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PSEUDO-ZACHARIAH OF MYTILENE: THE CONTEXT AND NATURE OF HIS WORK

GEOFFREY GREATREX UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA

he 560’s A.D. were a time of opti- fully attested in the wake of the ill-fated mism in the eastern Roman em- Eternal Peace of 532, “The cross extin- pire. To be sure, the twilight years guished the terrible roarings of war and the of Justinian’s reign were marked measureless hardships of life, as if (they Tby serious disturbances at were) a rough wave or a fire.”4 and increasing financial problems, but Not only was the Persian foe at peace, across the empire, from Italy, Spain and but promising developments were afoot North Africa to Egypt and the eastern prov- within the neighbouring kingdom—at any inces, the situation was calm.1 For those rate, if one were an opponent of the Council who lived close to the eastern frontier, the of Chalcedon. For although there had been fifty-year peace treaty signed in 562 was of intermittent persecutions of Christians by paramount importance, bringing to an end a king Khusro in the past, notably after the war that had begun in 540.2 Although actual outbreak of war in 540, their lot had steadily hostilities had tended to peter out towards improved over the following years.5 Several the end of the 550’s, the continuing danger aspects may be noted here. First, the clause of Persian attacks must have been a constant appended to the treaty of 562 that guaran- strain on the local populations, as indeed is teed the freedom of worship of Christians in evidenced by the “abominable and hideous Persia.6 Second, the consecration of Ahu- affliction” that struck the city of Amida in demmeh as bishop of Beth ‛Arabaye in 559/60. In this year, according to Pseudo- 559 by . The energetic Dionysius’ chronicle, which here derives did much to further the pro- from John of Ephesus, the citizens of Amida gress of Monophysitism among the Arabs were struck by a sort of mass-panic, believ- on the Persian side of the frontier, appar- ing that the Persian king was on the point of ently with the assent of Khusro, at least attacking their city; other frontier cities, until he overstepped the mark and bap- such as Edessa and Constantia, were prey to tised one of the king’s sons.7 Third, the similar rumours.3 There can be no doubt as attitude of the king himself. Here it is to the impact of the conclusion of the treaty: appropriate to quote from Pseudo- as an inscription erected at Hierapolis grate- Zachariah (XII.7):8

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For one week of years the king of It is clear that the author believed that he Persia also, as those who know relate, was witnessing significant developments, has separated himself from the eating including steps that might even lead to the of things strangled and blood, and conversion of the Persian king. Nor was he from the flesh of unclean beasts and alone in holding out such hopes: John of Ephe- birds, from the time when Tribonian the archiatros came down to him, sus refers to the creation of a catholicos for the who was taken captive at that time, Monophysites in Persia, following a debate at and from our serene king came Bi- the Persian court, while Evagrius notes reports 10 rowi, a perfect man, and after him that the king had even been baptised. The role Kashowi, and now Gabriel, a Chris- of the Christian Sebokht, Khusro’s chief emis- tian of Nisibis. From that time he has sary to the Romans in 572, further testifies to understood his food, and his food is the prominence of Christians at court.11 not polluted (?) according to the for- It is in this context that the work of mer practice, but rather it is blessed, Pseudo-Zachariah must be situated. The ac- and then he eats. And Joseph also, the cession of Justin II was followed by a period Catholic of the Christians, is high in his confidence, and is closely attached of tremendous optimism and dynamism, to him, because he is a physician, and witnessed by an outpouring of literary he sits before him on the first seat works, such as the Cycle of epigrams edited after the chief of the Magians, and by , the In laudem Iustini Augusti 12 whatever he asks of him he receives. minoris of Corippus and others. The open- Out of kindness towards the captives ing years of Justin’s reign were marked by and the holy men he has now by the imperial attempts to improve the empire’s advice of the Christian physicians finances and to resolve the festering doc- attached to him made a hospital trinal divisions that still plagued the em- (xenodocheion), a thing not previ- pire.13 With hindsight, of course, it is clear ously known, and has given 100 that all these efforts were doomed to failure; mules and 50 camels laden with the renewal of war in 572 worsened the goods (?) from the royal stores, and situation still further. But to a writer in the 12 physicians, and whatever is re- quired is given; and in the king’s reti- late or the very start of the 570s, pros- nue (?)... pects for stability, prosperity, and indeed for (tr. Hamilton and Brooks, 217.14- the growth of the Monophysite church must 218.5/146-7) have appeared good. It is surely no coinci- dence that both John of Ephesus and These are the closing words of Pseudo- Pseudo-Zachariah terminated their works at Zachariah’s work as it has come down to us; this time, thus ending on a high note. Only the section then breaks off, and it is uncer- when divisions among the Monophysites tain how much more of Book XII there was. increased and persecution at the hands of Although the section is attended by consid- Chalcedonians was renewed did John feel erable chronological uncertainty—the date the need to produce a continuation of his of composition must be later than 552 and work.14 before 567, the dates of Joseph’s catholicate So much for the context in which —its remarkable optimism is not in doubt.9 Pseudo-Zachariah’s work appeared. It re-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 40 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______mains to consider Pseudo-Zachariah himself he was from Amida, but the evidence is in- and the nature of the work he produced. sufficient to be sure.20 The list of the leading First, the anonymous compiler himself, who bishops at the end of the Book (VII.15) is became known as Zachariah in the later also of interest: pope Hormisdas is there Syriac tradition because of his extensive use said to be still alive, which therefore implies of the Ecclesiastical History of Zachariah, that the statement must have been made be- bishop of Mytilene, in Books III to VI.15 fore 6 August 523 or a short time thereafter, Much has been written on this Zachariah, to allow time for the news to circulate. author of other works, such as a Life of It is highly improbable that the author of Severus, and a convert to Chalcedonianism VII can be identified with the compiler of during the reign of Justinian. Indeed, the 569. Someone who knew Gadono in 503 tendency has been for Zachariah to eclipse would have to have been at least fifteen at Pseudo-Zachariah in discussions of the lat- that time; they would therefore have been ter’s work.16 It is preferable therefore to about eighty years old by 569.21 It follows concentrate on Pseudo-Zachariah, i.e. the that Pseudo-Zachariah was drawing on an author of the entire work in twelve Books. early sixth-century source for this Book, or Since we know that Books III to VI were indeed several. Now in VIII, Pseudo- drawn mainly, if not entirely, from Zacha- Zachariah offers a detailed account of suc- riah, we propose to focus on the last six cessive bishops of Amida (VIII.5). Among Books; the first two will be considered fur- these was a certain Māre, who became ther below. Book VII concerns the reign of bishop during the reign of Justin but was Anastasius and has a notably Amidene fla- soon banished to Petra, and subsequently to vour:17 it opens with an anecdote about a Alexandria. certain , brother of Dith, And he stayed there (in Alexandria) who was in Constantinople on a mission for a time, and formed a library there from Amida before the accession of Anasta- containing many admirable books; sius. He had visions of the future emperor’s and in them there is abundance of elevation, about which he informed him, but great profit for those who love in- when, after assuming the throne, Anastasius struction, the discerning and the studi- wished to reward him, he was content with a ous. These were transferred to the document he had already received from treasury of the Church of Amida after Zeno.18 The narrative of the war of 502-5 is the man’s death. detailed and replete with circumstantial de- (tr. Hamilton and Brooks, 79.24- 19 8/54) tail, especially the siege of Amida. In par- ticular, there is the story of the ambush of It seems plausible to suppose that the Persian general Glon, or Glones, by a Māre’s library furnished Pseudo-Zachariah certain Gadono, whom Pseudo-Zachariah with some of his sources, including perhaps (or his source) claims to know personally a version of Zachariah’s Ecclesiastical His- (VII.5). A detailed account of the downfall tory.22 On the other hand, if Māre put to- of the patriarch Macedonius is quoted gether his library in Alexandria, it is not (VII.8), drawn from a narrative written by a likely to have contained such detailed infor- presbyter Simeon; some have suggested that mation on Amida itself. We must therefore

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 41 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______rather suppose that Pseudo-Zachariah had village. In 554/5, however, the village and access to other local accounts in addition to the building in which the image was housed Māre’s library. were destroyed by barbarians. Justinian, ap- Book VIII, devoted to the reign of prised of the event, provided funds for the Justin, shows little sign, apart from the di- rebuilding of the village and, upon the sug- gression on Amidene bishops, of a particular gestion of one of his advisers, raised further connection with the city. It does however funds by having the original image paraded offer a detailed report of negotiations on the around the cities of the East. The author fur- Romano-Persian frontier in 524/5 (VIII.5) ther states that this parade had been going and of a raid by the Lakhmid chief al- on from then until 560/1 and regards it as a Mundhir. About this last event, Pseudo- sign of the impending return of Christ at the Zachariah (or his source) relates that he ob- end of the world. Chapter 5 continues in the tained the information from Dādā the ancho- same vein, relating the shower of ashes that rite, who witnessed it himself. Given that struck the East in spring 556, which is per- the razzia struck the vicinity of Antioch and ceived as being a sign of imminent disaster. Apamea, this implies contact with people at Chapter 6, on the other hand, goes back to some distance from Amida. Book IX covers 553 and concerns church politics and the approximately the first ten years of Justin- treatment of anti-Chalcedonians in the vicin- ian’s reign. It offers a wealth of detail on ity of Amida. The last chapter to have sur- events throughout the eastern provinces (1- vived consists of an epitome of Ptolemy’s 8), as well as a series of letters exchanged Geography, followed by an excursus on the between Severus and Julian of Halicarnas- peoples of the Caucasus. Pseudo-Zachariah sus (9-13) and others between the leading claims to have obtained information directly Monophysite patriarchs during the mid-530s from prisoners taken by Kavadh in 503, (20-26). The introduction to Book X states who, after spending some fifty years in the quite clearly that it was written during the Caucasus, returned to Amida. From a de- reign of Justinian; it covers the period from scription of the conversions of various 536/7 to 547/8, but most chapters have been Hunnic peoples he passes to the extract lost. Its contents, however, were largely quoted above concerning Khusro.25 secular, covering both developments in the Books I and II have so far deliberately East (including Lazica) and in Italy. Having been left to one side. They can provide narrated the fall of Rome to the Goths, some clues, however, as to his conception Pseudo-Zachariah then offers a complete of his work. He makes clear in his opening chapter devoted to the buildings of the city chapter, for instance, that his aim is to pro- (IX.16).23 vide a history for the edification of his While Book XI has been lost entirely, a readers, taking up his account where those few chapters of XII have survived. Chapter of Socrates and leave off (I.1, 4 concerns the image of Christ not made by p.5/5). Before doing so, however, he feels human hands, the Camuliana. According to it necessary to supplement and correct their Pseudo-Zachariah, a woman of Dibudin (or accounts, and that of Eusebius. The rest of perhaps rather Diobulion),24 near Amasea, the Book is thus occupied with miscellane- commissioned a copy of the image for her ous episodes, such as the story of Joseph

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 42 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______and Asenath (I.6)26 and the account of Con- out the first half of the sixth century, it is stantine’s baptism at the hands of Silvester quite probable that more than one source is (I.7).27 The Book also contains a letter from involved here. the author to Moses of Ingilene, requesting (b) A source with close links to Con- the story of Joseph and Asenath, and the stantinople, responsible (e.g.) for the ac- latter’s reply; in his own letter Pseudo- counts of the reconquests of Africa and Zachariah alludes to having initially come Italy, and the Nika riot, to whom Dominic across the story in a library at Resaina (I.4). (IX.18) was known. Of course, (a) and (b) Book II, on the other hand, relates ecclesias- are not mutually exclusive, since, as the tical events from the 440’s, setting the stage narrative of Dith’s brother John shows for the extensive narrative drawn from (VII.1), natives of Amida certainly fre- Zachariah in the succeeding Books. quented the imperial capital. To build up a picture of Pseudo- (c) Dossiers of correspondence between Zachariah from such disparate elements is important ecclesiastical figures, such as no easy task. The following conclusions, Severus of Antioch. Here we must note that however, may be offered. First, as is gener- Pseudo-Zachariah always strives to keep the ally agreed, our author was a native of length of documents quoted to a minimum Amida and probably a monk. The frequent (not always successfully), as he frequently references to the city in the second half of insists (IV.6, IV.8, V.2, V.4, VI.7, cf. III.4). the work have been noted above; and his The dossiers continued to circulate in a concern for the spiritual edification of his fuller state, however, at least until the time readers is also clear.28 It is highly likely that of Michael the Syrian, who on several occa- he built up his account over time, which sions provides fuller versions of the text; serves in part to explain the varied chrono- Evagrius too, we may note, had access to the logical indicators as to the date of composi- correspondence between Severus and the tion; some of these dates will also no doubt other Monophysite patriarchs in the 530s have been transmitted by his sources and (HE IV.11).31 left unaltered.29 The identity and nature of (d) Oral sources, such as John of these sources, however, are hard to estab- Resaina, quoted in XII.7 for the excursus on lish. That he used the account(s) of earlier the Huns. sources, probably Amida-based, is highly (e) One might add a chronicle source of probable: from these were derived the de- some type for the first two surviving chap- tailed narrative (e.g.) of the siege of Amida ters of XII. These two chapters stand out in 502-3. We might tentatively put forward from other secular material in VII-XII in the following list of possible sources several ways. First, they offer more chrono- (leaving aside the obvious Zachariah of logical precision than elsewhere: dates are Mytilene):30 given not only in indiction years, but also by (a) An Amidene source, strongly inter- the regnal year of Justinian. Second, their ested in secular affairs, but offering an ac- tone is remarkably downbeat: the author of count of church history too. This source was these chapters, writing during Justinian’s acquainted with Gadono (VII.5). Given the reign (as is clear from XII.4), clearly be- detail about Amida and its bishops through- lieved that the end of the world was impend-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 43 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______ing. If the earlier chapters of XII were teristics of both genres: they may be found drawn from the same source, one may infer in the chroniclers Theophanes and Michael that they contained descriptions of the nu- the Syrian, for instance, but equally in the merous other natural disasters that swept the church historians John of Ephesus, Evagrius empire towards the end of Justinian’s reign and Theodore Lector.36 To pigeon-hole which can be found in the Chronicle of pseudo-Zachariah in one or the other cate- Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre (drawn gory would seem therefore to be an exercise from John of Ephesus).32 Pseudo-Zachariah in futility—all the more so, perhaps, at a breaks off from this chronicle quite explic- time when the boundaries between genres itly at the end of XII.5, backtracking to 553. were steadily being eroded, as several schol- The chapter which follows is far more simi- ars have observed.37 Rather, it is necessary lar to the earlier narrative in VII-IX and con- to look in greater detail at the indications he tains dating only by indiction year. provides himself and the overall contours of Despite the apparent contrast between the work. the first two chapters of XII and the final Pseudo-Zachariah’s preface begins with one, in which Pseudo-Zachariah describes a lengthy series of biblical allusions, all with the remarkable progress made by Christian- the common theme of monuments built to ity in his time, both may be pointing to an preserve the memory of a person or event, imminent apocalypse: it was widely be- including the Tower of Babel and a statue lieved that the conversion of all peoples was made by Phidias.38 From this, as we have a prelude to the final coming of Christ.33 seen, Pseudo-Zachariah moves on to justify Their tone is nevertheless remarkably differ- his record of events since the last writers of ent, and it is possible that they derive from church histories completed their work. Such different sources; part of the final chapter, of a preface bears some resemblance to that of course, is based on information supplied by Theodoret’s Church history, a work cited by John of Resaina, as Pseudo-Zachariah ac- Pseudo-Zachariah and available in Syriac, as knowledges. For a clearer picture of Pseudo- well as to that of his approximate contempo- Zachariah’s perspective, however, one fur- rary Evagrius.39 He then proceeds to explain ther issue remains to be addressed. the need for the corrections he will make to What sort of work did Pseudo-Zachariah existing sources in Book I before covering set out to compose? The work is entitled in the period with which he is primarily con- the principal manuscript “a volume of narra- cerned (450-568/9). The first chapter con- tive of actions that occurred in the world”.34 cludes with the following address to the Given the vagueness of this description, reader: scholars have debated as to whether the Now we beg that the readers or hear- work should be considered a world- 35 ers will not blame us, if we do not call chronicle or a church history. The contents the kings victorious and mighty, and of the work are, as we have seen, disparate the generals valiant and astute, and and laid out for the most part in chronologi- the bishops pious and blessed, and the cal order; both secular and ecclesiatical af- monks chaste and of honourable char- fairs are treated; documents are frequently acter, because it is our object to relate cited in extenso. Yet all of these are charac- facts, following in the footsteps of

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Holy Scriptures, and it is not our words, Pseudo-Zachariah emerges as a re- intention on our own account to markably moderate Monophysite, consis- praise and extol rulers with flattering tently loyal to Justinian and willing to report words, or to revile and insult with his successes in the West, for instance. He rebuke those who believe differently, is, thus, close to Evagrius in his outlook, provided only we do not find some- thing of the kind in the manuscripts although he devotes more attention to the church history of Justinian’s reign than does and epistles which we are about to 41 translate. Evagrius. John of Ephesus, by contrast, (tr. Hamilton and Brooks, 6.18-27/4) was a far more outspoken historian, at any rate for events of his own lifetime; this can We might compare these words with undoubtedly be ascribed to his active in- Socrates’ introduction to Book VI of his volvement in these events and perhaps to the Church history: afflictions suffered by the Monophysite cause in the 570s.42 The zealots of our churches will con- Given that Pseudo-Zachariah sees him- demn us for not calling the bishops self as continuing the works of Eusebius, “Most dear to God,” “Most holy,” and Socrates and Theodoret, i.e. their church such like. Others will be litigious be- histories, it comes as a surprise that he cause we do not bestow the appella- should devote the second chapter of his tions “Most divine,” and “Lords” on the emperors, nor apply to them such work to correcting errors from Eusebius’ other epithets as they are commonly Chronicle dealing with the dating of genera- assigned.40 tions in the book of Genesis. Clearly, Pseudo-Zachariah was familiar with both Pseudo-Zachariah seems to have suc- works of Eusebius and thought it appropri- ceeded in fulfilling his objective not to in- ate to introduce emendations to the Chroni- dulge in invective of his opponents: while cle in his work.43 Nevertheless, in conclu- the persecutions of the anti-Chalcedonians sion we shall put forward two tentative ar- are narrated in detail and Chalcedonians guments in favour of attributing Pseudo- often described as “Nestorians”, he (or his Zachariah’s work to the realm of church source) is prepared to acknowledge that the history rather than chronicle, all the while Chalcedonian bishop of Edessa, Asclepius, bearing in mind the ever slighter distinctions was “just in his deeds”, while the patriarch between the genres. First, and most impor- Ephraim of Antioch is similarly described tantly, the question of causation: even if (VIII.4). Thus, although one of the usual Pseudo-Zachariah tends to relate events in objectives of church histories was to serve chronological order, he is also interested in the community for which they were written, offering explanations for them. The opening it is noteworthy that Pseudo-Zachariah of VII.3 is devoted to explaining the motiva- achieves this with a remarkable lightness of tion for Kavadh’s invasion of Roman terri- touch. The most partisan sections of the tory in autumn 502, for instance; VII.10, work are undoubtedly Books III to VI, concerning the activities of Philoxenus, of- which also contain far more detail on church fers analysis as well as bald narrative, ex- history than the subsequent ones. In other plaining how Flavian was expelled from his

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 45 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______see. Now it is generally agreed that one no sense of progress towards a particular essential characteristic of the chronicle point.45 Pseudo-Zachariah, as we have seen, genre is its very absence of analysis and ex- seems to have had an overall conception of planation: it merely offers a sequence of his work and to have been leading up to the unconnected events.44 Second, and less con- remarkable events of his own day. In doing vincingly, the presence of a focus or theme. so, he included some remarkably varied ma- Put more specifically, Pseudo-Zachariah’s terial, but this is covered by his statement on work has a point: he is writing for the im- wishing to preserve the memory of events. provement of his readers and because he His work, with its concentration on secular believes that he is witnessing a period of and ecclesiastical politics—omitting almost great historical importance. Chroniclers, entirely, for instance, descriptions of holy such as Michael the Syrian, may write to men and their practices, featured promi- preserve the memory of past events nently in , Socrates and Eva- (portrayed in a certain way) for the sake of a grius46—should thus be taken as he pre- particular community, but their works re- sented it: as a continuation of the works of main unfocussed: they are essentially a col- Eusebius, Socrates and Theodoret, drawing, lection of miscellaneous entries with little or like them, upon a wide range of sources.47

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NOTES

1 See (e.g.) W. Treadgold, A History of the pool: Francis Cairns, 1985), frg. 6.1.398-407, cf. Byzantine State and Society (Stanford: Stanford Greatrex and Lieu, REF, 133-4. See also A. University Press, 1997), 210-17, E. Stein, His- Guillaumont, “Justinien et l’église de Perse,” toire du Bas-Empire, vol.2 (Paris-Brussels- DOP 23-4 (1969-70) 48-50. Amsterdam: Desclée de Brouwer, 1949), 558-64, 7 He was arrested in 573 and executed in 575: 612-23. As Stein notes, a minor revolt broke out see F. Nau in PO 3 (1909) 8-9 with J. Labourt, Le in Africa in 563, however. christianisme dans l’empire perse sous la dynastie 2 Details in G. Greatrex and S.N.C. Lieu, The sassanide (Paris: V. Lecoffre, 1904), 198-9. On Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, Ahudemmeh see E. Key Fowden, The Barbarian A.D. 363-630 (London: Routledge, 2002), 131-4; Plain. St Sergius between Rome and Iran (Princeton: henceforth REF. Princeton University Press, 1999), 121-8. 3 Chronicon pseudo-dionysianum vulgo dic- 8 Historia Ecclesiastica Zachariae Rhetori vulgo tum, vol.2, ed. J.-B. Chabot, CSCO Scr. Syr. 104 adscripta, vol.2, CSCO Scr. Syr. 39, 42, ed. and tr. (Louvain: Peeters, 1933), tr. R. Hespel, CSCO E.W. Brooks (Louvain: Peeters, 1924), tr. J.F. Ham- Scr. Syr. 213 (Louvain: Peeters, 1989), 115-18. ilton and E.W. Brooks, The Syriac Chronicle known Translation in W. Witakowski, Pseudo- as that of Zachariah of Mitylene. London 1899. Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle, known also 9 The reference to seven years since the visit of as the Chronicle of Zuqnin. Part III (Liverpool: Tribonian, i.e. the doctor Tribunus, attested in Pro- Liverpool University Press, 1996), 104-7. Cf. W. copius (see Prosopography of the Later Roman Witakowski, “Sources of Pseudo-Dionysius for Empire, vol.3, ed. J. Martindale (Cambridge: Cam- the Third part of his Chronicle,” Orientalia Sue- bridge University Press, 1992), s.v. Tribunus 2, is cana 40 (1991) 266. The episode is discussed at puzzling. He visited Khusro in 545 at the king’s length in M. Meier, Das andere Zeitalter Justini- request, but not as a captive. If the reference is to ans (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck and Rupprecht, this visit, then a date of 552 is implied. 2003), 412-24. 10 John of Ephesus, Historiae Ecclesiasticae 4 Translation from Greatrex and Lieu, REF, Pars Tertia, CSCO Scr. Syr. 54-5, ed. and tr. E.W. 97. Inscription in P. Roussel, “Un monument Brooks (Louvain: Peeters, 1952), VI.20, tr. R. d’Hiérapolis-Bambykè relatif à la paix perpé- Payne Smith, The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical tuelle de 532 ap. J.-C. ,” Mélanges syriens offerts History of John of Ephesus (Oxford: Oxford Uni- à M. René Dussaud, vol.1 (Paris: P. Geuthner, versity Press, 1860). Evagrius, Ecclesiastical His- 1939), 367. tory, ed. J. Bidez and L. Parmentier (London: 5 See E. Christensen, L’Iran sous les Sassani- Methuen, 1898), IV.28, tr. M. Whitby, The Eccle- des, 2nd ed. (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, siastical History of (Liver- 1944), 426 and B. Martin-Hisard, “Le ‘Martyre pool: Liverpool University Press, 2000). Cf. The d’Eustathe de Mcxeta’: Aspects de la vie politi- Armenian History attributed to Sebeos, tr. R.W. que et religieuse en Ibérie à l’époque de Justi- Thomson, comm. J.D. Howard-Johnston, with T. nien,” in Eupsychia (Paris: Publications de la Greenwood (Liverpool: Liverpool University Sorbonne, 1998), 495-6 on the generally favou- Press, 1999), ch.9. rable position of Christians during Khusro’s 11 See Menander, frg.16.1 with PLRE III, s.v. reign, despite intermittent persecutions. Sebochthes. 6 Menander. The History of Menander the 12 Cf. A. Cameron’s edition of Corippus’ In Guardsman, ed. and tr. R.C. Blockley (Liver- laudem Iustini Augusti minoris (London: Athlone

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Press, 1976), 2, 118 with R. Scott, “Malalas, The On the date of John’s work, see (e.g.) J.J. van Secret History, and Justinian’s Propaganda,” DOP Ginkel, John of Ephesus. A Monophysite Historian 39 (1985) 104-6, on the considerable literary out- in sixth-century Byzantium (Groningen: Ph.D. put during Justin’s early years. M. Whitby, thesis, 1995), 48, according to whom part II of “Theophanes’ Chronicle source for the reigns of John’s Ecclesiastical History concluded in year Justin II, Tiberius and Maurice (565-602),” Byz 53 6 of Justin’s reign, i.e. 571. Witakowski, (1983) 320 and n.38, cf. idem, “Greek Historical “Source,” 252, places it rather in 569. Since Writing after : Variety and Vitality,” in the work does not survive itself, certainty is A. Cameron and L. Conrad, eds, The Byzantine impossible. and Early Islamic Near East. I. Problems in the 15 Pseudo-Zachariah’s work was much cited, for Source Material (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1992), instance, by Michael the Syrian. See J. Rist, “Die 55, suggests that the Ecclesiastical History to be sogennante Kirchengeschichte des Zacharias found in Anecdota Cramer, vol.2, also concluded Rhetor: Überlieferung, Inhalt und theologische in 565. Bedeutung,” in M. Tamcke, ed., Syriaca. Zur 13 See A. Cameron “The Early Religious Poli- Geschichte, Theologie, Liturgie und Gegenswart- cies of Justin II,” Studies in Church History, lage der syrischen Kirchen (Hamburg: LIT, 2002), vol.13, ed. D. Baker (Oxford: Blackwell’s, 1976), 92. Whether John of Ephesus made use of Pseudo- 51-67 (= eadem, Continuity and Change in Sixth Zachariah is still debated: Witakowksi, “Sources,” Century Byzantium [London: Variorum, 1981], 269-70, argues in favour of John using Pseudo- X), the most detailed account of these attempts, Zachariah, cf. P. Allen, “Zachariah Scholasticus with the briefer analysis in P. Maraval, “L’échec and the Historia Ecclesiastica of Evagrius Scho- en Orient: le développement des Églises dissi- lasticus,” JTS 31 (1980) 472 and n.5, while van dentes dans l’Empire,” in L. Pietri, ed., Histoire du Ginkel, John of Ephesus, 68, believes that both Christianisme des origines à nos jours, vol.3. Les John and Pseudo-Zachariah made use of a com- églises d’orient et d’occident (Paris: Desclée de mon source. M.A. Kugener, “Pseudo-Zacharie le Brouwer, 1998), 461-7. Justin’s plans to improve rhéteur,” ROC 5 (1900) 210 n.3 argues that the empire’s finances emerge in Corippus’ pane- Pseudo-Zachariah’s work is independent of gyric as well as in his Novels 148 and 149 (of 566 John’s. See also E.W. Brooks in F.J. Hamilton and and 569), cf. Cameron, In laudem, 170. E.W. Brooks, The Syriac Chronicle, 6-7. 14 Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern 16 See (e.g.) Rist, “Die sogennante Kirchen- Saints, ed. and tr. E.W. Brooks, PO 18 (1924) 688, geschichte,” 78-81, P. Allen, “Zachariah Scholasti- on the optimism generated by Justin’s accession. cus,” 471-88, E. Honigmann, “Zacharias of Other church historians, including Eusebius, Soc- Mytilene,” in Patristic Studies (Rome: Bibliotheca rates, Sozomen and Evagrius, all conclude their apostolica vaticana, 1953), 194-204. accounts at a high point: see (e.g.) T. Urbainczyk, 17 So also Rist, “Die sogennante Kirchen- Socrates of Constantinople (Ann Arbor: Univer- geschichte,” 88-91. Rist notes that Eustathius of sity of Michigan Press, 1997), 143-5 (on the last Epiphania’s work may lie behind the detail con- sections of Socrates and his praise for Theodosius) cerning the siege of Amida, but it cannot be the with P. Maraval, in his introduction to Socrate, source for the remainder of Pseudo-Zachariah’s Histoire Ecclésiastique, Book 1, Sources Chré- (and Procopius’) account, since Eustathius died in tiennes 477 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2004), 19 n.2, 503. See G. Greatrex, Rome and Persia at War and M. Whitby, “The Church Historians and Chal- (Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1998), 75. cedon,” in G. Marasco, ed., Greek and Roman 18 HE VII.1. His information came from John, Historiography in Late Antiquity (Leiden: E.J. the scholasticus and brother of Dith; the latter fea- Brill, 2003), 489-90 (on Evagrius). tures several times in Pseudo-Zachariah’s work

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(also at VII.5, XII.6) and may have been one of his Burchard, Untersuchungen zu Joseph und Aseneth sources. (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1965), Wissenschaftliche 19 VII.3-5 on which see Greatrex, Rome and Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testatment 8, 24-5, Persia at War, 73-6; see also now M. Debié, “Du 133, R.S. Kraemer, When Aseneth met Joseph grec en syriaque: la transmission du récit de la (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 225-37, prise d’Amid (502) dans l’historiographie byzan- S. Inowlocki, Des idoles mortes et muettes au dieu tine,” BZ 96 (2003) 601-22. vivant (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 22-6. 20 See my forthcoming commentary, ad loc. L. 27 On this account, derived from the Actus beati Duchesne, L’Église au VIe siècle (Paris: de Boc- Silvestri, see W. Levison, “Konstantinische card, 1925), 24 n.2, assumes that Simeon hailed Schenkung und Silvester-Legende,” in Miscel- from Amida, but the evidence is inconclusive. lanea Francesco Ehrle: Scritti di Storia et pale- 21 It is true, however, that Pseudo-Zachariah ografia, vol. 2 (Rome: Bibliotheca Apostolica seems to have obtained eye-witness testimonies Vaticana, 1924), Studi e Testi 38, 159-247, esp. from prisoners seized during Kavadh’s 502-5 war 227, 235-9 on Pseudo-Zachariah and other Syriac (XII.7). versions of the legend; also now W. Pohlkamp, 22 So Rist, “Die sogennante Kirchengeschichte,” “Textfassungen, literarische Formungen und 91 with Allen, “Zachariah Scholasticus,” 472. An geschichtliche Funktionen der römischen Egyptian slant to III-VI is perceptible, I would Silvester-Akten,” Francia 19 (1992) 115-96, argue, in the consistent distinction made between esp.137-8 and M. Amerise, Il battesimo di Costan- “Romans” and Egyptians in the lengthy sections tino il Grande (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 2005), given over to ecclesiastical affairs in Egypt. On 93-111. These apocryphal acts emerged in the Māre see also R. Duval, La littérature syriaque second half of the fifth century: see Levison, art. (Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1899), 361-2. cit., 181, R.J. Loenertz, “Actus Sylvestri: Genèse 23 Such a digression, cf. the epitome of d’une légende,” RHE 70 (1975) 439 (placing an Ptolemy’s Geography at XII.7, might seem to fa- initial version in c.432), G. Fowden, “The Last vour the identification of Pseudo-Zachariah’s work Days of Constantine: Oppositional Versions and as a chronicle, absorbing wholesale other works or their Influence,” JRS 84 (1994) 154-5. According epitomes. See, however, E. Argov, “Giving the to G. Fowden, “Constantine, Silvester and the heretic a voice. Philostorgius of Borissus and church of S. Polyeuctus in Constantinople,” JRA 7 Greek ecclesiastical historiography,” Athenaeum (1994) 278-9, cf. idem, “The Last Days of Con- 89 (2001), 514, on Philostorgius’ inclusion of geo- stantine,” 162, the Actus became known in the graphical and ethnographic excursuses. East in the first quarter of the sixth century and 24 See E. von Dobschütz, Christusbilder. Unter- may be reflected in a Syriac homily ascribed to suchungen zur christlichen Legende, Texte und Jacob of Serug, cf. Amerise, Il battesimo, 111. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Pseudo-Zachariah (I.1), who refers to depictions of Literatur 18 (Leipzig: August Prier, 1899), Beila- Constantine’s baptism, seems to claim direct ac- gen, 5** n.8 for this emendation of the Syriac. cess to an account from Rome; no other source, to 25 See p.2 of this version above. On the excursus my knowledge, refers to such representations, al- on the Caucasian peoples see K. Czeglédy, though it is certain that they enjoyed a great popu- “Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor on the nomads,” in L. larity in later times: see (e.g.) the fresco from Santi Ligeti, ed., Studia Turcica (Budapest: Akadémiai Quattro Coronati in Rome (twelfth century) in N. Kiadó, 1971), 133-48. Lenski, ed., The Cambridge Companion to the 26 A work that has attracted much attention re- Age of Constantine (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- cently and the earliest version of which is that of- versity Press, 2006), fig. 38. Fowden, Constantine, fered here by Pseudo-Zachariah. The actual dating Silvester,” 278, suggests however that Anicia of the work itself remains controversial. See C. Juliana’s church of St Polyeuctus in Constantinople

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 49 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______featured depictions of Constantine being cured of tween year 9 (560/1) and 562 years since the com- leprosy, for instance, a feature of the Silvester leg- ing of Christ. No other such synchronisation is end (found in Pseudo-Zachariah, I.7, 62-4/44-5), offered in Pseudo-Zachariah, but the calculation is cf. C. Milner, “The image of the rightful ruler: in line with Malalas, Chronographia, ed. J. Thurn, Anicia Juliana’s Constantine mosaic in the church CFHB (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2000), tr. E. and M. of Hagios Polyeuktos” in P. Magdalino, ed., New Jeffreys and R. Scott (Melbourne: Byzantina Aus- Constantines (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1994), 79, traliensia, 1986), X.1 (placing Christ’s birth in the Amerise, Il battesimo, 111, and and S.N.C. Lieu, 42nd year of Augustus’ reign, i.e. 2 B.C.). See H. “Constantine in Legendary Literature,” in Lenski, Inglebert, “ Le développement de l’historiographie ed., Age of Constantine, 300. chrétienne,” MedAnt 4 (2001) 562-3, on the ori- 28 Cf. (e.g.) Brooks’ introduction to the CSCO gins of this chronological system. edition, ii, Kugener, “Pseudo-Zacharie,” 202. 33 See P. Magdalino, “The history of the future 29 See Brooks in Hamilton and Brooks, The and its uses: prophecy, policy and propaganda,” Syriac Chronicle, 5 for details. Socrates similarly in R. Beaton and C. Roueché, eds., The Making built up his account over time: see Maraval, of Byzantine History. Studies dedicated to Don- Socrate, 14. ald M. Nicol (London: Ashgate, 1993), 5-6, cit- 30 We must note in passing, however, that ing Matthew 24.14, cf. Romans 11.25. Pseudo-Zachariah may not have used Zachariah 34 I.1, p.2.1-2/1, my translation. Cf. Rist, “Die directly: D. Weltecke, Die “Beschreibung der sogennante Kirchengeschichte,” 81, 84. W. Wita- Zeiten" von Mor Michael dem Grossen (1126- kowski, The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo- 1199) (Louvain: Peeters, 2003), CSCO vol.594, 43 Dionysius of Tel-Mahre: a study in the History of n.82, notes the suggestion of Jan van Ginkel that Historiography, Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 9 Pseudo-Zachariah’s account was based on a (Uppsala: University of Uppsala, 1987), translates (fuller) Syriac translation of Zachariah as well as “the book of narratives of events which happened on another compilation, which he likewise abbre- in the world.” viated. 35 See Rist, “Die sogennante Kirchen- 31 Cf. Michael the Syrian in J.-B. Chabot, ed. geschichte,” 84-7, noting the views of earlier and tr., Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche scholars, cf. F. Winkelmann, “Kirchen- jacobite d’Antioche (1166-1199), IX.25, p.216 geschichtswerke,” in F. Winkelmann and W. (translation), where Michael has a column’s worth Brandes, eds, Quellen zur Geschichte der frühen of a letter from Theodosius to Severus that Byzanz (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990), 205 and n.6 Pseudo-Zachariah (or at any rate our version of (doubting the appropriateness of the label Kirchen- him) has omitted. Evagr. HE IV.11 for the refer- geschichte). To the works Rist cites one should ence to the correspondence. Van Ginkel, John of add van Ginkel, John of Ephesus, 20-2, 83, who Ephesus, 64, argues instead that Michael had ac- views both John and Pseudo-Zachariah as the au- cess to a fuller version of Pseudo-Zachariah than thors of church histories. we do, which is also possible - although, given that With Pseudo-Zachariah’s vague title one might the chief manuscript of Pseudo-Zachariah’s work compare the opening words of Pseudo-Joshua’s dates from c.600, this would imply a very quick work, which describes his account as “a book of abridgement. We might instead suppose an inter- narrative of the period of distress which occurred mediary source, which included the whole dossier, in Edessa, Amida, and all Mesopotamia” (in J.B. unabridged. See also Weltecke, Die “Beschreibung Chabot, Incerti Auctoris Chronicon Pseudo- der Zeiten,” 138, on differences between Michael Dionysianum vulgo dictum, vol.1, CSCO Scr. Syr. and Pseudo-Zachariah. 43 [Louvain: Peeters, 1927], 235, tr. J. Watt in 32 Ps. Dion. Chronicle, vol.2, 129-36/116-21. idem, “Greek historiography and the ‘Chronicle of This source also includes a synchronisation be- ’,” in G. Reinink and A.G. Klug-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 50 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______kist, eds, After Bardaisan (Louvain: Peeters, similar justification for his work, which also con- 1999), 319, with accompanying discussion, ques- tains a moral aim. The preservation of the memory tioning whether this should necessarily be seen as of events is a theme that goes all the way back to a chronicle). See further P. Nagel, “Grundzüge Herodotus, of course. As Pseudo-Zachariah men- syrischer Geschichtschreibung,” in Winkelmann tions in the text cited below, he would have been and Brandes, op. cit., 252-3, on the terminology, able to translate both Theodoret and Socrates for with the detailed discussion in Witakowski, The himself anyway. Syriac Chronicle, 152-69. 40 Tr. NPNF, ed. G.C. Hansen, Sokrates 36 On the components of church histories see Kirchengeschichte, GCS (Berlin: Akademie Ver- R.A. Markus, “Church history and the early church lag, 1995), 310.22-6. Cf. Socr. HE V.proem., historians,” in D. Baker, ed., Studies in Church where he insists on his desire to present the facts History 11 (Oxford: Blackwell’s, 1975), 1-6, 9-12, (ed. Hansen, 274). Inglebert, “Le développement,” 567-71, H. Leppin, 41 Evagrius, like the fifth-century church histori- “The Church Historians (I): Socrates, Sozomenus, ans, tends to reduce the amount of space devoted and Theodoretus,” in Marasco, ed., Greek and to church history as his work progresses, cf. Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity, 247-53 Whitby, “Greek Historical Writing,” 56-7, Leppin, and M. Whitby, “Greek Historical Writing,” 55-6. “The Church Historians (I),” 244-5. On the parti- On chronicles see B. Croke in E. Jeffreys, B. sanship of Zachariah see Allen, “Zachariah Scho- Croke and R. Scott, eds, Studies in Malalas lasticus,” 488-9 and M. Whitby, “The Church His- (Sydney: Byzantina Australiensia, 1990), 32-3, 37- torians,” 461-6. 8 and Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle, ch.3. 42 Cf. Theodore Lector, who accompanied Ma- 37 See (e.g.) A. Cameron “Images of Authority: cedonius in his banishment to Euchaïta and is Elites and Icons in late sixth-century Byzantium,” heavily critical of the opponents of Chalcedon, Past and Present 84 (1979) 26 and n.118 [= especially the Emperor Anastasius: see Whitby, eadem, Continuity and Change, XVIII], W. Liebe- “The Church Historians,” 469-73. Van Ginkel, chuetz, “Ecclesiastical Historians on their own John of Ephesus, 109, 120-1, underlines the abid- Times,” Studia Patristica 24 (Louvain: Peeters, ing loyalty of John to imperial rule, however. 1993), 162-3, Markus, “Church history,” 15-16 43 On the transmission of Eusebius in Syriac see (on the Theodosian period). Nagel, “Grundzüge,” 253-5 and Witakowski, The 38 For which compare Photius, Bibliothèque, ed. Syriac Chronicle, 78-9. Inglebert, “Le développe- R. Henry (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1967), 84, a ment,” 578 and n.80, argues that Eusebius’ summary of the work of Methodius, cf. G.N. Bon- Chronicle was only available in Syriac from 600, wetsch, ed., Methodius (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, with a second translation appearing c.692; at any 1917), GCS, De Resurrectione, ch.35.3, p.274-5. rate, no Syriac version of the work has survived, For some useful remarks on Pseudo-Zachariah’s see Weltecke, Die “Beschreibung der Zeiten,” 43. preface in relation to other Syriac histories, see E. If Inglebert is correct, it would follow that Pseudo- Riad, Studies in the Syriac Preface (Uppsala: Upp- Zachariah was using the original Greek version. sala University, 1988), 104-5. 44 See (e.g.) Liebeschuetz, “Ecclesiastical Histo- 39 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia Ecclesiastica, rians,” 163, Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle, ed. L. Parmentier, rev. G. Hansen (Berlin: 60. Eusebius is unusual in attributing an active role Akademie Verlag, 1998), GCS, I.1.1, cf. Evagr. to God in the causaion of events; see T. Morgan, HE I.1. Theodoret’s work was undoubtedly avail- “Eusebius of Caesarea and Christian historiogra- able in Syriac: see Weltecke, Die “Beschreibung phy,” Athenaeum 93 (2005) 193-208. der Zeiten,” 43, cf. H. Inglebert, “Le développe- 45 As, for instance, does the Church History of ment,” 579. As Witakowski, The Syriac Chroni- Eusebius. But as Maraval, Socrate, 19, shows, cle, 136, notes, Pseudo-Dionysius puts forward a Socrates had no such focus. Philostorgius’ work

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 6 (2006) - Page 51 Pseudo-Zachariah of Mitylene: The Context and Nature of his Work ______certainly had an objective, seeing in contemporary “Greek Historical Writing,” 56. developments the result of persecution of the 47 This was clearly the perception of the scribe Arians, cf. A. Momigliano, The Classical Founda- of cod. Vat. syr. 145, in which extracts from tions of Modern Historiography (Berkeley: Uni- Pseudo-Zachariah’s work feature after some versity of California Press, 1990), 144 and Argov, from Socrates and Theodoret. See J. Assemanus, “Giving the heretic a voice,” 515-17, Inglebert, Bibliothecae apostolicae Vaticanae codicum “Le développement,” 570; so too did part III of manuscriptorum catalogus in tres partes dis- John of Ephesus’ Church History, recording the tributues : in quarum prima orientales, in altera destruction and oppression, secular and ecclesiasti- graeci, in tertia latini, italici aliorumque eu- cal, that foreshadowed the end of the world, cf. ropaeorum idiomatum codices, vol.3 (Rome: Whitby, “The Church Historians,” 478-9. On the Typis sacrae congregationis de propaganda fide, other hand, Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle, 1759), 253-63, cf. idem, Bibliotheca Orientalis 136-8, argues that Pseudo-Dionysius’ Chronicle, Clementino-Vaticana, vol.2 (Rome: Typis sacrae like Pseudo-Zachariah’s work, had a moral aim. congregationis de propaganda fide, 1721), 54-62. 46 Cf. Leppin, “The Church Historians (I),” 233- These are followed by brief accounts of the fall 4, on the presence of miracle stories in all three of Dara in 573, the sack of Apamea (also in 573) Theodosian church historians. On Evagrius see and the death of 2000 virgins, who threw them- Whitby, The Ecclesiastical History, l and idem, selves into a river.

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