, one was able to see the clear manifestation of ethnic influence in the political arena, as some parts of the Jola community never accepted the new government because they believe
Mandinkas installed it in the fight against of their own. This sentiment was instilled in people of different ethnic groups due to the manipulative and deceiving tactics
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of political elites. Jammeh made it seems like Mandinkas are at war with Jolas to win popular support from this particular ethnic group.
As argued by Brass, (1993: 111), ethnicity is a powerful political resource for generating popular support in competition between political elites. He further argued that ethnic identities are not natural or given, they are social and political constructs. Moreover, they are creations of elites who draw upon, distort, and sometimes fabricate materials from the cultures of the groups they wish to represent, to protect their wellbeing or existence, or to gain political and economic advantage for their groups and themselves (Malesevic 2004).
The above argument of Paul Brass was justified days after the incumbent rejected the 2016 Presidential election result. “Tension begins to escalate between
Mandinkas and Jolas in a region called Foni (J. Courtright 2018). Consequently, the sense of ethnic identity within the groups becomes stronger and the solidarity bond grows stronger as well. From this point in Gambian politics, ethnic groups see themselves as a distinct group who are pursuing a common thing against other groups, in a hostile manner.
After 22 years of ruling, Jammeh’s presidency begins to crumble down after his pronouncement against ethnic groups. Many of his party supporters who were
Mandinkas shift their loyalty from his party APRC to support the UDP and other political parties. Many analysts believed that ethnic factors influence many voters to vote Jammeh out of the office. From those moments, Mandinkas also started preaching for “Mandinkaya” which in English means Mandinkaness. This ideology
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of Mandinkaness was allegedly said to be a campaign tool for some political leaders in attracting voters, and one could assume that it has work in the presidential election back in December 2016.
Ethnicity has been instrumental in the presidential election in the Gambia as it has been in other parts of Africa. For example, the work of Ajulu with a tile
“Politicized Ethnicity, Competitive Politics and Conflict in Kenya” has concluded that “ethnicity serve an instrumental role in the struggle for political power in
Africa” (Ajulu 2002).
Evidently, “the Gambia has been a multi-ethnic society over the time but has never been problematic as it appeared to be in the 2016 presidential election” (J.
Courtright 2018). This said election has ousted Yahya Jammeh from power and put in Adama Barrow. Political parties in the Gambia are mainly comprised of different ethnic group members, even though the parties are alleged to be ethnically structured.
Yahya Jammeh comes from an ethnic group which is considered to be a minority group in the Gambia’s population, while Barrow’s parents are of a different ethnic group. This gave him a great opportunity in the election because he possessed two ethnic identities, which are Mandinka and Fula. Adama’s father was a Mandinka by tribe, and his mother came from the Fula tribe. During this period in the Gambia, ethnicity has been an important instrument political elites were using to mobilize popular support, this made the researcher believed that Barrow had
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upper hand over Jammeh because of his ethnic background and the coalition backing.
Post-election conflict within the Gambia in late 2016 was caused by tribal politics. Jammeh’s twenty-two years rule showed a huge hatred towards the
Mandinkas and they were key targets of his torturing and killings. This has triggered an ethnic sentiment, which is causing profound cracks between supporters of the distinctive political groups in home Gambia and the diaspora. Numerous people condemned the act through social media but still prevail (Ousman 2018).
Nevertheless, according to “regional divisions in the Gambia, the density of ethnic settlement differ from one region to another. For example, in Central River
Region (CRR) the dominant ethnic groups are Mandinka and Fula, while in Upper
River Region (URR) Is dominated by Serahuleh and Fula as other regions are dominated by Jola like Foni and other parts of kombo” (Juffermans and Mcglynn
2009).
Amid the six (6) regions in the Gambia. Central River Region is the biggest and it is divided into six (6) districts namely: Niani, Sami, Niamina, Fuladou,
Nianija, and Saloum. This study focused on Niani district intending to find out how ethnicity affects their political behavior in the 2017 parliamentary election.
Table I.A.1 National Assembly Elections Final Results in Niani District
No. Candidates District Parties Results Percentage
1 Omar Bah Niani GDC 2237 32%
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2 Muhammed Niani NRP 979 14% Lamin Yaffa 3 Alieu Niani PDOIS 682 10% Ndow 4 Mbakeh Niani INDEPENDENT 436 6% Fatty
5 Alhagie S.B Niani UDP 2695 38% Sillah
Total 7029 100%
Sources: (Baboucarr, Njai, and Baboucarr 2017) National Assembly Elections Final Results www.iec.gm.
From the above table, we could see the difference. Looking at the ethnic concentration, Mandinkas and Fulas are the dominant groups in Niani, and candidates from these groups secured winner and the runner up in the 2017 parliamentary election. This kept the researcher wondering whether the result of the election was coincidence or ethnicity has a role in it.
Withstanding, there have been speculations that, political parties in the Gambia are ethnically structured. That is the United Democratic Party (UDP) is believed to be a Mandinka party while the National Reconciliation Party (NRP) and Gambia
Democratic Congress (GDC) are also considered to be a Fula party. People
Democratic Organization for Independent and Socialism (PDOIS), is another political party in the Gambia, which was considered Mandinka and Wolof party.
These rumors are growing daily in the hearts and minds of Gambians.
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Previous studies detailed that, “ethnic identity does matter in political competition in Africa as well as political parties are supported base the same ethnicity” (Ajulu 2002; Benn Eifert, Edward Miguel 2010; Crawford 2002). Ethnic politics has extremely affected social stability in numerous countries in Africa. For example, “Rwandan conflict between the Tutsi and Hutus tribe”. As well as in
Kenya, there has been competition between the Luo and the Luhya in the struggle of political power. Nigeria is nor exceptional giving the fact of what has been happening between the Ibo and Yoruba tribe. “Ethnic competition appears to be inevitable in Africa”.
Based on these issues the researcher deemed it necessary to conduct this research in other to find out whether ethnicity has an impact on the “political behavior” of Gambian people, in the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani District.
Also, the study to further describe how political elites used ethnic identities in mobilizing voters during the said election. Evidently, from the backlash of the 2016 presidential election, the researcher was convinced that ethnicity was crucial in the political lives of the Gambians.
Although, the phenomenon of ethnic politics is very old in post-Independence
Africa countries which makes the Gambia, not an exception. However, the violent nature of ethnic politics is new to Gambians. Meaning, ethnic salience in the
Gambian politic is nor news but its violent nature is very new. Bearing that in mind, the researcher assumes that none or very limited research was done on the subject in the Gambian context, compared to other African countries. For these reasons, the researcher sees it deem fitting to conduct this research.
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B. Research Question
From the background above on the current social condition about Gambia’s politics, the researcher come up with the following research questions regarding ethnicity and ethnic politics in the Gambia.
1. How does ethnicity affect the voting behavior of the people in Niani
in the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani District?
2. In what ways does ethnicity affect the “political behavior” of the
people in Niani district during the “2017 parliamentary election”?
C. Purpose of the Research
Based on the background information on “ethnicity and the nature of political competition in African countries, and how ethnic voting has been an inclination in most of the African countries”. The researcher is with a conviction that this research will serve the following purpose:
1. To describe how ethnicity affected the voting behavior of the people in
Niani, in the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani district.
2. Describe the mobilization process of voters by the elites or even the masses
through ethnicity.
3. As well as, to describe the political behavior of the people in Niani District,
during the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani district.
D. Significant of the Research
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Academic Significant: the research is ought to contribute greatly to describe the political behavior of the people in Niani District, by describing the mobilization process of voters using an ethnic identity. In the field of Sociology, we “study people’s behavior, from social interaction, human social relationship, and social institutions”. The study is designed to add up to other studies that dealt with the phenomenon of “political behavior” with the influence of social identity, for example, ethnicity. Also, it is designed to establish empirical facts about the impact of ethnicity on people’s political behavior.
The research is also aimed to provide empirical evidence to the government of the Gambia about the “impact of ethnicity on the voting behavior” of Gambians, and also help in creating an environment which will not allow ethnic politics to be dominant practice in their political arena. The study will also help in providing adequate information about how significant was ethnic identity when voting in the
Gambia to be specific during the parliamentary election in the Niani District.
E. Theoretical Framework
a. Ethnicity
Definitions of ethnicity vary, but they all converge around central key elements.
Meaning, despite the variety of definitions giving to ethnicity, they all meet at certain key concepts like, “common heritage, shared ancestry, and social groups within the society. The concept is directed to the line that shows a group of individuals that share the same ancestry line” (Chandra 2006).
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Meaning, people of the same ethnic group in the Gambia came from a similar background. In the Gambia, social groups identify their common ancestry profoundly in the history that tries to show the origin of those groups based on shared language, culture, and similar features. “Mandinkas are believed to come from “Man-ding” in Mali, while Fulas are from Futa Toro, Wolof from Saloum.
This origin line shows their common ancestry and made them categorize themselves as one social group which shared similar dialect, culture, and tradition”.
In this study, the researcher looked at the voting behavior of people in Niani that share similar characteristics such as language, culture, and traditions. Whether the social identity that the researcher calls ethnicity or ethnic identity does have any stimulus on them. However, researcher comprehend that this common tree or family tree seems to be very influential in the lives of most middle-class Gambians. “A
1964 definition suggests that ethnicity pertains to a social group which within a larger cultural and social system, claims or is accorded special status in terms of a complex of traits (ethnic traits) which it exhibits or is believed to exhibit.” (Glazer
& Moynihan 1975)
Max Weber, (1968: 389) argued on his early definitions of ethnicity that,
“ethnicity is a matter of common descent, for Weber ethnicity is based on common decent of people. Donald Horowitz stresses real or imagined shared ancestry, the centrality of kinship metaphors, a minimum size, and a sense of distinctiveness, whether or not this distinctiveness rests on unique cultural attributes”(Horowitz
1985: 53). Horowitz argued that, “ethnicity is a shared ancestry, whether this could be real or imagined but the term is based on the shared ancestry”.
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From the various definitions above, give us an idea to argue about the concept of ethnicity. On that note, the researcher would define ethnicity as a social group produced by a society based on a common heritage or ancestry, and a group distinct if cultural, traditional, and original baseline. Ethnicity is a broad concept that consists of various social groups, from race, religion, tribe, ethnic group, and the likes. So looking at all the variables at hand, this study is intended to go with the concept of ethnicity.
From the definitions above, the researcher wish to elaborate more on common heritage. Looking at the Gambian society, people believe to share a common heritage base on the dialect the individual speaks. Meaning language is the primary determinant of this common heritage. As the research is also intended to look at its base on the same as people who speaks the same language, share the same culture and traditions, and have similar characteristic are a group in one ethnic group.
Nonetheless, this study addresses social groups that share a common language, culture, and share a similar characteristic. These characteristics could be the physical characteristics of their bodies, dress codes, hairstyle, shelter, and even lifestyle.
b. Ethnic Identity
Crawford & Chandra define ethnic identity as “a subset of identity was categories in which membership is determined by attributes associated with, or believed to be associated with, descent (described here simply as descent-based attributes)” (Crawford, 2002)(Chandra 2006). According to Chandra in his study
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conducted in 2006 argued that “ethnic identity are categories of identity in which membership is determined by a decent base. People of the same decent or believed to have the same ancestry are categorized in the same ethnic group” (Chandra,
2006).
c. Political Behavior
“In the field of political science, a subfield was developed that study political behavior. This sub-field is now becoming popular in the field of political science; some of the theorists who had influenced this field were Karl Deutsch and Theodor
Adorno. From the perspective of the political scientist, they try to explain political behavior as an influence of a person’s political view, ideology, and the level of his or her political participation. On the other hand, one can say political behavior is a subset of human behavior which involves politics and power or behaviors which are politically motivated”.
Kessler defines political behavior on his paper, in which he looks at an individual’s political\ behavior in organizations. According to him, “political behavior could be reserved for political activities by individual organizational members. Kessler defines political behavior in an organization as those activities that are not required as part of one’s organizational role but that influence, or attempts to influence, the distribution of advantages and disadvantages within the organization” (Kessler 2013).
“Political behavior is an individual or group activities which showcase the participation of an individual in political activity such as; voting, support to a
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political party as well as contesting for political offices. The behavior of groups and individuals in making a political decision like choosing between candidates. In this study researcher will be looking at the political participation of individuals and groups in Niani, their political view, and actors that influence their political decision, view, and ideology”.
d. Voting Behavior
Rui Antunes, (2010) tries to address voting behavior using theoretical analysis in his paper titled “Theoretical models of voting behavior”, in which he treated voting behavior into three models namely:
a) “sociological model of voting behavior,
b) a psychosocial model of voting behavior, and
c) Rational choice theory”.
Rui Antunes, (2010) defines voting behavior in three essential works in the sociological model: “The People’s Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944), voting (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, & McPhee, 1954) and Personal Influence (Katz &
Lazarsfeld, 1955). The research conducted by Lazarsfeld et al. (1944) at Ohio State
(Erie County)”(Antunes 2010).
Voting behavior from the prescription of Lazarsfeld et al. (1944) in (Antunes
2010) journal define voting behavior as a process that individuals go through to choose by voting a candidate. Though initially, Lazarsfeld made a general hypothesis that, “the act of voting is an individual act, which is mainly affected by the personality of the voter and his/her exposure to media” (Antunes 2010).
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However, Lazarsfeld, (1944) concluded on his finding that, “a majority of voters voted their original political predisposition” (Antunes 2010). Meaning many voters make a decision of whom they will vote before the campaign period, and most of these decisions are influence by a social group they belong to like an ethnic group for example.
The concept of voting behavior was broken down into pieces by the above mention scholars, which the researcher will summarize as a process of making a voting decision to vote for a particular candidate that could be influenced by anything.
e. Elite Mobilization Theory
Elite Theory: Ethnicity as a Political Resource Malesevic, (2004). In his book titled the sociology of ethnicity addressed the elite theory in connection to ethnic relations in political competition. In this particular work, Malesevic categorized the theory into two i.e classical and contemporary elite theory. The classical elite theory articulated most comprehensively in the works of Mosca,
Pareto, and Michels is perhaps the only prominent sociological tradition that does not have a direct contemporary offspring.
“The common theme of Mosca, Pareto, and Michels is an idea that regardless of the political and social system one lives in, it is always a minority that dominates the majority. Moreover, they argue that there are no mechanisms that would allow for true control of majority over a minority” (Malesevic 2004). However, in the classical viewpoint, they had given nor or limited attention to the relevance of
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ethnicity or ethnic relation in any given society. They only believed that societies are divided into two classes that are the minorities and the majority, and at any point in time, minorities are always in charge of the mass. This category of the minority group they termed it as the elites. A group of people who dominates and have influence over the mass.
As for the contemporary elites, they took their cue from the classics by seeing politics as the main field of social action. However, contemporary theorist differs from the classics as they also attributed an important place to culture. For instance,
Cohen (1974a, 1977, and 1981) argues, more specifically, that social action is well understood by concentrating on power relations and symbols. In the lights of symbols, Cohen means ‘objects, concepts, or linguistic formations that stand vaguely for a variety of disparate meanings, arouse sentiments and sensations, and compel men to action. Cohen further argued the idea of instrumentalization of ethnic symbols in dual ways: “first as political symbolism of various interest groups that are in a state of competition with each other and with the State, and, second, as the symbolism of elite power”(Malesevic 2004).
According to Cohen “Ethnicity usually serves as the factor with the widest appeal in mobilizing the masses for the elite’s particularistic goals, that is, to gain or remain in power. Therefore, the elite constantly attempts to present its particular interests as the universal, common interests of the community as a whole. That is why power struggles between political elites are often openly offered as a confrontation over politically marginal, but communally vital matters rituals and symbols. The emotional appeals to potent symbols such as the common ethnic
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ancestry or ethnic hero-worship are the most expedient device for elites in achieving their ends” (Malesevic 2004).
Another contemporary elite theorist Teun van Dijk (1991, 1993) focuses even more strongly on the link amid power and cultural reproduction. Analyzing the dominant political, corporate, academic, educational, and media discourses in
Western societies, he argues that ethnic resentments and racism are, for the most part, a product of subtle symbolic reproduction controlled and directed by elites. He claims that since power elites dominate the key means of symbolic reproduction, such as the education system, mass media, business corporations, the churches, political institutions, trade unions, and even welfare offices, they are in a position to control the content and structure of messages disseminated in the public arena
(Malesevic 2004).
For Van Dijk, what was pivotal in his argument was the elite’s privileged access to systems of sociocultural discourse, which he argued they are mainly in control over symbolic resources. In his view, elites are mainly in control of the cultural symbols, and they use them in a manner that suits their egoistic desire in the disguise of serving common interest. He highlights the role of symbolic elites
(mass media editors and directors, politicians, columnists, scholars, textbook authors) as principal opinion-makers and groups involved in the creation and legitimization of policies towards ethnic minorities (Malesevic 2004).
The contemporary elite approach saw ethnic relation through the interplay of culture and politics, however, the work of Brass and Gurr are more fixated on seeing
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cultural markers as instruments of political action. Paul Brass perceives ethnicity as a powerful political resource for engendering popular support in competition between political elites. Ethnic identities are not distinctive or given, they are social and political constructs. Moreover, they are conceptions of elites who draw upon, distort, and sometimes fabricate materials from the cultures of the groups they wish to represent, to protect their wellbeing or existence, or to gain political and economic advantage for their groups and themselves. (Brass, 1993: 111).
According to Brass, “cultural difference becomes an object of an inter-group dispute only when it represents a particular political conflict of interests. Even here, culture does not stand for the authenticity of a group’s essence, since it only includes selected cultural traits, but is rather used as a source for the political mobilization of groups. Such selective mobilization of cultural difference is possible because ethnicities are variable, dynamic and fuzzy: religious attachments can change, bilingualism is rampant in today’s world, kinship ties are weakening or narrowing to include only closest relatives, massive migration diminishes feelings of attachment to the place of birth, and so on. Therefore, the politicization of culture is not inevitable; rather it is determined by a set of social circumstances” (Malesevic
2004).
The researcher used the Elite Theory of Ethnic Mobilization to support and guide the research. As detailed above, on malesevic’s discussion on elite theory in which he separated the classical and contemporaries. The research adopts the contemporary elite theories to he describe the political behavior of the people in
Niani specifically elites manipulative tactics of popular mobilization. As argued
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buy Brass, ethnicity is a powerful political resource for generating popular support in competition between political elites.
Therefore, the theory help to look into the voting and political behavior of people at Niani in the Gambia, and how elites use their influences to affect the behavior of voters in mobilizing them to rally behind a particular candidate base on ethnic identity. Elites or other members of a social group could mobilize members for a course that they believed to go well with their ethnic identity. As claimed by the contemporary elite theory in the work of Cohen and Brass which the relevance of ethnic symbolism as a tool in the mobilization of popular support in a political competition by the elites. As the researcher adopts the contemporary approach as an analyzing tool, the works of Cohen and Brass are used to support and analyze the findings of the research.
F. Literature Review
There are numerous studies on this faithful topic that is ethnic politics and other topics relating to ethnicity and political behavior. Some of these studies are as follows:
A research was done by Ajulu with the title “Politicized Ethnicity, competitive politics and conflicts in Kenya: A Historical Perspective”. Ajulu’s paper attempts to “tease out the complex transaction between competitive politics, ethnicity, and ethnic conflict in Kenya’s multi-party system”(Ajulu 2002). His central argument was “uneven development of capitalist entry in Kenya, and its tendency to initiate ethnic inequalities” (Ajulu 2002).
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He uses a qualitative research approach in exploring the nature of ethnicized politics in Kenya in a competitive form, secondary data analysis method in a survey through historical general election records. The secondary was his main source of information during his data collection period.
The research findings show that “ethnic cleavages and political conflicts have been at their most volatile during the periods of open competitive politics.
Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that what has been describedd here are not necessarily tribal conflicts in the primordial sense. On the contrary, these are organized political contestations, in most cases championed by dominant elites, with ethnicity acting simply as the organizing principle”(Ajulu 2002).
A study by Eifert, Miguel, and Posner, (2010) titled “Political Competition and
Ethnic Identification in Africa” their study was designed to find out the impact of ethnic identity in political competition in Africa.
They used multinational logit empirical methodology; the researchers drew their data from over 35,000 respondents in 22 public surveys in 10 different countries in Africa. “The surveys they used were done between 1999 and 2004.
Representative samples were drawn nationally through a multistage stratified cluster sampling method”.
The findings of the study showed “a piece of strong evidence that ethnic identity in Africa is promoted by the fragility to political competition”. “The shifts are accompanied by a corresponding reduction in the salience of occupational and class identities. Their findings lend support to situational theories of social
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identification and are consistent with the view that ethnic identities matter in Africa for instrumental reasons: because they are useful in the competition for political power”(Eifert, & Miguel 2010).
A study conducted by M. Basedau, and A. Stroh, (2011); titled “How ethnic are African parties? Evidence from four Francophone countries”. The research was conducted to find empirical evidence on how ethnic are African political parties.
Stroh and Basedau use a quantitative research approach using representative survey polls to collect their data on four Francophone countries in Africa namely
Benin, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger respectively.
The results of their study show that ethnicity matters, “but that its impact is generally rather weak and differs concerning party systems and individual parties.
‘Ethnic parties’ in the strict sense are virtually absent. In particular, the voters’ location seems more important than ethnic affiliation”(Basedau and Stroh 2011).
Research conducted by Chandra, (2006) with a title “What is Ethnic Identity and Does It Matter?” this study was to join the Frey in proving a conceptual definition to what ethnic identity was, and as it was becoming heat topic amongst comparative political scientist, he tries to see whether it matter in the political arena.
He uses a qualitative analytical approach using a quick survey on examples of works that theorize about the impact of ethnic identity or concept related to ethnic identities. According to Chandra, he defines ethnic identities as “a subset of identity categories in which membership is determined by attributes associated with, or believed to be associated with, descent-based attributes”(Chandra 2006).
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From his quick analysis of the theorizes impacts on ethnic identity, and his definition of ethnic identity prompted him to conclude that “ethnicity either does not matter or has not been shown to matter in explaining most outcomes to which it has been linked by comparative political scientists. These outcomes include violence, democratic stability, and patronage”(Chandra 2006).
Sebastian Elischer, (2008) conducted a study with the title “Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya”.
The paper was design to analyze the role of ethnicity informing the behavior of
Kenya’s parties and party system since 1992.
He uses secondary data analysis approach and drew on “the constructivist conception of ethnicity, in which he uses a framework of comparison derived from
Donald Horowitz and distinguishes between three party types namely: the mono- ethnic party, the multi-ethnic alliance type and the multi-ethnic integrative type”
(Elischer 2008).
The study shows that “although Kenyan parties have increasingly incorporated diverse communities, they have consistently failed to bridge the country’s dominant ethnic cleavages. Consequently, all of Kenya’s significant parties represent ethnic coalitions of convenience and commitment and, thus, ethnic parties. The paper further states that the country’s post-2007 political environment is a by-product of the omnipresence of this party type”(Elischer 2008).
In Africa, it is believed that “ethnicity is a critical determinant of election results in Africa”. Thomas Bossuroy, (2011) researched this argument titled
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“Ethnicity and Election Outcomes in Ghana”. The study was designed to investigate the question of whether ethnicity determines election results in Africa, through an empirical method in the 2004 presidential polls in Ghana.
A quantitative approach was used in this study with the use of “various data sources matched at the district level, and also conduct an econometric analysis on the turnout and the party vote shares, and evolution between two similar polls”(Bossuroy 2011). Accuracy of the two alternative models of voting was tested on an ethnic model and non-ethnic model that includes variables such as jobs, education, or wealth.
The research questions which was posed at the beginning of the study were answered by stating that ethnic is slightly a better factor in explaining the structure of voters in Ghana, but does not rule out the significance of the non-ethnic model as well. They went further to state that the ethnic model could not account accurately for the evolution of votes between the two polls. On that note, he concluded that non-ethnic determinants might ultimately drive the election results.
In the book of Yong Crawford, (2002ch-1p1-34) titled “Ethnicity and Politics in Africa”. According to chapter one, of this said book Young was trying to give a detail definition of ethnicity, in other to provide a better comprehension of the concept of ethnicity. In doing so Young begins by discussing various definitions of ethnicity. He then went further to define ethnicity as “a social group which, within a larger cultural and social system, claims or is accorded special status in terms of
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a complex of traits (ethnic traits) which it exhibits or is believed to exhibit”
(Crawford 2002).
Abraham H. Miller, (1971) revisit the theories of R. Dahl and Wolfinger on ethnic assimilation and ethnic mobilization theories respectively. In his paper titled
“Ethnicity and Political Behavior: A Review of Theories and an Attempt at
Reformulation”. This paper tried the following:
1. To reexamine the basis for Dahl's conclusions about the persistence of ethnic
politics and the underpinnings of his theory of ethnic assimilation.
2. To reexamine the evidence for the theory of ethnic mobilization proposed by
Wolfinger.
3. To reconcile these differences;
4. To propose a reformulation of Dahl's theory based on the reassessment of the
evidence”(H. MILLER 1971).
“From Miller’s analysis of both theories, he concluded that ethnic mobilization theory was of great interest based on ostensibly the same data as the theory of ethnic assimilation. Close examination of Wolfinger's usage of the data has sharpened the data and the conclusions. Further inspection of Wolfinger's argument and the full range of data showed that despite the paucity of interpretation, Wolfinger’s theory was valuable as a description of the second stage of ethnic assimilation but not as an explanation of the persistence of ethnic politics” (H. Miller, 1971).
The paper of Antunes, (2010) titled “Theoretical Models of Voting Behavior”.
This article was aimed to review the main theoretical aspects that help in explaining electoral behavior. These models in Antunes's article was categorized into three
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main models namely: “sociological model of voting behavior, a psychosocial model of voting behavior, and Rational Choice Theory”. The methodological approach in this article is more of an analytical method. The article explains electoral behavior using theoretical models and also “proposes a reconceptualization of the concept of partisanship to integrate all relevant contributions of the three main models of voting behavior in a holistic approach to electoral behavior”(Antunes 2010).
L. Hood tries to answer the following question in his study, which stated, “Is there a direct connection between ethnic candidates and ethnic voting in Erie? This question was prompt because of an increment of ethnic candidates in Erie elections for public offices between democrats and republicans. Hood uses three local office- levels for the study; general assembly, city council, and county. Erie in
Pennsylvania, ethnic candidates started growing from 1926 to 1986 gradually. To assess his question he separated all the elections results into three types: type 1. election involving two non-ethnic contestants, 2. type of elections involving ethnic candidate vs non-ethnic candidates, and type 3. election involving two ethnic candidates” (L. Hood 1989).
All the above works do have some similarities as well as differences with the researcher’s study titled “ethnicity and political behavior of the Gambian people: the case of the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani District”. For example methodologically both (Benn Eifert, Edward Miguel 2010)(Basedau and Stroh
2011)(Bossuroy 2011) uses the quantitative approach in their studies which shows a variant of differences with this work as of this work researcher use a qualitative approach. However, the above-said studies do have some similarities with this
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paper as they both study ethnicity and politics in various areas around the globe.
Again the study of (Chandra 2006)(Ajulu 2002)(Crawford 2002) both used a qualitative approach in their studies so do I, this too shows similarities in our works methodologically.
Generally, this study differs from the works of Miller, (1971), Antunes, (2010),
Hood, (1989), Chandra, (2006), Ajulu, (2002), and Crawford, (2002) mainly with the timing and location. Meanwhile, the study of (H. Miller, 1971)(Antunes
2010)(L. Hood 1989) are also different from my studies as their approach was quantitative with secondary data analysis.
The study of H. Miller, (1971), Antunes, (2010), L. Hood, (1989), Chandra,
(2006), Ajulu, (2002), and Crawford, (2002) are very relevant to this study as they serve as a guide to this work. However, there was no research particularly conducted on the Gambians ethnic affiliations with politics, but several studies were conducted in Africa, which I believed could be relevant in the case of the Gambia.
One can say African countries did not have that margin of differences where one may say they cannot be related. Political affairs with ethnicity is almost a common concern in Africa, in which some political analysts called it “continental cancer” this concern prompted most of them to call for political hygiene in Africa.
G. Methodology
a. Methodological Approach
A qualitative approach is used in this study. This research method explains, explore, describe, and interpret social phenomenon in our societies. On that note,
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the researcher used a qualitative approach to describe the political behavior of the
Gambian people in Niani District, Central River Region (CRR).
The study is categorized as a case study research. “Yin, (1984:23) defines case study research method as an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context; when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not evident; and in which multiple sources of evidence are used”(Bolder-Boos 2015). The study is a descriptive case study, which is design to understand contextually and provide a detailed mental map on the behavior of the people in Niani.
b. Method of Respondent Selection:
The researcher uses purposive sampling techniques in selecting the informants for the study during the data collection period because the informants are supposed to have certain criteria in other to be designate for the study, which was purposefully design by the researcher.
The number of informants in this study is not quantify, but the study does target certain people with influence in several villages in Niani. People like the village heads, political party’s youth wing leaders, women wing leaders, candidates of the election, and leaders of the political parties that contested in the 2017 parliamentary election if available.
The researcher targeted the above mention people as informants because they have some sought of influence over the mass in the community, which the researcher believed they could influence their voting behavior. For example, the
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Village head is a very prominent person in the rural communities in the Gambia and they have a certain influence, he targeted to see how his support to a particular motivated some voters to choose or vote for the same candidate as he been the leader of the community. Youth wing leaders in the communities are a target because they have their strategies in campaigning to motivated voters to vote for their candidate using various techniques or using certain identities as a backing tool like ethnicity.
Furthermore, the women wing leaders are also vital in convincing fellow voters to vote for a particular candidate base on social identity they share like ethnicity.
Women's wings have their strategies, which they strategize in mobilizing voters and convincing them to vote for a candidate of their ethnic group. The candidates are also targeted as informants because the researcher is willing to know how much did they thought of their ethnic identity when they were nominated as a candidate and how optimistic where they that most people from their ethnic group would vote for him/her? Candidates are very important in this case because they are the people who reach to voters and convince them to vote for them. Ethnicity was one of the tools used in gathering votes from the voters.
However, the party leadership is also a target in this study as an informant because they have a great influence in selecting a candidate to represent their party in a particular region or district. The researcher fell that, it is necessary to involve them in the study by trying to picture out candidate selection at the party level, also see whether ethnicity has any impact on the process.
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c. Data Collection Method
“The data collection technique for this research was based on two approaches namely; documentation and Telephone interview”.
1. Documentation
Documentation looks at the documents available printed or internet bases that are relevant to the research, like books, journals, newspapers, election result transcript for the 2017 parliamentary election for Niani district. Bowen, define document analysis as “a systematic procedure for reviewing or evaluating documents—both printed and electronic (computer-based and Internet-transmitted) material”.
2. Telephone interview
Academically researchers did not offer explicit definitions to a telephone interview, suggesting that a high degree of acceptance and assumed understanding of the term. Worth, (2001) offers the following definition to telephone interview in research term, “is a strategy for obtaining data which allows interpersonal communication without the face to face meeting”(Worth 2001).
Nonetheless, the most traditional qualitative researchers did not favor the approach, but it is mainly accepted in the modern qualitative researches. For example “telephone interview was used by one of the authors (EC) which explores the experience of postoperative pain”(Worth 2001). Other researches also use this method in their data collection when the researcher cannot reach the Informant “at the time of the data collection”.
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d. Type and Sources of Data
This study uses two types of data, which are primary data and secondary data.
“Primary data, this is a type of data that are obtained directly from the field through telephone interviews. The researcher collected his primary data through telephone interviews with the respondent. The researcher communicates with respondents through telephone call video, audio, and voice note interview during which respondents are asked questions and they provide answers to the questions asked by the researcher. Primary data is the major source of data as long as this research is concern”.
“Secondary data this kind of data is obtained through available scripts that are previously treated by early researchers. The researcher use journals, articles, and other scripts that are relevant to the topic as a guide as much as a source of data.
This secondary data are obtained from the references available and relevant to my study”.
e. Place and Time
The research is design to find out the political behavior of the people in Niani, intending to find out their voting behavior in the 2017 parliamentary election.
Timing for this research is intended to commence from March 2019 to August 2019.
“The Gambia is a tiny country in the western part of Africa, which is partially surrounded by Senegal from North, East, and South. The western part of the country laid on the mouth of the Atlantic Ocean. That tiny country was divided into six (6) regions excluding the capital city Banjul”. The place where the research is intended
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to take place is in the fifth region called Central River Region, which was divided into 6 districts; again, Niani is one of those districts. This study has a targeted period of six months approximately, starting from March to August respectively.
f. Data Analysis Method
“The data analysis process for this study is commenced while collecting data, which means data analysis and collections were done simultaneously. Any data collected are analyzed while the researcher is on the data collection process, it was a simultaneous process”.
The steps in data analysis according to Miles and Huberman in (Sugiyono
2013) are as follows:
Data collection “is collecting information on the field through interviews, observation, focus group discussion, and documentation. By determining the data collection strategy that is deemed appropriate and to determine the focus and depth of data in the next data collection process” (Sugiyono 2013).
Data reduction; “this is a process of selection, focusing, abstracting, and transformation of rough data in the field directly, and forwarded at the time of data collection, thus data reduction begins since researchers focus on the research area.
Data reduction is a continuous process during qualitative research” (Sugiyono
2013).
Data presentation/display; “this is an act of showing the data which was collected, and reduced. Data could be presented in different forms ranging from pictures, graphs, tables before making any conclusion”.
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Drawing conclusion; “this is the final step of data analysis according to miles and Huberman at this stage research has done all the crosschecking and verify that all the angles of the data are available then conclude the research” (Athoillah 2013).
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g. Structure of Research To ease understanding and making it simpler for readers, the researcher divided this study into four chapters, and each chapter has subtopics. Therefore, the systematic structuring of this thesis is as follows:
Chapter I: this chapter includes the introduction which entails research background, research question, purpose and significance, literature review, conceptual framework, theoretical framework, methodology, and systematic writing procedure.
Chapter II: explain an overview of the Gambia and Niani district, which includes the Gambia, the political system of Gambia, Niani district, demography of
Niani district, ethnic distribution, and local government administration structure.
Chapter III: deals with the analysis and findings; this part includes ethnic affiliation during the voting process, other factors rather than ethnicity, campaign period in Niani, the ethnic identity of candidates, and election results per polling station in Niani.
Chapter IV: this includes the conclusion and recommendation on the thesis.
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CHAPTER TWO
OVERVIEW OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA AND NIANI DISTRICT
A. The Gambia
The Gambia was a British colony, and also one of the smallest country in West
Africa, with a recorded population of 1.88 million according to the 2013 population census (GBOS 2013). “With a total area of approximately 11,000 square kilometers. The Gambia is located on the southern and northern banks of River
Gambia, and it extends 470 kilometers into the interior of Africa. It is surrounded by Senegal from three sides east, south, and north, and the western side by the
Atlantic Ocean. The Gambian population, which has amplified four-fold since
1963, is ethnically diverse. According to the 2013 census, Mandinka, which made up 42 percent of the Gambian population, was the largest group, followed by Fula
18 percent, Wolof 16 percent, Jola 10 percent, and the Serahule (9 percent) respectively. Muslims constitute about 95 percent of the population while
Christians who are mainly Roman Catholic, Methodist, and other sects of
Christianity, constitute 4 percent of the population, and the 1 percent constitutes others” (Perfect 2008)(Review 2019).
The Gambia gained its independence from Britain on 18 February 1965. Upon its independence, the head of state was the prime minister who is answerable to the
Queen of England. The Gambia was having a prime minister after independence until 1970 when it officially becomes a republic to have a president. From that moment onwards the Gambia has been one of the most democratic country in
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Africa, elections were held every five years until it was disrupted by a military coup in 1994 led by Lieutenant Yahya Jammeh.
After the 1994 coup, the military junta ruled for two years with a military degree, and then in 1996, they return the country to the civilians to call for a fresh election during which Yahya Jammeh resigned from the Gambia arm forces to run for the presidency in 1996 presidential election in which he won. From that moment on, there has been a periodic election every five years. However, the young leader turns to be the worst brutal dictator Africa has ever produced, until the year 2016 when he was ousted by Gambians and vote in Adama Barrow as a coalition president who shall serve for three years as a transitional president, then call for a fresh election.
Picture II.1. Map of the Gambia within Senegal
Source: (DPADM 2004) Republic of the Gambia: Public Administration
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Country Profile
The Gambia is divided into 7 administrative regions including Banjul city council, these regions have their regional headquarters as well as regional administration headed by the regional governors and Mayors. From region two to region six have regional Governors while region one and Banjul are having Mayors respectively. These regions are “Banjul City Council (BCC), Kanifing Municipal
Council (KMC), West Coast Region (WCR), Lower River Region (LRR), Central
River Region (CRR), Upper River Region (URR), and North Bank Region (NBR) respectively”. Each region is divided into Districts and the districts to a constituency, and constituencies to villages and towns.
Picture II.2. An Ethnic Composition of the Gambian Population
Source: http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/gambia-population.
B. Political System of the Gambian
The Gambia has been a multi-party democratic system since independence from Britain in 1965 and was considered as one of the primogenial democratic practicing nations in Africa until 1994 when the military junta overthrew the
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democratic government of Sir Dawda Kiaraba Jawara. Historically Sir Dawda K.
Jawara has been a prime minister in October 1963, heading his government while
Queen Elizabeth the II was the head of state. In 1970 after the referendum, the
Gambia became a republic and Sir Dawda became the first president under a political party called people progressive party (PPP) until 22nd July 1994 when he was dethroned by Military junta. The military ruled for two years under Lieutenant
Yahya Jammeh. After two years of his military rule, Mr. Jammeh resigned from the
Gambia National Army (GNA) and contest for presidency in 1996 and he emerges victorious (IEC 1996).
As of 1996, Yahya Jammeh became the second president of the Republic of the Gambia up to 2016. Adama Barrow defeated him in 2016 presidential election,
Barrow runs under a coalition ticket of seven political parties namely: United
Democratic Party (UDP), People Progressive Party (PPP), People Democratic
Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS), Gambia Moral Congress
(GMC), National Reconciliation Party (NRP), National Convention Party (NCP), and Gambia Party for Democracy and Progress (GPDP).
“The first Gambian Parliament, the single-chamber House of Representatives, had been established in 1960. It initially contained 27 directly elected Members of
Parliament (MPs), of whom 19 were elected directly and eight indirectly by
Protectorate chiefs. In 1962, the number of directly elected MPs increased to 32, subsequently rising to 35 in 1977 and 36 in 1987. The House of Representatives was abolished in 1994 following the military coup and replaced by the National
Assembly in 1997. This initially had 45 directly elected members and has had 48
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since 2002. Presidential and parliamentary elections are due every five years; since
1982, the President has been directly elected”(Perfect 2008). The number of seats in the national assembly does increase over time; according to the 2017 parliamentary elections, the seats were increased to 53. The members for the assembly constitute 53 elected members also five nominated members by the president of the Republic of the Gambia.
C. Niani District
The Gambia is divide into seven regions, and these regions are divided into districts, and the districts are further divided into wards, then to towns and villages.
Niani is one of the districts in Central River Region in the Gambia, which is position at the northern bank of the River Gambia, bordered with Sami district and Nianija respectively. The people of Niani District are mainly farmers in the rural part of the
Gambia, their main farming products are rice, groundnut, coos, and maize, however, some of them are herdsmen. The weather in this part of Gambia is mainly cold and dry from November to April, and warm and rainy from May to October.
Mainly the Gambia has two seasons; rainy season and the dry season or some may call it winter and summer.
Niani district also preserved one of the most beautiful historical places in the
Gambia calls the Stone Circle that is located at Wassu a village in the above mention district. The place was recognized as the world heritage site by the United Nations
Organizations for Education, Science, and Culture (UNESCO) from 2006. This
Stone Circle is prominent in the history of The Gambia because it is believed to be
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burial mounds or tombs of kings, queens, and governors in the Gambia at the time.
It is believed to be more than 1200 years old, the sets of megalithic stones have been dated between 750-1000 BC. For decades, locals believed that there would be a curse on anyone who disturbed those who are laid there. This may explain why they have lasted so long with little human interference. When visiting them, we admire their natural beauty since they remain quite intact (Fafa Ceesay 2018). “The megalithic circles found at Wassu are composed of 11 stone circles. The highest stone was found in this area, with a height of 2.59 meters” (Fafa Ceesay 2018).
Picture II.3. The Stone Circle of Wassu in Niani District
Source: Retrieved from http://www.tamalatravel.com/en/the-stone-circles-of- wassu
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Picture II.4. Position of Niani District in the Map of the Gambia in Central
River Region (CRR)
Sources: https://www.google.com/search?q=niani+district
D. Demography of Niani District
The population of Niani District is ethnically diverse and consists of three major ethnic groups in the Gambia namely Mandinka, Wolof, and Fula. Mandinkas are the largest ethnic group in Niani followed by Fulas then Wolof. The population is steadily increasing year by year according to the 2013 population and housing census (GBOS 2013). The population of Niani was 29,478 people according to the
2013 census(GBOS 2013).
Niani district constitutes the highest population in the northern part of the
Central River Region (CRR). According to the 2013 population and housing census,
Niani recorded about 29,478 people out of the total population of the north, which recorded 99,108 people. CRR North is divided into five districts including Niani.
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Out of those five districts, Niani recorded the highest number of people living in the north of the central region. The district is rich in natural resources such as rain forest and savannah grassland and swamps/paddy fields locally called “Banta
Faros”.
Table II.D.1 Population by Local Government Area, District, and sex:
Kuntaur LGA
LGA DISTRICTS MALE FEMALE TOTAL
Kuntaur 47,233 51,875 99,108
LOWERSAL 7,046 8,835 15,881 OUM 8,837 10,308 19,145 UPPER 5,118 5,057 10,175 SALOUM 14,346 15,132 29,478 NIANIJA 11,886 12,543 24,429 NIANI SAMI
Source: GBOS. 2013. “The Gambia 2013 Population and Housing Census Preliminary Results Count”.
E. Ethnic Distribution
Ethnically Niani District is diverse, almost every village or town in Niani comprises two or more ethnic groups. For example in kuntaur Warf town, almost four ethnic groups are living in, which are: Mandinka, Fula, Wolof, and Manjago respectively. However, the major ethnic settlement pattern varies as Mandinkas mainly occupy the western part of Niani and the central, while Fulas and Wolofs mainly occupy the eastern and northern part and the Fulas constitute a great number
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in the south. As Mandinkas in that area are, mainly farmers who grow rice this leads them mainly to settling in the western part, to be closer to the riverbank. Wolofs are farmers as well but they grow groundnut coos, as the Fulas are mainly herdsmen.
Ethnic groups in the Gambia are decentralized across the country but in each or district one or two ethnic groups tend to dominate the others. However, this domination is not about power or class dominations but instead demographic one.
For example in Niani Mandinkas and Fulas, dominate followed by Wolofs with a smaller portion of Manjago, Mansuwanka, and Balanta. The later three mainly are settling in Kuntaur Warf town and Wassu village respectively.
At the border end to Sami district are mainly Fula ethnic, whose settlement is in pursuit of savannah grassland. As I said earlier Fula ethnic are herdsmen, they rare cattle and other livestock as well as agriculture. They grow some amount of groundnut but largely cultivate coos, maize, and millet, as their stable food is
“cherreh” made from coos or millet. Fulas at that part of Niani do mobile annually in search of better food for their livestock in the dry season. They move closer to the riverbank that is mostly inhabited by the Mandinka ethnics. However, they did not entirely abandon their settlements but the women and children, as well as elders, do stay behind while the youths move with the cows to find better grazing areas.
F. Local Government Administrative structure It has been mention earlier, the Gambia was divided into regions, districts, wards, villages, and towns. Each region has its administrative system commonly called Local Government Administrations. Kuntaur is the base for Niani’s local government administrations; they have an administrative structure, which includes
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the Chairperson of the Districts, Ward Councilors, District Chief (Seyfo), village heads locally called (Alkalos), and council of elders. The chairperson of the district is the head of the administration and the ward councilors work under him at various councils in the district. The people of Niani at the local government level elect both the chairperson and the councilor every five years. District chiefs are “appointed by the president” while the village heads are selected by the community members themselves. The district chief and the ward councilors will only intervene in the event of a dispute within the community about selecting the village head.
Traditionally being a village head is something related to the family line, meaning the first family who settled in that particular village. In the event of the death of the village head and he doesn’t have anyone within the family to succeed him then the mantle shall shift to the next noble family which mainly involves conflict (DPADM
2004).
This local government administration is the political structures of the district, and political parties nominate candidates to run for the electable position, such as the national assembly member the legislature at the national level, district chairperson, and the ward councilors. Political parties within the country compete for these positions, though! The district did not have political parties of their own but instead, the main political parties in the country compete for those positions that are locally governed, within the regions and districts respectively.
“Additional non-voting members of the council include a Village Head
(Alkalo) or Chief (Seyfo) representative, a Chief Representative, a youth nominee, a woman nominee, and other nominated members of local interest groups. The
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Chief Executive Officer (CEO) is responsible for the management of the affairs of the council and is the accounting officer heads the executive of the council. The
CEO is answerable to the councilor and reports to the Chairperson. The departments of the council include Finance, Services, Planning, and Development each headed by a Director. The Local Government Act requires that the Central Government provide twenty-five percent of the councils’ development budgets, but does not specify when the monies are due to the council”(DPADM 2004).
a. District Chairperson
Mayors and chairperson head local governments in the Gambia, in Niani district head of local government is a chairperson under whom you have word councilors. The chairperson runs the affairs of the district with the help of ward councilors. The people of each district in the local government elections elect the position of chairperson. These elections are periodically organized by the independent electoral commission (IEC) of the Gambia every five years as stated in the local government act (National Assembly 2002).
Section 13. (1) “A Chairperson shall be elected by universal adult suffrage
Chairperson of all eligible voters in the Local Government Area” (National
Assembly 2002).
In the Gambian constitution, an act of local government spelled out the responsibilities of the chairperson of the council:
According to section 15 (1) “of the local government act” stated, “A
Chairperson shall, unless he or she resigns or becomes disqualified, continue in
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office until his or her successor becomes entitled to act as Chairperson” (National
Assembly 2002).
I. “Preside at Council meetings
II. Supervise the general administration of the Area; and
III. Perform such other functions as may be imposed on the
Chairperson by this or any other enactment that may be necessary for the
efficient conduct of the business or a Council”.
(2) “The Chairperson shall be answerable to the Council in the performance of his or her functions and shall uphold the Constitution, the Council’s By-laws and the laws of The Gambia”.
(3) “The Chairperson shall submit to the Council an annual report on the state of affairs of his or her Local Government Area” (National Assembly 2002).
b. Ward Councilors
Councilors are also another elected member of the council in the local government who works hand in hand with the chairperson in the council to run the affairs of the local governments within the regions. Councilors are elected every five years as prescribed by the local government act in the Gambian constitution.
Within the ward, the councilors also have some people that he/she works with, for example, the district chief, nominated member from the village Alkalos, nominated member of the women group, youth representative as well.
c. District Chief or “Seyfo”
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District chiefs locally called seyfo are non-elected leaders in a district within the local government, “they are appointed by the president of the Republic of the
Gambia in consultation with the Secretary of State responsible for Local
Government” (National Assembly 2002). The supreme law of the land gives the president an executive power to appoint and fire district chiefs or seyfo, with the wisdom of the president in consultation with rightful people in the chain of command can hire and fire district chiefs as stated in the constitution of the Gambia.
“The position of the district chiefs are very important and influential in our society, as the entire people in the district are answerable to them, and they are also the head of the district tribunal. As the constitution of the Gambia stated in section 137 of the Local Government Act 2002, in enumerating the functions of district seyfo in the Gambia”.
d. Village Alkalo
Alkalos are heads of villages who are un-elected rather appointed by the secretary of State as stated in the constitutions of the Gambia section 59 sub-section
1. “The Secretary of State responsible for Local Government shall appoint an
Alkalo in consultation with the following: Divisional Commissioner, District
Seyfo, or Chairperson of the Kanifing Municipal Council, as the case may be”
(Legislature 2002). However, in most rural communities in The Gambia, the people of the village act in accordance with the village norms settle the issue of Alkaloship.
Traditional people who are associated with the role of Alkaloship is relatively through a bloodline, which is determined by the settlement pattern of the families in that particular village. The constitution of the Gambia has accommodated that
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part as well. In section 59 (2) of the “local government act’ stated that, “The
Secretary of State shall, in making an appointment under subsection (1), take into account traditional lines of inheritance” (Legislature 2002).
That means communities when appointing an Alkalo they do so in accordance with traditional norms of the village, and the secretary of state shall value those traditional norms. The secretary of state could only debunk the traditional norms to
“appoint an Alkalo in consultation with the regional governors and district chief as stated in the local government act of the Gambian constitutions when there is violence within the community about who to be appointed the village head”.
Sometimes those kinds of scenarios do happens when an Alkalo pass and to appoint his/her successor creates a little bit of tension within the communities. In an event that happens, the secretary of state appoints the village head in other to settle the dispute.
These Alkalos play an important role in the Gambian societies as they help in various ways within the local government in running the affairs of the council.
Some of their responsibilities are:
I. Collect tax from the village under the authority of Area
Council.
II. To settled disputes within the communities.
III. Mediate between the village and the council within the local
government.
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IV. Preside over a local tribunal in the village when there is a
conflict between people, before proceeding to the chiefs than to the
police or formal legal jurisdiction.
“The local government act of 2002 further expanded the roles of the Alkalos.
The local government act of 2002 provides that: the Alkalo shall promote good order, peace, and stability in his or her village, promote the general economic development of his or her village, safeguard the customs and traditions of his or her village and shall perform other task assigned by the Council or District authority”
(Samba Sowe 2017).
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CHAPTER THREE Ethnicity and Voting Behavior of the People in Niani, in the 2017 Parliamentary election in Niani District To fall back on the data gathered during interviews through a telephone call and face-to-face interviews recorded by an associate, the researcher came across fascinating information that is of interest in connection to the research questions.
The findings from the interviews and results from each polling station during the election are applicable to the theory the researcher used in the study. Therefore, the findings are classified in thematic form as follows:
A. the Effect of Ethnicity on Political and Voting Behavior of the People of Niani District
Ethnicity has been relevant in the past years in the Gambia more especially in political activities. Through the interviews, informants have provided several information relating to their voting behavior during the voting period in 2017. Some of the informants affirmed that their behavior of voting was relatively impacted by ethnic identity, according to them, voting for their ethnic candidate is more of their interest than voting for an outsider. During the interview, I ask SK whether he voted the candidate he voted for base on ethnic affiliation and why. This is what he has to say.
“Yes, if am to be straightforward with you, him being my fellow Mandinka
and also he is from my community too, do contribute to my decision in
voting for him during the election. As our Mandinka saying goes when you
are to serve a friend or an outsider you will serve a friend, but when the
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choice is between yourself to someone else or a friend, I will choose myself.
Therefore I believe that Sillah is me because we are from the same
community as well as an ethnic group” (Interview with SK, Sukuta, 11 June
2019).
To expound on the Mandinka proverb quoted by SK, we could see that cultural symbols are central in the lives of most ethnic communities in Niani. These kinds of sayings are the creation of elites who use cultural symbols as a tool to control and direct the lives of a particular cultural group. According to Cohen (1974a, 1977, and 1981), he argued more specifically, that social action is best understood by concentrating on power relations and symbols. By symbols, Cohen means ‘objects, concepts, or linguistic formations that stand ambiguously for a multiplicity of disparate meanings, evoke sentiments and emotions, and impel men to action
(Malesevic 2004)
Several informants confirmed the statement of SK and shared similar beliefs in an event their ethnic member is seeking a political office they are more likely to choose or vote for them. The elite in the disguise of common interest mainly directs this sentiment and sensibility for people to acquire for their ethnic members, which in reality is often of their personal interest. This manipulative behavior of elites does affect the voting behavior of people in Niani. According to SK and another informant, in that part of the Gambia, many people feel that it is indispensable for ethnic groups to stick, support, and stand for each other in any way possible.
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Owing to that mindset and commitment people tend to saw in terms of ethnic identity, making it much easier for political actors to use ethnicity as a playing tool in their political competition. People in Niani proves to be vulnerable when it comes to social identity, consequently, most political actors knew this and tried to score political capital and mobilize people through the ethnic base to secure a seat in a political office.
These state of mind began when the former president of the Republic of the
Gambia (Yahya Jammeh) publicly introduce ethnic relation to the power struggle and went after ethnic groups at his political rallies, to be specific he threatened the existence of Mandinka ethnic group, which formed the majority in the Gambia with a percentage of 42%. After this episode of Jammeh against Mandinkas, it has created a great room for ethnic sentiment in Gambian politics as it still holds in many parts of the country especially in Niani according to BK. Consequently, the utterance of the Jammeh has created a serious loophole in the Gambia’s political field for players to use ethnicity as a political tool to mobilize people during the voting period.
Another informant stressed that; ethnicity plays a very crucial role in the voting behavior of the people in Niani. He claimed that the desire of people to choose particular candidates was purely motivated by ethnicity, this particular behavior was consequent of the former president making it publicly clear that he is in a political war with the people of Mandinkas up to an outspread of him threatening to kill them. The spirit of Mandinkas coming together in making sure the 2016
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Presidential election was the last chance for Jammeh as a president of the Republic of Gambia. This is what he had to say:
“Yes, ethnicity has been instrumental and effective for mobilizing votes
during the election period. Looking at the type of politic the former
president introduced to us, and ethnicity appear to be the order of the day.
The political behavior of the people in Niani was enormously affected by
ethnicity because every ethnic group support their candidate and vote for
him/her base on ethnic identity. Historically this is not the case but in Niani
today it is, evidently, all the polling station at the Mandinka communities
Mr. Sillah won at those places because he is a Mandinka but at the other end
his chance was very slim” (Interview with BK, Sukuta, 12th June 2019).
However, an ethnic group like Jolas saw this effort of Mandinkas otherwise, in such they also feel it deem necessary to vote their own in making sure that he stays president. According to BK during our telephone interview, he affirms that ethnicity does play a role in the 2017 parliamentary election because it has been a political tool for mobilization purpose. As argued by Brass, cultural variance becomes an object of an inter-group dispute only when it represents a particular political conflict of interests. He further stressed that culture does not stand for the authenticity of a group’s essence since it only includes selected cultural characters, but is rather used as a source for the political mobilization of groups(Malesevic 2004).
IM, another informant brought up a different scenario concerning her voting behavior. She said in the initial state, she decided not to vote because she did not
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have a choice during the 2017 parliamentary election as she put it, “I don’t have anyone to vote for because none of the candidates came from my ethnic groups”
(IM, Kataba Omar Ndow, 17 June 2019). According to her if she voted them is as if she is gaining nothing but instead helping other people to benefit from their candidate. IM believed that if she vote for any of the candidates makes no good or bad for her because at the end of the day he/she will put his/her people first. She confirms that at the end of the day she voted because her people believed a candidate running under UDP ticket is competent and can put their agendas in place too. She affirmed that she voted because she was talked into it by her people, they convince here that, Sillah was the best candidate as long as no Wolof candidate is running.
The relevancy of ethnic identity in people’s voting process was brought into play by the political elites. Because elites understood the cultural structure and the vulnerability of these communities in connection to their ethnic relation, so they use this to their advantage by framing their political ambitions to collective values and principles of these communities. The elites put this into play because they understand that if their ambitions are in contradiction with the group’s believes, they will not be able to mobilize them to their course.
This impels Brass to argue that, “the elite’s behavior and the choices they make are constrained and limited by existing sets of beliefs shared by members of the group. Regardless of how influential leaders might be, they will not be followed if the ideas they promote stand in stark opposition to the collective values and principles shared by the group” (Malesevic 2004)
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From this point, we could see how ethnic identity was significant for some people in Niani District, at some point they decided not to participate in the voting process because they feel that they will secure no significance due to the absence of their ethnic members on the ballot box. Political actors were aware of the fact that ethnicity is a curial phenomenon in the lives of most Gambians. Therefore, for it to be used as a tool in a political competition will significantly pay off for any candidate.
Despite the relevancy of ethnicity on the voting behavior of the people of Niani, some informants argued that their voting behavior was not influenced by ethnicity but instead other factors. Some of the informants stated that they choose the candidate they voted not necessarily ethnic reason but because they believed that he was the right candidate for the job, he has the potentials to execute the duties of the office he sought.
“MJ argued that some of the factors that motivated her to vote for this
candidate as he was playing a vibrant role in the society before his interest
in running for the parliamentary seat. Also, he has been so instrumental in
community service which made me believed that he can make changes when
he is elected to the office” (Interview with MJ, Kuntaur Wharf Town, 11
June 2019).
Reflecting on the academic background of the informant, you realize he has a rich background in education, and politically he is aware too. Consequently, this kind of response came from individuals who are privilege to go to school and have
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at least a better academic and political background. Ethnicity’s impact happens to vary from people to people, but owing it to the statics on literacy rates on this area, you would realize that majority did not have a formal education which made them prone to the manipulation of politicians using ethnicity as a mobilizing tool for political gain.
As stated in the above paragraph, some people were not necessarily voting because of ethnic affiliation but instead, the potentials of the candidate are of their essential interest. As claimed by Mustapha, the candidate he voted for has the potentials to brings things that he was hoping for Niani because he believed that a particular candidate has started rendering services before seeking the office that represents them. With his integrity and commitment to the development of Niani district, Mustapha believed that he is the best in his own word “he is the best and the only one amongst the candidate we have now”.
A similar response came from other informants as well, to them, ethnic identity was very crucial to the voting period in the 2017 election, however, he believed that it was less of significance to him; instead, he is more of a developmental oriented person rather than identity preferences. That is, he chose and campaigned for candidates base on their academic and civic engagement towards national development. One of the informants by the name Bakary Kanteh stated that Niani needed people with political capital to lead and run the affairs of the people of Niani in the government. He argued that amongst the candidates who are seeking for the position he choose base on their qualifications to do the job not necessarily ethnic affiliation.
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Kanteh continued on his statement that he has been involving in Gambian politics since 1996 when the military government surrendered the nations to the people and called for democratic elections. From 1996, kanteh was a militant of the
United Democratic Party (UDP) under the leadership of Darboe because he believed that this particular party is the one capable of running the affairs of the country, and they have been doing that for the past 22 years. Therefore, regarding the 2017 parliamentary election upon the nomination of candidates, he knew that
Mr. Sillah was the competent and capable person to represent the people of Niani in the parliament because he believes Sillah have their interest at heart.
FJ confirmed that some politicians have used ethnicity as a tool to campaign for political offices. Withstanding, he stated that he did not vote for candidates or politicians because of ethnicity and what he observed in the elections in the Niani district, people vote for the best candidate for the services they are rendering not necessarily their ethnic affiliation. It does not matter where you come from or which ethnic group you are from but what matters is your potentials in executing the duties of the office you are seeking. Furthermore, he continued saying that, “we cannot deny the fact that ethnicity being an issue in Niani, it is an issue but in most cases, people vote for the right person not sentiments base on identity”.
Despite abundant evidence, that shows the impact of ethnicity on the political and voting behavior of the people in Niani district. Other determinants cannot be ignored as well, for example, the educational background of candidates, his/her civic engagement, as well as his/her party affiliation. Some informant said that their decisions to vote was not affected by ethnic identity but instead political party the
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candidate comes from. It does not matter which ethnic group the candidate comes from put if nominated by the political party they support, obviously, they are going to vote for him/her.
Meanwhile, there are some speculation accusing the political parties of being ethnically structure and their nominations of candidates are ethnically motivated as well. However, this allegation is not proven or nor pieces of evidence is produced to back this claim in any way, there was no study about the political party’s structure. According to FJ, despite this being a public discourse by the people that political parties in the Gambia are ethnically structured and loyalties to the parties are motivated base on ethnic line. However, he had a different perspective other than that general view, and he said:
“It is a common saying in the Gambia through and most cases political party
leaders and candidates they nominate comes from the same ethnic groups,
but that does not mean I believed it that but is something majority thought
of. However, I do not think they are nominated base on ethnic lines
(Interview with FJ. Kayai Village, 16 June 2019).
In most cases Gambians tries to be politically correct, having that said no political party will confirm that they nominated candidates base on ethnic sentiments or regional because the electoral cat in the Gambian constitution article
60 section 2 subsection 2a stated that no political party should associate or represent themselves through ethnic, religious, or regional bases. Therefore, political elites do deny these claims but historically, the nomination pattern of political parties
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during the election period was ethnically motivated. Because an ethnicity is a useful tool used by politicians during a political competition to mobilize votes to secure a political office.
1. Election Results per polling Station in Niani District
Other than the data collected from the interviews, the researcher happens to request the 2017 parliamentary election result from the independent electoral commission (IEC) at Janjangbureh in the central river region. The result listed according to the polling stations in other to crosscheck the data collected with the elections results accordingly. Looking back at chapter two, the ethnic distribution has explained that ethnic settlement in Niani varies. That means ethnic Mandinka had settled in the western part of the district that is at the banks of River Gambia, while the Fula and Wolof ethnic settled in the northern and the eastern part. Sukuta,
Kuntaur wharf Town, Jakaba, Kayai, and Wassu are Mandinka ethnic communities while Kataba Omar Ndow, Mbaien Wolof, Kass Wolof, Gingory Mustafa, Dingirai,
Jokul Ndawen, Kerr Sait Maram, and Nyanga Bantang, are Fula and Wolof ethnic communities.
The table below shows the amount of votes candidates secure from each polling station, which shall also help in investigating the “voting behavior of the people in
Niani about the 2017 parliamentary election”.
Table.III.A.1.1 2017 National Assembly Election Result per Polling
Station in Niani District
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Pooling Pooling UDP NRP PDOIS GDC IND stations stream Kuntaur wharf 60901 404 18 07 21 13 Town Jakaba 60902 183 01 09 04 191
Wassu 60903 409 425 25 112 30 Kataba 60904 212 21 22 258 18 Omar Ndow Kass Wolof 60905 38 0 0 503 0 Nyanga 60906 64 109 26 05 04 Bantang Dingirai 60907 189 10 12 208 03 Jokul 60908 33 17 425 86 05 Ndawen
Gingory 60909 45 09 36 286 02 Mustapha Mbaien 60910 101 65 10 220 09 Wolof Kerr Sait 60911 90 24 21 320 09 Maram Kayai 60912 233 0 02 16 13
Sukuta 60913 489 06 05 06 97
Sources: Independent Electoral Council (IEC) Janjangbureh Office, Central River Region
The number of votes each candidate got from the polling stations above shows us that, UDP candidate secured more votes in the communities listed under the
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Mandinka community as GDC candidate also won more votes in Fula and Wolof communities respectively. UDP candidate has 404 votes in Kuntaur polling station while GDC candidate has 21 votes. This merging between these candidates is believed to be caused by ethnicity because UDP candidates is from Kuntaur, which is a multi-ethnic community, but Mandinka forms the majority. On that note, we could see that the people of kuntaur might be motivated to vote for the said candidate because of their ethnic relation to the candidate. As stated by one of my informant AJ that, he voted Sillah because of his ethnic relations to him.
On the other hand, in Kass Wolof UDP candidate secured 38 votes while the
GDC candidate has 503 votes. This difference could be argued that the primary determinant was ethnic identity as Kass Wolof is a Fula and Wolof community. The ethnicity of these candidates could be distinguished as GDC’s Omar Bah is from
Fula ethnic group and UDP’s Sillah came from Mandinka ethnic. Giving on those variables, one could argue that the differences between the votes in these polling stations were impacted by their ethnic identity.
Notwithstanding, ethnicity could not only be the determinant but other determinants affect the political behavior of the people in Niani, for instance, political parties of the candidate. Looking at the candidate sheet, you could understand that two of the candidates came from the same ethnic group that is a
Mandinka ethnic, so on that sense, we could see that ethnic identity would not be the factor in their case but party affiliation does. In an event, there are two ethnic candidates on a ballot box, the only determinant in play was their political parties and the potentials of the candidates in questions. Relating to data gathered from the
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informants as argued by FJ, the ethnic identity of the candidate is always the case but mainly their capabilities and the political party that nominated them.
Therefore, from the result that each candidate secured from the polls in each polling station, we could see that several determinants were in play not necessarily ethnicity. Some of those determinants are candidate’s political party, their civic engagement as well as their moral behavior.
B. “The Effect of Ethnicity on Political Behavior of the People in
Niani District: some determinants that affect the political behavior of the
people in Niani”.
1. Ethnic mobilization during the campaign.
During the political campaign period, several informants has confirmed to the researcher that ethnic identity has been in play during this campaign as well because most of the people are campaigning for a candidate from their ethnic groups. At some points, some communities even feel reluctant in welcoming other campaign teams, which is not their ethnic member or chosen candidate. Therefore, it could be argued that ethnic identity has been instrumental in mobilizing voters during the campaign period to vote for their candidate of choice. Brass argued that ethnicity is a very powerful instrument in the mobilization of popular support to a particular candidate in a political competition (Malesevic 2004). Therefore, this is evidence in the case of Niani, as some informants stated that it has been a strategy that they used in mobilizing voters more especially members from their ethnic group.
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Consequently, the elites and other prominent members within the communities had capitalized on the relevancy of ethnic identity to most people in this region by appealing to their ethnic sensibilities to vote for certain candidates. Political leaders were accused of this strategy by convincing certain people in the villages to mobilize people to vote for their candidate. For example, the village head, (Alkalos) are used in this manner to mobilize voters using their social identity and status.
This accusation was vindicated during one of the political rallies of the United
Democratic Party (UDP) in Niani where, the deputy secretary-general of the said party was appealing to the people to choose candidates of their own, and stop self- hate. Many political activists condemned this pronouncement as it is said to violate the 1997 constitution of the Gambia Article 60 Section 2 subsection 2a which prohibits political parties from associating themselves with any ethnic, religion, or regional bases.
This practice is not new in the political activities of the Gambia, though political parties were careful in doing this kind of politics as such they use regional elites like the regional Governors, District Chives, Ward Councilors, Village heads,
Youth wing leaders and other prominent people that have influence in their communities and are capable of mobilizing voters. Elites use these manipulative tactics in mobilizing voters because they are aware of the fact that most people in the rural communities did not have the western standard of education, which is used as a universal standard in understanding democratic politics.
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During the interview period, the researcher asked SC, the head of the village youth movement of Touba regarding the political campaign period what was his role and how did he mobilize voters to vote for his candidates of choice or political party of choice. This is what he had to say:
“I did not join the delegation that was going around from village to village
for the campaign, however, I was home doing my campaign where I was
reaching out to people in their homes and at their “attaya” (green tea) sessions
to mobilize them to vote for Alhagie Sillah. And, yes at some point I convinced
some people that we should join hands as Mandinkas to make sure Sillah win
this coming election because we both know we were marginalized for too long
during the era of the former president” (Interview with SC, Touba Kuta
Village, 15 June 2019)
Through this manipulative appeal to the electorate’s ethnic sensibility by the elites and some prominent people, many of the electorates felt obligated to stand by their ethnic members as the struggle of gaining power or occupying political offices is taking a route of the ethnic line. As the campaign in politics is designed in a way that candidate sells their ideas, policies, plans to the electorate in other to win their votes, but in the case of 2017 election in Niani, my informants ascertain that ethnicity has been a prominent tool people used by the politicians and elites to mobilize voters.
According to Cohen, (1974a), “Symbols possess unlimited and uncertain meanings but are, at the same time, indispensable for social action and
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communication. Collective action and, indeed, human societies more generally are unimaginable without the use of symbols. However, their indispensability on the one hand, and their obscurity on the other, make symbols both objects of and for political action: people love and hate, kill or die, for, and because of symbols. In other words, Cohen (1974b, 1979) argues that symbols are ‘essentially bivocal, satisfying both existential and political ends’; they are ‘expressive’ and instrumental at the same time” (Malesevic 2004).
Owing to the fragility of the mass populace of the people in the rural communities in Niani, one could argue that they are too prone to manipulation, as argued by the classical and contemporary elite theorist. They argued that the masses are unlike elites, who seem to be heterogeneous, often in conflict with each other, creative and skillful in their power struggle, the masses are largely viewed as homogenous, ignorant, dependent conglomerates, with child-like qualities”(Malesevic 2004). In the Gambia, the political elites were too careful in the way they handled the process of mobilization by using ethnicity as the core instrument.
As ethnicity persist to be an instrumental tool in the mobilization of voters as it was told by many of the informants, some of them happen to be personally involved in using their ethnic identity in convincing people to vote for their candidate of choice. An informant told a scene where he has been talking to people in his ethnic group convincing them to vote for Mr. Sillah the UDP candidate because he feels he is their own and they are obliged to back him in anyway. During this period, he talked to people in groups and face-to-face conversations in trying
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to tell them the reasons why they should vote for the said candidate. This is what
SK has to say.
“I do have some face to face conversation with individuals in convincing
them to vote for Sillah and tell them about some of the things he did in
Niani. I also remind some that he is ours if we do not take him in who else
will. Ethnically many people were convinced that it is only us who can make
him what he intended to be, no one else” (Interview with SK, Sukuta, 11
June 2019).
“Yes, I do use my identity to mobilize some votes for Sillah because I
believed it is time in The Gambia, that everyone should know your own and
strive to have your own in the powerhouse because ethnicity is the order of
the day in Gambian politics now” (Interview with SK, 11th June 2019).
Some scholars argued the use of ethnicity as an instrumental tool in political competition as well. For instance, according to Brass, ethnicity is a powerful political resource for generating popular support in political competition between political elites. He argued that ethnic identity is not natural nor given but it is socially constructed. Brass went further saying that, “they are creations of elites who draw upon, distort, and sometimes fabricate materials from the cultures of the groups they wish to represent, to protect their well-being or existence or to gain political and economic advantage for their groups and themselves”. (Brass, 1993:
111).
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For Brass, cultural difference becomes an object of an inter-group dispute only when it represents a particular political conflict of interests. Even here, culture does not stand for the authenticity of a group’s essence, since it only includes selected cultural traits, but is rather useful as a source for the political mobilization of groups.
Such selective mobilization of cultural difference is possible because ethnicities are variable, dynamic and fuzzy: religious attachments can change, bilingualism is rampant in today’s world, kinship ties are weakening or narrowing to include only closest relatives, massive migration diminishes feelings of attachment to the place of birth, and so on. Therefore the politicization of culture is not inevitable, rather it is determined by a set of social circumstances”(Malesevic 2004).
Nevertheless, this has not been the case in every informant. Some of them have different side, which they believed during the campaign period ethnicity was not the only determinant that mobilizes voters, but instead, some are mobilizing through their own informed decisions. These decisions were based on the potentials of the candidates, their academic background, civic engagement in national development, his/her moral values are all measures used in the campaign in the effort of mobilizing voters.
2. Ethnic Identity of the Candidates
People of Niani are mainly farmers, and their literacy rate is relatively low compare to the other parts of the Gambia. Therefore, many of the electorates in
Niani did not entirely pay much attention to the academic background of the candidates or other aspects; however, all that matters to them is which ethnic group
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he or she comes from? Who are his parents? If these questions are answered, then they might choose to vote or not to vote for that particular candidate. Therefore, owing to the data collected from the telephone interviews it was ascertained that the ethnic identity of the candidates matters a lot in an election process in Niani.
Because ethnicity plays an instrumental role in mobilizing votes for candidates during the 2017 parliamentary election in Niani. As argued by one of the informants, he stated that the ethnic identity of candidates is a significant determinant in sealing once faith for winning or losing an election.
According to OJ an informant from Kuntaur stated that ethnic identity of the candidate matters because in most elections Mandinkas emerge victorious because they are the dominant group in Niani. Meanwhile, Mandinka ethnic group forming the majority always gives any candidate who happens to come from that ethnic group a winning chance in any election. Candidate’s identity is always something relevant to the electorate more especially in the Niani district. When he was asked about whether personally believed that ethnicity has been central in political competition in Niani, this is what he had to say. “Yes I feel like the ethnic identity of the candidates does matter a lot, by looking at the ethnic distributions Mandinkas dominated and when a candidate comes from their groups stands a great chance of winning” (Interview with OJ, Kuntaur, 17th June 2019).
Expounding on the above information it could be said that the ethnic identity of the candidates was crucial determinants in the mobilization of votes in political competition in Niani. Therefore, ethnicity was instrumental in the political lives of the people in Niani because it is used as a tool to mobilize votes in an election.
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Almost all the informants agreed that the ethnic identity of candidates mattered a lot to the people in times of politics. One of the informant SC told the researcher on a telephone interview that he was immensely involved in the 2017 election because of one Alhagie Sillah, a candidate for United Democratic Party. He said that when he heard that candidates were nominated and heard his name he felt an instant sense of moral obligation, which push him into the political arena to campaign, and mobilize people to vote for Sillah. As a Mandinka and Sillah too is, a Mandinka he felt compel to campaign for him and vote. The researcher went further and asked him why he felt compelled to campaign and vote for this particular candidate out all the candidates? He replied he is our brother, and he can improve the political status of Mandinkas in this district, come to think of it the former president neglected our people far too long on political positions for example chieftaincy and other appointed positions in the country. SC when further saying now it is our time to make everything possible to install our own. Moreover, this can only be achieved when an ethnic member is on the ballot box as argued by ethnic mobilization theory.
However, some informants believed that the ethnic identity of candidates might not be of that significant, because people might come from a particular ethnic group but still they might not vote or support instead back another candidate. They believed that parties that backed a candidate that is what matter and his/her competence towards the job. One of my informant FJ argued that the people of
Niani mainly vote candidate, not because of their identity but instead their programs, agendas, and his/her potentials. On that note, it could argued that not
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only the ethnic identity of candidates matter but also the political party he/she is running under matters too. This is what FJ had to say:
“No, I don’t think the ethnic identity of the candidates' matter, because people are not running the office for their ethnic group but instead the people of Niani.
Withstanding, people did not vote them base on their ethnic identity but people do base on the programs and agendas they have to offer to the people. Other than their programs one might say that the political party the run under also matters because the people are mainly interested more in political parties rather than ethnic identity”
(Interview with FJ, Kayai Village, 16 June 2019).
Owing to the targeted group of people as research informants, the researcher anticipated findings like this, because people’s understanding of politics and their academic background help them in making a political decision. Most of the informants who believed that the ethnic identity of candidates was not relevant to them are among the few who have attended formal education. Despite the efforts made by the politicians in their manipulative tactics in mobilizing votes through ethnicity, this few learned individuals believed that has not affected anything on their political activities, because most of them have political standard where they determine the competency of political candidates which did not include his/her ethnic identity.
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CHAPTER FOUR CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
A. Conclusion
In light of the findings of the study, concerning the impact of ethnicity on the political and voting behavior of the people in Niani, using the “Elite mobilization theory” to analyze the findings of the study. The researcher came across with the following conclusion:
1. From the results gathered through telephone interviews, the researcher
comes to realize that “ethnicity has played an instrumental role in the
mobilization process of votes during the election period. Referring to the
information giving by the informants, Research finds that ethnic identity
plays an instrumental role in the political competition in Niani because the
voting decisions of the electorates are principally impacted when an ethnic
“member’s name emerges on the ballot box”. The ethnic identity of
candidates also matters to the voters as it serves as a damning factor for one
to decide to choose the candidate or not. However, the effect of ethnicity on
electorates was relative; it has less impact on those with strong political and
academic background compare to the mass populace who are unschooled
formally, despite the efforts of the political elites.
2. The current political situations in Niani today makes ethnic politics
inevitable because people feel obliged to choose their ethnic member or
social group member when running for political office. As well as ethnicity
has been relevant in the mobilization process of votes in the region more
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especially on the unschooled population. Many of the informants confirmed
that their ethnic identity was very significant when it comes to their political
life, their identity matters as well as the identity of the candidate they are to
vote. In short, ethnicity stands out to be one of the instrumental tool that was
used in Niani during the 2017 parliamentary election.
3. The researcher also came to understand that, there are additional
determinants that affected the “voting and political behavior of the people
in Niani” other than ethnicity, and those are political parties of candidates
as well as the academic, civic, and moral qualifications of the candidate.
Despite ethnicity and ethnic politics seems to be inevitable in Niani as
claimed by some informant, the above characteristics do also had an impact
on the political and voting behavior of the people in Niani.
Therefore, despite ethnicity being instrumental in the mobilization
process of votes during the election, which had greatly affected the voting
and political behavior of the people in Niani. The researcher comes to
realize that academic qualifications of candidates, their commitment to
national development, philanthropically works of candidates, and political
parties that backed the candidates was also a determining factor in
mobilizing voters.
4. Ethnicity has been a resourceful tool in mobilization in the 2017
parliamentary election, but its impact was significant in the 2016
presidential election in 2016 than that of the 2017 parliamentary election.
B. Recommendation
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Base on the findings written above could not represent the whole Niani much more the Gambia, based on that reason the researcher has some recommendations for future study and they are as follows:
a. Researcher recommends to future researchers to use different research
methods to conduct a comprehensive and detailed study about the
phenomenon.
b. In an event, future researchers wish to use the same method used in this
study, the researcher advice that, during data collection, future researchers
go to the field for an interview as telephone interview might not be enough
to gather all the information you might need from the informant.
c. Future researchers are also advised to focus on the Gambia at large to find
out whether ethnicity is of any significance in the political life of
Gambians.
d. Affirming that the constitution of the Gambia Article 60, section two and
sub-section 2a has frowned to political parties in identifying/associating
themselves with ethnic, religion, or regional basis. Owing to that fact, the
research recommends to the government of the Gambia to see to it that the
electoral act spelled in the constitution did not become a toothless bulldog,
but instead make sure the act is properly implemented in separating
political parties from ethnic, religion or regional basis.
e. The research further recommends to the government of the Gambia to
organize a civic education program to enlighten her citizens about the
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dangers of associating ethnicity with politics, and repercussions it might inflict on the country.
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