Title: “Căluş: Between Ritual and National Symbol. the Cultural Market of Traditions”

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Title: “Căluş: Between Ritual and National Symbol. the Cultural Market of Traditions” Title: “Căluş: between ritual and national symbol. The cultural market of traditions” Author: Anca Giurchescu How to cite this article: Giurchescu, Anca. 2008. “Căluş: between ritual and national symbol. The cultural market of traditions”. Martor 13: 15‐26. Published by: Editura MARTOR (MARTOR Publishing House), Muzeul Țăranului Român (The Museum of the Romanian Peasant) URL: http://martor.muzeultaranuluiroman.ro/archive/martor‐13‐2008/ Martor (The Museum of the Romanian Peasant Anthropology Review) is a peer‐reviewed academic journal established in 1996, with a focus on cultural and visual anthropology, ethnology, museum studies and the dialogue among these disciplines. Martor review is published by the Museum of the Romanian Peasant. Its aim is to provide, as widely as possible, a rich content at the highest academic and editorial standards for scientific, educational and (in)formational goals. Any use aside from these purposes and without mentioning the source of the article(s) is prohibited and will be considered an infringement of copyright. Martor (Revue d’Anthropologie du Musée du Paysan Roumain) est un journal académique en système peer‐review fondé en 1996, qui se concentre sur l’anthropologie visuelle et culturelle, l’ethnologie, la muséologie et sur le dialogue entre ces disciplines. La revue Martor est publiée par le Musée du Paysan Roumain. Son aspiration est de généraliser l’accès vers un riche contenu au plus haut niveau du point de vue académique et éditorial pour des objectifs scientifiques, éducatifs et informationnels. Toute utilisation au‐delà de ces buts et sans mentionner la source des articles est interdite et sera considérée une violation des droits de l’auteur. Martor is indexed by EBSCO and CEEOL. 15 C`lu[: between ritual and national symbol* The cultural market of traditions Anca Giurchescu For the topic „Making and consuming tradi- The temptation to locate c`lu[ in an autoch- tion“ I chose to present a case study: the c`lu[ of thonous tradition traces it back to the religious the commune Opta[i-M`gura (district Olt)1 practices of the Thacians-Dacians. Inquiry in the which I followed in 1968, 1976 and again in Romanian ritual system supports the theory that 1992-93-94, in 1998 and 2001, and finally in c`lu[ was an integral part of ritual practices 2006. I will also comment in few words on the (during spring) stemming from the cult of an c`lu[ of Izvoarele (district Olt), which I recorded autochthon horse-god (c`lu[)2. Though these in 2007. Both examples are relevant to the sur- theories are all hypothetical, each of them may vival mechanism of the ritual and in terms of its illuminate at least one of the many features that manipulation as a cultural commodity. make up the complex structure of c`lu[. They may also prove that the „Romanian c`lu[“ is far What is c`lu[? There are many and divergent from being as authentic and unique as we would theories regarding the origins of this complex like to believe. Many ritual complexes of c`lu[ ritual, most of them stemming from studies of can be found in the old cultural strata of „cultural archeology“ and comparative mytho- Southern Europe and England.3 logy. I will only mention the most important directions without further comment, because the In its current existence, c`lu[ establishes a focus of this article is not to disclose a distant ritual communication between the real world re- past, but to analyse the current state of c`lu[ and presented by a given community and the mythi- attempt to predict its future development. cal world represented by female demons (iele).4 The mediators are a clearly structured group of Some theories seek to find the roots of c`lu[ men supposedly endowed with supernatural in the highly cultivated Latin and Greek power to protect the community against the iele’s mythologies which also have some Near-Eastern malefic deeds, cure sick persons, and bring fer- implications. Their counterpart is Slavic in tility5. They carry out seasonal ritual at the origin with reference to the mythological beings Orthodox Pentecost, marking the passage from Rusalii/ Rusalki. spring to summer, from this world to the ‘world beyond’, and from the living to the dead ancestors. 16 Anca Giurchescu Since different levels of culture change at dif- be touched by women, not to separate from the ferent speeds [Winner 1976:115], comparative group, not to divulge the ‘secret’ of c`lu[); of studies showed that diachrony within synchrony dance + music + costume + ornaments/masks is one of the main traits of any ritual system. and of dramatic sketches. These means inter- Thus, according to the social-cultural develop- lock in different constellations and at different ment of the communities considered on a syn- levels of meaning (ritual, artistic, or entertain- chronic level, c`lu[ may show different di- ment), giving c`lu[ its polysemic character. achronic stages from traditional, ritual events to Thus, one and the same c`lu[ event may be events where emphasis is put on the artistic interpreted by both performers and spectators as (aesthetic) make-up of c`lu[6. sacred ritual, ceremonial respect for tradition, Conceived as a complex and meaningful cul- identity symbol, art performance, entertain- ture text (a „semiotic object“ according to A.J. ment, or simply as a means of economic gain. Greimas, 1971), c`lu[ is made up of several ex- pressive means which are interrelated and Due to the complexity of human identities, a which, according to subjective or objective cir- feature which serves to connect tradition with cumstances, change their hierarchy of impor- modernity, there are many examples when tance. It is comprised of: ritual objects (i.e. flag, „magical thinking“ and pragmatic world-view magical plants, bells, wooden phallus and sword) may exist side by side. To the question: „Do iele + actions (i.e. leaping over a person, passing (fairies) still exist?“ The answer was: „They under the sword, falling in trance, breaking a stopped flying over the woods because they may pot) + texts (verbal utterances, text of the oath) + hurt the electric, high tension wires“. ritual rules and interdictions (not to touch or C`lu[: between ritual and national symbol 17 According to a local legend of Opta[i: „When the people, and their unity around the Commu- God built the church, the devil challenged him nist Party. [Giurchescu 1990:52] by creating the c`lu[ in order to see which of During the nationalistic stage under them would attract more people.... The devil Ceau[escu’s dictatorship (1965-1989), c`lu[ be- largely won, because the whole village followed came a symbol for Romanian’s cultural anti- the c`lu[ari „ [Giblea, 1993]. Indeed, the spec- quity, historical continuity, unity and high artis- tacle dimension inherent to c`lu[ functions to tic qualities. Placed in this perspective both the make the ritual more powerful and convincing. ritual and the artistic (aesthetic) dimensions of The most important expressive instruments for c`lu[ were manipulated as elements of spectacle. carrying out the ritual functions are dance, C`lu[, like any other form of ‘living’ tradition music and theatrical actions. articulates beliefs, life experiences, group ideo- logy, political attitudes and informal answers to Why is dance so important in c`lu[? Dance the rulers’ exercise of power. All of these can movements create an ecstatic state that symboli- never be completely controlled. Hence, the ten- cally raises the dancer from reality to an ‘other dency of State cultural authorities is to replace level’, where communication with the spirits traditional social contexts with spectacular mani- becomes possible. The structured movements of festations (festivals, competitions, etc.), and to c`lu[ carry symbolic connotations. Virtuosity – pack ritual events with spectacular elements. for example – is supposed to symbolize super- In order to illustrate a new symbolic function natural power: „The dance is intricate and diffi- c`lu[ was deconstructed and only the most „rep- cult because it comes either from iele or from the resentative“, „beautiful“, „authentic“ and devil“ [Zamfir, 1976]. The circular path „clean“ elements were selected to reconstitute it describes a sacred space, where the prophylactic as a new artistic product. The many forms of the and fertility promoting power of the C`lu[ari staged c`lu[ (both as ritual and dance perfor- becomes effective. Leaping over a dancer, over a mances) were therefore manipulated in the poli- child or a sick person is meant to protect, to tical discourse to symbolize national identity, convey strength, or to heal7. ethnic continuity, ancient cultural heritage, and unity in diversity [Giurchescu 1987:169]; and C`lu[ in the official perspective the national system of competitive manifesta- tions „Cântarea României“ (Song to Romania), In Opta[i, as elsewhere during the revolu- provided an exemplary arena for symbolic politi- tionary stage of communism (1948-1965) when cal manipulation in the cultural domain. religious practices and mystical beliefs were Since 1966 the c`lu[ of Opta[i was codified interdicted, the ritual components of c`lu[ conti- as a system of spectacles isolated within the nued to survive in a latent and hidden phase. various forms. It was adapted for stage by a non Conversely, the artistic components (dance, local ‘specialist’ who choreographed a „tradi- music, costume) adapted for the stage, became tional“ dance suite. The basic movement pat- important ingredients in festivals, and state cere- terns called ‘walking’ (plimbare) and ‘movement’ monials with hundreds of c`lu[ari from dif- (mi[care) were selected according to virtuosity ferent villages dancing together in a stadium! criteria, re-ordered in a stable succession and The expressive elements segregated from their structurally modified8.This set choreography was original context were employed primarily as a perpetuated on stage over years and finally „got „wrapping“ for political messages.
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