Uncovering the Twenty-Sixth Amendment
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Introduction
INTRODUCTION The culture of justifying physical and spiritual murder in the name of faith and religion is nothing but an anomaly that expresses a perverse criminal mentality about the general behavior and morality of human societies. Whatever its motives and justifications, the violation of the right to life and encroachment upon these rights is outside of the realm of humanity itself, and the infringement on the life of dozens of people can only be interpreted as barbaric behavior far from human morals and values. This is the situation of dozens of extremist organizations and militias active in Syria, Iraq, and other regions around the world. Dozens of their members travelled long distances (thousands of kilometers) for one goal, which was to infringe upon and end the lives of others. In the beginning of 2011, the rate of sadism increased. For many moral deviants, it seems that the culture of hatred has been and continues to be the main instigator of this tendency. In an effort to investigate this in the context of the human rights situation before and after its crises, The Rojava Center for Strategic Studies (NRLS) monitored the activities and projects of fundamentalist organizations and military forces vying for power and wealth in Syrian territory, researched reports of international human rights organizations and institutions, and interviewed dozens of fighters from various nationalities. What was found was that there has been a serious increase in the rate of human rights violations. These organizations and militias reached the levels of absolute barbarism, using exile, imprisonment, suppression of freedoms, tyranny, torture, physical and sexual slavery, murder, and impeding or preventing medical and humanitarian aid to thousands of civilians. -
Lawmakers Are Mulling Multiple Bills That Would Let Cities and Towns Allow
for purchasing tobacco products. Lyons added that lowering the voting age would be detrimental to “all the great work that has been achieved,” on age-related issues. “On the one hand, they don’t trust people under 21 to buy tobacco products, but, on the other, they want to give much younger people the right to vote,” Tuerck said. “We have to wonder where this thinking comes from.” People also have to be 21 to buy alcohol and marijuana in Massachusetts. The age limit for the juvenile justice system was raised from 17 to 18 in 2013, and lawmakers have looked at raising it to 21. While in high school, Vargas was involved in a five- year campaign with UTEC, the state have asked to be given formerly known as United Teen Lawmakers are mulling Equality Center, advocating multiple bills that would let cities the authority to lower the voting age for municipal elections. alongside other young adults in and towns allow teens as young Lowell to lower the voting age to as 16 to vote in local elections, “It is time to give municipalities the option to empower their own 17. The city passed a home rule a move critics are calling petition in 2015, but it ultimately “frivolous” and “absurd.” young people,” Chandler said. “Cities and towns stalled in the Legislature. Two bills that would “This is about local allow “every citizen 16 or 17 have asked for this option for years, and I believe that control,” Vargas said. “You years of age, who is a resident don’t have to agree with in the city or town where he or young people deserve a voice in their local -
Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Vivian E
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Popular Media Faculty and Deans 2013 Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Vivian E. Hamilton William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Hamilton, Vivian E., "Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age" (2013). Popular Media. 123. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media/123 Copyright c 2013 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media 5/14/13 Concurring Opinions » Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age » Print - Concurring Opinions - http://www.concurringopinions.com - Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Posted By Vivian Hamilton On January 30, 2013 @ 6:31 pm In Family Law,Uncategorized | 6 Comments [1]My last series of posts [2] argued that states should lower the voting age, since by mid-adolescence, teens have the cognitive-processing and reasoning capacities required for voting competence. But that is not to say that teens have attained adult-like capacities across all domains. To the contrary, context matters. And one context in which teens lack competence is marriage. Through a single statutory adjustment — raising to 21 the age at which individuals may marry — legislators could reduce the percentage of marriages ending in divorce, improve women’s mental and physical health, and elevate women’s and children’s socioeconomic status. More than 1 in 10 U.S. women surveyed between 2001 and 2002 had married before age 18, with 9.4 million having married at age 16 or younger. In 2010, some 520,000 U.S. -
The Drinking Age
Vermont Legislative Research Shop Lowering the Drinking Age The minimum legal drinking age fluctuated throughout the second half of the 20th century, yielding mixed results. After prohibition was repealed in 1933, almost every state set the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) at 21 years.1 In 1970 Congress lowered the voting age to 18, which began a movement to lower the drinking age, as well. During the Vietnam era, many people were outraged that 18 year‐olds were fighting overseas yet could not have a drink. In the period between 1970 and 1975, 29 states lowered their MLDA to 18, 19 or 20. A study by Alexander Wagenaar revealed that in states that had lowered their minimum age there was a 15 to 20% increase in teen automobile accidents.2 This information influenced 16 states to raise their MLDA to 21 between 1976 and 1983. Pressure from groups such as Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) led to the signing of the Uniform Drinking Age Act by President Ronald Reagan on July 17, 1984.3 This act mandated a significant decrease in federal transportation funding for states that did not raise their MLDA to 21. Worldwide, the United States has the highest MLDA, with others ranging from birth to age 20.4 The majority of countries have a MLDA of 18. In most of these countries, however, the family teaches responsible drinking from a very young age. Since 1960, over one hundred studies have been conducted to analyze the effects of raising the MLDA. This research was examined by Alexander Wagenaar to determine the trends that appeared in the conclusions.5 Some of these studies provided evidence supporting a MLDA of 21, while most others found no conclusive results. -
Forum Election Observer Team Vanuatu 2016
PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM SECRETARIAT VANUATU NATIONAL ELECTIONS 2016 REPORT OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM ELECTION OBSERVER TEAM INTRODUCTION At the invitation of the Government of Republic of the Vanuatu, the Pacific Islands Forum deployed a Forum Election Observer Team to Port Vila Vanuatu, from 14 - 25 January, to observe the Vanuatu snap-elections on 22 January 2016. The Forum Election Observer Team (the Forum Team) comprised Mr Pita Vuki, Electoral Commissioner and Supervisor of Elections of the Kingdom of Tonga (Team Leader); Mrs Taggy Tangimetua, Government Statistician and Chief Electoral Officer of the Cook Islands; and Forum Secretariat staff (the list of members is attached at Annex 1). 2. The Forum Team was based in Vanuatu’s capital, Port Vila, and met with a wide range of stakeholders including senior Government representatives; the Vanuatu Electoral Office; civil society (including youth, women and disability groups) and faith-based organisations; private sector: election candidates; development partners; media representatives; the University of the South Pacific; and members of the diplomatic corps based in Port Vila. A list of stakeholders consulted is attached at Annex 2. On 22 January, Election Day, the Forum Team deployed across the island of Efate and neighbouring Moso Island. The Team observed all aspects of the elections in rural and urban areas – the pre-polling environment, the opening of polls, casting of votes, closing of polling, and the counting of votes. SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS 3. The Forum Election Observer Team recommends for the consideration of the Government of the Republic of Vanuatu, the Electoral Commission and the Electoral Office, as appropriate. -
Reconsidering the Minimum Voting Age in the United States
Reconsidering the Minimum Voting Age in the United States Benjamin Oosterhoff1, Laura Wray-Lake2, & Daneil Hart3 1 Montana State University 2 University of California, Los Angeles 3 Rutgers University Several US states have proposed bills to lower the minimum local and national voting age to 16 years. Legislators and the public often reference political philosophy, attitudes about the capabilities of teenagers, or past precedent as evidence to support or oppose changing the voting age. Dissenters to changing the voting age are primarily concerned with whether 16 and 17-year-olds have sufficient political maturity to vote, including adequate political knowledge, cognitive capacity, independence, interest, and life experience. We review past research that suggests 16 and 17-year-olds possess the political maturity to vote. Concerns about youths’ ability to vote are generally not supported by developmental science, suggesting that negative stereotypes about teenagers may be a large barrier to changing the voting age. Keywords: voting, adolescence, rights and responsibility, politics Voting represents both a right and responsibility within tory and rooted in prejudiced views of particular groups’ ca- democratic political systems. At its simplest level, voting is pabilities. Non-white citizens were not granted the right to an expression of a preference (Achen & Bartels, 2017) in- vote until the 1870s, and after being legally enfranchised, tended to advance the interests of oneself or others. Voting literacy tests were designed to prevent people of color from is also a way that one of the core qualities of citizenship— voting (Anderson, 2018). The year 2020 marks the 100th participation in the rule-making of a society—is exercised. -
An Examination of the Criticisms of the Minimum Legal Drinking Age 21 Laws in the United States from a Traffic-Safety Perspective
An Examination of the Criticisms of the Minimum Legal Drinking Age 21 Laws in the United States from a Traffic-Safety Perspective National Highway Traffic Safety Administration October 2008 Adapted from: Fell, J.C. (1986). Discounting the Myths of the 21 Drinking Age. Traffic Safety, 86 (2), March/April 1986: 6-9, 27-30, and Wagenaar, A.C. and Toomey, T.L. (2002). Effects of Minimum Drinking Age Laws: Review and Analyses of the Literature from 1960 to 2000, Journal of Studies on Alcohol, Supplement #14, 2002: 206-225. Technical Report Documentation Page 1. Report No. 2. Government Accession No. 3. Recipient’s Catalog No. 4. Title and Subtitle 5. Report Date An Examination of the Criticisms of the Minimum Legal Drinking Age 21 October 2008 Laws in the United States from a Traffic-Safety Perspective 6. Performing Organization Code 7. Author(s) 8. Performing Organization Report No. James C. Fell 9. Performing Organization Name and Address 10. Work Unit No. (TRAIS) Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation 11720 Beltsville Drive, Suite 900 Calverton, MD 20705-3111 11. Contract or Grant No. 12. Sponsoring Agency Name and Address 13. Type of Report and Period Covered National Highway Traffic Safety Administration 1200 New Jersey Avenue, SE Washington, DC 20590 14. Sponsoring Agency Code 15. Supplementary Notes 16. Abstract Perhaps no alcohol safety measure has attracted more research and public attention or shown more consistent evidence of effectiveness than the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) 21 law in the United States. MLDA laws were established in the States after the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 (21st Amendment to the U.S. -
Appendix: France
APPENDIX: FRANCE DEMOGRAPHICS AND ELECTION ADMINISTRATION France is a parliamentary democracy with a population of 63.8 million people.1 In the 2007 presidential election, 44.4 million people — 91.4% of the voting age population — were registered to vote,2 and 84% of the voting age population turned out to vote.3 At the national level, the Ministère de l’intérieur et de l’Aménagement du Terroire (Ministry of Interior) is charged with overseeing the technical aspects of election administration and providing electoral guidance. Election administration, however, including voter registration, is largely decentralized.4 Voter lists are compiled and maintained by election officials at the municipal level; there is no national voter list.5 VOTER REGISTRATION Election officials assume responsibility for registering the vast majority of eligible voters.6 Election officials automatically register 18 year old citizens using information compiled by the department of defense for military conscription purposes.7 Any subsequent updates to voter information, such as address changes, are the responsibility of individuals.8 Voter registration for an election closes December 31 of the previous year.9 Adding New Voters French election officials automatically register eligible citizens when they reach the voting age. 18 year olds are summoned and required to attend la journée d’appel de préparation à la defense, a day-long defense preparation day now known as Citizens Day, similar to the selective service in the United States.10 The Ministry of Defense reports information about individuals who attended to the Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques (National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies), the national statistics agency the agency that collects and analyzes population information and serves as an information clearinghouse for other agencies. -
Should the UK Lower the Voting Age to 16? a Democratic Audit Collection – Edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin
Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? A Democratic Audit collection – edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin www.democraticaudit.com Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? Foreword Dr Andrew Mycock The proposition supporting the lowering of the voting age for all public elections across the United Kingdom has gained considerable political momentum over the past decade or so, largely due to the concerted campaigning of some leading youth organisations together with an increasing number of young people and politicians. With the majority of mainstream political parties now supporting the introduction of ‘votes at 16’, it is a proposal whose time appears to have come. That 16 and 17 year-olds will be able to vote on the constitutional future of Scotland in September 2014 suggests the ‘genie is out of the bottle’ and the move towards a universal lowering of the voting age to 16 across the UK is imminent. Such a view should however be tempered by a number of issues that might compromise the adoption of votes at 16. First, the Conservatives appear steadfastly opposed to its introduction and are unlikely to adopt the cause if they form the next government in 2015. Second, two noteworthy UK government-sponsored independent commissions on lowering the voting age over the past decade – The Russell Commission of 2004 and the Youth Citizenship Commission of 2008-9 - have both found against the proposition. Both commissions raised important questions about the increasingly fractured age limits for a range of rights and responsibilities and also questioned whether ‘votes at 16’ would induce greater youth political literacy and participation. -
Community Intervention As a Means to Destigmatize Child Soldiers and Permit Reintegration a Comparison Case Study of Uganda and Iraq
Awarded Theses 2017/2018 Julia Runte Community Intervention as a Means to Destigmatize Child Soldiers and Permit Reintegration A Comparison Case Study of Uganda and Iraq ema, The European Master’s Programme in Human Rights and Democratisation JULIA RUNTE COMMUNITY INTERVENTION AS A MEANS TO DESTIGMATIZE CHILD SOLDIERS AND PERMIT REINTEGRATION. A COMPARISON CASE STUDY OF UGANDA AND IRAQ JULIA RUNTE FOREWORD The Global Campus of Human Rights is a unique network of more than one hundred participating universities around the world, seeking to advance human rights and democracy through regional and global cooperation for education and research. This global network is promoted through seven Regional Programmes which are based in Venice for Europe, in Sarajevo/Bologna for South East Europe, in Yerevan for the Caucasus, in Pretoria for Africa, in Bangkok for Asia- Pacific, in Buenos Aires for Latin America and the Caribbean, and in Beirut for the Arab World. Every year each regional master’s programmes select the best master thesis of the previous academic year that is published online as part of the GC publications. The selected seven GC master theses cover a range of different international human rights topics and challenges. The Global Campus Awarded Theses of the academic year 2017/2018 are: • Balan, Ecaterina, Comparative Analysis of Minority Women Rights Protection in Moldova and Ukraine in the Light of the International Human Rights Standards, Supervisor: Yuliya Vashchenko, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Master’s Programme in Human Rights and Democratisation in the Caucasus (CES), coordinated by Yerevan State University • Ccotarma Ttito, Sally Sumico, The Influence of Extractive Companies on Police Intervention in the Context of Socio-Environmental Conflicts in Peru: Analysis and Legal Contributions from the Cases Concerning Xstrata and Yanacocha Companies in the Period 2011-2012, Supervisor: Clara María Minaverry, Universidad de Buenos Aires. -
Encountering Children in Conflict Zones: the British Experience
Encountering Children in Conflict Zones: The British Experience Michelle Lynette Jones Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of PhD Department of International Politics Aberystwyth University 2016 Declaration & Statement Page Word Count of Thesis: 106,945. DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed (Michelle Lynette Jones). Date STATEMENT 1 This thesis is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated where *correction services have been used, the extent and nature of the correction is clearly marked in a footnote(s) Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Signed (Michelle Lynette Jones). Date *this refers to the extent to which the text has been corrected by others. STATEMENT 2 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations Signed (Michelle Lynette Jones). Date ii Abstract With contemporary conflicts being fought amongst and alongside civilian populations, the likelihood of professional soldiers encountering children during military operations has increased. Legal frameworks concerning the topic of children in armed conflict are born from sociological understandings surrounding the Western concept of childhood based on the idea that children are innocent and in need of protection. Within theatres of armed conflict children can be encountered by military forces in two distinct ways; either as innocent bystanders or as security threats. However, a moral dilemma can occur when a child, who is armed and capable of a lethal attack, is encountered by an adult soldier, whose values resonate with the Western concept of childhood. -
Voter Turnout Trends Around the World
Voter Turnout Trends around the World Voter Turnout Trends around the World Voter Turnout Trends around the World Abdurashid Solijonov © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, or those of its Boards or Council members. Cover photograph: ‘Voting queue in Addis Ababa’ (© BBC World Service/Uduak Amimo) made available on Flickr under the terms of a Creative Commons licence (CC-BY-NC 2.0) Graphic design by Turbo Design, Ramallah ISBN: 978-91-7671-083-8 Contents Acronyms and abbreviations ............................................................................................................ 7 Preface ..........................................................................................................................................................