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Dation for This Iconoclastic Folk Religiosity. the Book's Best Rezensionen 305 dation for this iconoclastic folk religiosity. The book’s main part of the process of stigmatizing this fast-growing best moments of ethnographic exposure lie not with dem- devotion. The author writes largely in a confessional and onstrating that Santa Muerte veneration borrows, as all autobiographic style, a mode of narrative representation folk saint devotions do, from a “quid pro quo” dynam- that openly invites readers’ co-identification with easily ic between the Catholic believer and her supernatural in- digested cultural statements, yet often fails to explore the termediary. More powerfully, Chestnut’s multiple visits very conditionality of “understanding” any “religious” to working class shrines and botanicas reveal a religious form of difference. Some examples will suffice. community overburdened with the problems of survival At times, the simplified rhetoric of overcoming cultur- in a day-to-day state of mortal fear and economic pre- al distance was nothing short of jarring, as, for example, cariousness from which no one can extract oneself. From when the author relies on the logic of financial markets to one “great leveler” to another, Santa Muerte both embod- describe Santa Muerte’s devotional appeal (e.g., “Since ies and helps Mexican devotees to make sense of their stock in her only recently went public, many have come to fraught moral, political, and intimate existence under con- her after unsuccessful investments in other saints,” p. 59) ditions of open warfare, civic alienation and/or exile. – a way of describing the popular saint’s cult that natu- For Mexican police, drug mafia, and ordinary citizens ralizes a naïve, state-centric utilitarianism. Other suspect alike, venerating this feminized figure of death (alternate- passages in this ethnography (e.g., “Mexicans adore flow- ly cast as maternal or seductive) lends a certain medita- ers almost as much as they love balloons …”, p. 71; e.g., tive, all-encompassing quality to her devotion; some mu- “A couple of feet away from me, tears streamed down the nicipal police, for example, have stitched a Santa Muerte cherubic cheeks of a teenage goth dressed in black from patch onto their uniforms above captions reading “Fear head to toe and clutching her Santa Muerte as Bride stat- not wherever you may go, since you’ll die where you’re uette in both hands. Trouble at home, I wondered?” p. 88 supposed to,” “When death appears in our path, she is – and many other choice examples could have been re- welcome,” or “Any day is a good one to die” (107). Not cruited here) were likely intended as lighthearted humor only does Santa Muerte’s devotional complex map onto or local color, but come across as a misuse of space better the Mexican neocolonial imaginary of death and sacrifice dedicated to exploring the author’s sustained interactions, so roundly analyzed by Claudio Lomnitz, but it also cor- or getting to know the subjects of his research, instead of responds to topsy-turvy conditions of internal warfare and offering summary judgments and ethnographic observa- the unpredictable forms of life and death wrought by it. tions from afar. Indeed, for all “Devoted to Death” ’s ad- I was particularly struck by how petitions to Santa Muer- mirably broad survey of popular visualities, newsprint, te often sought to free or to protect the imprisoned (14 f., archival, and ethnographic data on Santa Muerte, there is 38, 59, 93, 151 f.) – including the guards of such prisons also a curious, unfortunate thinness to the argument itself. themselves (108). (Prisons are purgatories that literally Nevertheless, “Devoted to Death” provides one of the “disappear” select individuals from their home commu- most alluring long-form treatments of the way in which nities, and incarceration rates, along with the grim index Mexican narco- and folk-culture have mutually informed of civic death they represent, are on the rise throughout and recently coproduced each other. I will happily teach Mexico and Latin America more broadly.) The book’s this work as an object lesson in how to carry out, and how strongest chapters (“Brown Candle,” “Black Candle,” not to carry out, meaningful ethnographic work on a topic and “Green Candle”), each deal with the symbolic inver- as sensitive as the criminalization of religious practices in sion of civic life in the wake of the drug war’s balkaniza- a period of open warfare. Chris Garces tion and paramilitarization of ordinary state functions. In a telling moment, Chestnut claims that Santa Muerte “ap- proximates the God of the Old Testament who punishes Danforth, Loring M., and Riki Van Boeschoten: the wicked and rewards the righteous” (184) – an allusion Children of the Greek Civil War. Refugees and the Poli- to the communitarian, us-against-the-world logic of being tics of Memory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, “devoted to death.” Similarly, Chestnut’s ethnography re- 2012. 329 pp. ISBN 978-0-226-13599-1. Price: $ 25.00 minds us that Catholicism and “Catholic sects,” too, are A devastating Civil War tore Greece apart between shot through with mythical, worldly death-drives that in- 1946 and 1949. As fighting intensified, both sides recog- tensify under daily conditions of civil war. nised the danger for children caught in the crossfire. The For all the scholarly merits of “Devoted to Death,” Communists evacuated some 20,000 children from terri- this reviewer would be remiss not to draw attention to in- tory under their control in the north and distributed them terpretive lacunae that show up time and again – repeat- to centres in Eastern Europe. The Greek state opened a ed whenever the book throws a bridge across the worlds network of homes to care for a similar number of chil- separating the North American reader from the working- dren within Greece. The rescuing of children from war class Mexican subject. Chestnut’s project generally trans- zones can be compared to the evacuation of children to lates mundane aspects of venerating Santa Muerte for a the countryside during the bombing of London, or the US-based Anglophone student audience. The compulsion Kindertransport from Germany. Such evacuations need to “explain” how Mexican citizens can be “devoted to not necessarily be controversial, but it has proven to be a death” often develops a certain interpretive inertia, avoid- hugely divisive topic in Greece. ing self-critical analysis of how North American in addi­ The anti-Communist account, long promulgated by tion to Mexican middle-class beliefs and expectations re- the Greek state, has maintained that the children evacu- Anthropos 108.2013 https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2013-1-305 Generiert durch IP '170.106.33.19', am 25.09.2021, 11:26:41. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. 306 Rezensionen ated to Eastern Europe were “abducted” or “kidnapped.” Two compelling chapters centre this volume, one pre- Furthermore, state-endorsed histories assert that the chil- senting narratives from children who were evacuated to dren were de-Hellenized in Eastern Europe, converted Eastern Europe, the other filled with personal accounts of into non-co-ethnic “Slavs”; enemies of the Greek na- children who went to Queen Frederica’s “children’s cit- tion. Many of these children were prevented from return- ies” inside Greece. All the children describe the incred- ing until the 1980s and many Macedonian speakers, al- ibly fraught situation of their villages and their families though Greek citizens by birth, are still refused to return during the Civil War. In many cases parents sent their on grounds arguing that they are not ethnic Greeks. What children away because they did not have food to feed began as a political ideological conflict mutated into a na- them, or because the dangers of war were too great. The tionalist conflict between Macedonia and Greece. The au- authors label this a “spectrum of coercion” ranging from thors do an excellent job of narrating and analysing these consent to abduction, and they do present stories of sol- topics in terms that nonspecialist readers may easily un- diers luring children onto transport lorries with the offer derstand, and in relation to general anthropological dis- of a loaf of bread, or taking them by pure force. This sort cussions of refugees, diasporas, exile, home, and the fear of kidnapping was not, however, that common as they es- of small numbers (i.e., minorities). tablished by speaking to hundreds of participants in the The popular term for this historical episode has been events. The interesting point is, rather, that children sup- paidomazoma, literally “rounding up children.” This word posedly abducted from the Greek state and those cared references the Ottoman practice of taking children from for within the state have much in common. They were non-Muslim areas, converting them to Islam and raising generally well looked after and given valuable education. them as “janissaries” – elite guards and officials within the Coming from rural villages, the children gained a new Ottoman Empire. Its application to the Civil War mythi- view of themselves and developed new goals in life such fied the evacuation of children, and lodged it in the popu- that return to the village became impossible even after lar imagination as a sinister crime against the nation. The only a few years away. Many ended up in Greek cities or word paidomazoma evokes automatic visceral condem- as migrants to Australia, Canada, and the USA. The main nation – as if the Communists were Minotaurs devouring difference was that children who remained inside Greece Athenian children. Adherents to this version rarely con- were returned to their families within a few years, while sider that the Greek state opened foster homes for chil- only a few thousand children from Eastern Europe were dren first, and also evacuated children from war zones in allowed back before 1951.
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