Nationalism and Political Parties
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The Utilization of Broadcasting Media in Meeting the Information Needs of Prospective Regional Chief Regarding Political News
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal) Libraries at University of Nebraska-Lincoln Winter 2-27-2021 THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS Mohammad Zamroni UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, [email protected] suwandi sumartias Faculty of Communication Sciences, Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia, [email protected] soeganda priyatna Faculty of Communication Sciences, Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia, [email protected] atie rachmiatie Faculty of Communication Sciences, Bandung Islamic University, Indonesia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac Part of the Broadcast and Video Studies Commons, Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, Journalism Studies Commons, Library and Information Science Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Television Commons Zamroni, Mohammad; sumartias, suwandi; priyatna, soeganda; and rachmiatie, atie, "THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS" (2021). Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal). 5204. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac/5204 THE UTILIZATION OF BROADCASTING MEDIA IN MEETING THE INFORMATION NEEDS OF PROSPECTIVE REGIONAL CHIEF REGARDING POLITICAL NEWS Mohammad Zamroni Faculty of Communication Science, Padjadjaran University, -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Ideological Cleavage Under Open-List Proportional Representation: Parties’ Position Toward the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Threshold
Ridho Al-Hamdi: Ideological Cleavage under Open-listJurnal Ilmu Proportional Sosial dan Representation: Ilmu Politik Parties’ Position towardVolume the 2019 24, Indonesian Issue 3, March Presidential 2021 Threshold(205-219) ISSN 1410-4946 (Print), 2502-7883 (Online) doi: 10.22146/jsp.53514 Ideological Cleavage under Open-list Proportional Representation: Parties’ Position toward the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Threshold Ridho Al-Hamdi Department of Government Afairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (email: [email protected]) Abstract This article examines the ideological position of Indonesia’s political parties in addressing the 2019 presidential threshold under the open-list proportional representation system. The article aims to determine the political cleavage among Indonesian political parties, whether classifed into the ideological spectrum or the organisational degree. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by employing in-depth interviews and online news collection as a data gathering technique. The study’s fnding depicts that the ideological cleavage is no longer relevant under the open-list proportional representation system because political parties eventually have pragmatical orientations rather than ideological considerations. It can be proven that the position of nationalist secular parties is not merely in the approval side but also in the denial and dilemma sides. Likewise, the position of nationalist Islamist parties can be found on two sides: denial and dilemma. This fnding verifes that Indonesia’s ideological contestation is waning and inactive when political parties cope with power issues. On the contrary, the ideology is revived when it deals with religious and tribal afairs. Keywords: Presidential threshold; parties; 2019 election; ideological cleavage; Indonesia Introduction the 2009 election until the present. -
Strategi Komunikasi Politik Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Dalam Mendiseminasi Nilai-Nilai Islam Di Kabupaten Banjarnegara
STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DALAM MENDISEMINASI NILAI-NILAI ISLAM DI KABUPATEN BANJARNEGARA TESIS Disusun dan Diajukan Kepada Program Pascasarjana Institut Agama Islam Negeri Purwokerto Untuk Memenuhi Sebagian Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Magister Sosial MUKHAMMAD WAKHIDDIN NIM. 1617641008 PROGRAM PASCASARJANA INSTITUT AGAMA ISLAM NEGERI PURWOKERTO 2021 KEMENTERIAN AGAMA REPUBLIK INDONESIA INSTITUT AGAMA ISLAM NEGERI PURWOKERTO PASCASARJANA Alamat : Jl. Jend. A. Yani No. 40 A Purwokerto 53126 Telp : 0281-635624, 628250, Fax : 0281-636553 Website : www.pps.iainpurwokerto.ac.id Email : [email protected] \ PENGESAHAN Nomor: 070/In.17/D.Ps/PP.009/2/2021 Direktur Pascasarjana Institut Agama Islam Negeri Purwokerto mengesahkan Tesis mahasiswa: Nama : Mukhammad Wakhidin NIM : 1617641008 Program Studi : Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam Judul : Strategi Komunikasi Politik Partai Persatuan Pembangunan dalam Mendiseminasi Nilai-Nilai Islam di Kabupaten Banjarnegara Telah disidangkan pada tanggal 12 Januari 2021 dan dinyatakan telah memenuhi syarat untuk memperoleh gelar Magister Sosial (M.Sos.) oleh Sidang Dewan Penguji Tesis. Purwokerto, 26 Februari 2021 Direktur, Prof. Dr. H. Sunhaji, M.Ag. NIP. 19681008 199403 1 001 STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DALAM MENDISEMINASI NILAI-NILAI ISLAM DI KABUPATEN BANJARNEGARA Mukhammad Wakhiddin NIM. 1617641008 ABSTRAK Di Kabupaten Banjarnegara peredaran minuman beralkohol dinilai cukup tinggi dan oleh sebagian masyarakat menganggap hal tersebut dikhawatirkan akan dapat memicu tindak kejahatan. Sedangkan dalam Peraturan Daerah Banjarnegara Nomor 8 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pengawasan dan Pengendalian Khamr atau Minuman Beralkohol, sanksi untuk pengedar masih dianggap ringan dan tidak membuat efek jera. Untuk itu, diperlukan adanya perubahan dalam regulasi tersebut melalui sistem politik yang di dalamnya terdapat infrastruktur politik dan suprastruktur politik. -
International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding Political Dynamics of Candidate Recruitment
Comparative Study of Post-Marriage Nationality Of Women in Legal Systems of Different Countries http://ijmmu.com [email protected] International Journal of Multicultural ISSN 2364-5369 Volume 6, Issue 3 and Multireligious Understanding June, 2019 Pages: 1026-1033 Political Dynamics of Candidate Recruitment: A Case Study of Nasdem Party in Pilkada of North Sumatera in 2018 Fifi Silfita; Humaizi; Abdul Kadir Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia Universita http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i3.924 Abstract This study aims to explain how the political dynamics in National Democratic party or Partai Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) in the selection process of the candidates for the governor-deputy governor in pilkada of North Sumatera in 2018, and to explain what factors that affect the decision in that process. This study employed qualitative method. The location of this research was at the office of the regional representative council (RRC) of Nasdem party of North Sumatera. The technique of data collection was by using the interview method. The informants were the chairperson of the regional representative council and the chair of the winning team for the general election of the Nasdem party. The results of this study indicate that the candidcay in political recruitment or selection conducted by the RRC of Nasdem party of North Sumatera province uses an inclusive model. The determination of selectorate utilized exclusive model. The determination of where the candidate selection used centralistic pattern or model. The decision making procedure for determining the candidates was by using candidate pattern with more democratic selection principles. -
14 BERT 014 Newsletter-2014 05 DE 140811.Indd
Der Sieg Jokowis: Das Ende der Neuen Ordnung in Indonesien? Andreas Ufen* August 2014 Asia Policy Brief 2014 | 05 Indonesien ist mit etwa einer Viertelmilliarde Einwohnern das bevölkerungs- reichste mehr heit lich muslimische Land der Erde und von enormer sicherheits- und wirt schafts politischer Bedeutung im asiatisch-pazifischen Raum. Politische Ereignisse dort beeinflussen die gesamte Lage in Südostasien. Weitgehend unbeachtet von der deutschen Öffentlichkeit fanden dieses Jahr Parlaments- und Präsident schaftswahlen statt. Besonders die Präsidentschafts wahlen erwiesen sich als Nagel probe für die junge indonesische Demokratie. Die junge Demokratie und die Das Militär besetzte zentrale Schalt stellen in der Ver- Altlasten der Neuen Ordnung waltung und hatte zuletzt gemäß der Doktrin der Doppel- Indonesien befand sich lange unter nieder ländischer funktion (dwifungsi) die Verantwortung nicht nur für die Kolonial herrschaft und erkämpfte sich in einem mehr- äußere, sondern auch für die breit defi nierte innere Si- jährigen, verlust reichen Krieg die 1949 schließlich auch cherheit. Erst im Mai 1998 trat Präsident Suharto während international anerkannte Unabhängigkeit. Die folgende der großen Finanz- und Wirtschafts krise („Asien krise“) demo kratische Phase endete schon nach wenigen Jahren, zurück. Danach wurde das politische System unter Präsi- weil Kommunisten, Islamisten und Anhänger von Präsi- dent B. J. Habibie komplett reformiert. Im Juni 1999 fanden dent Sukarno, dem Helden des anti kolonialen Kampfes, die ersten im Wesent lichen freien und fairen Parlaments- jeweils eigene Staats- und Gesell schafts modelle durch- wahlen seit 1955 statt. Auch die folgenden Parlaments- zusetzen trachteten. Das sich anschließende Chaos der wahlen (2004, 2009 und 2014) und die seit 2004 direkten so genannten „Gelenkten Demokratie“, ein autoritäres, Präsident schafts wahlen verliefen unproblematisch. -
Of Electoral Systems and Decentralisation: an Institutional Explanation to the Lack of Ideological and Programmatic Competition Among Indonesia’S Political Parties
Graduate School of Public Policy The University of Tokyo Of Electoral Systems and Decentralisation: An institutional explanation to the lack of ideological and programmatic competition among Indonesia’s political parties Written by: Rehabya Randy Wijaya Student ID: 51-158223 Page 1 of 25 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 3 2. Indonesian political parties and party system ..................................................................... 4 2.1. Historical background ................................................................................................. 4 2.2. Post-New Order party system ..................................................................................... 6 2.2.1. The electoral system ............................................................................................ 7 2.2.2. Current parliamentary parties .............................................................................. 7 2.2.3. Election results and party strength ....................................................................... 9 3. Decentralisation in Indonesia ........................................................................................... 10 3.1. Fiscal decentralisation ............................................................................................... 11 4. Indonesian electoral dynamics .......................................................................................... 12 4.1. -
The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 088 – 7 May 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. 2019 Indonesian Presidential and Legislative Elections The New Indonesian Parliament: Who Won and What It Means By Alexander R. Arifianto SYNOPSIS Apart from electing the president, the recent Indonesian general election also voted in 575 members for the new parliament (DPR). Of the 16 political parties which contested the legislative elections, nine succeeded in getting into the new parliament. COMMENTARY INDONESIANS WENT to the polls on 17 April 2019 not just to elect their new president for the next five years. They also voted for candidates for the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR), House of Delegates (DPD), and provincial and regional legislative councils. A total of 575 lower house seats were contested in the recent legislative elections. Sixteen political parties – including four new ones contested. Two of the four new ones are linked to the Suharto family: Working Party (Berkarya) chaired by Tommy Suharto – youngest son of Indonesia’s late strongman; and Garuda Party, funded by Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Suharto’s eldest daughter. The remaining are the Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo) founded by media tycoon Hary Tanoesoedibjo and the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) which specifically targeted young voters, women, Chinese Indonesians, and religious minorities. -
Political Parties' Manoeuvring After the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement
ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 June 2021 Political Parties’ Manoeuvring after the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement Max Lane* In this picture, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) (R) shakes hands with Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (L) during the inauguration ceremony at the State palace in Jakarta on October 23, 2019. The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. Photo: Adek Berry, AFP. * Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics and History at Victoria University, and Honorary Associate in Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. There are also no fundamental differences among parties over major policy questions. • The fractured nature of the Indonesian socio-political elite is instead reflected in the proliferation of small parties. This results in the necessity of multi-party coalitions, thus giving Indonesia’s largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), a tactical advantage. • The PDIP has floated the possibility of changing the laws to allow President Joko Widodo to stand again in 2024. Perhaps to sustain its leverage in a post-Widodo government, the PDIP is also advocating the revival of the formal Broad Outlines of State Strategy, which featured during the Soeharto era as overarching policy guidelines for each term of government. -
The Decline of Golkar Party's Hegemony. Golkar's
THE DECLINE OF GOLKAR PARTY’S HEGEMONY. GOLKAR’S PERFORMANCE IN FACING THE SIMULTANEOUS REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN SOUTH SULAWESI Muhammad Reza Syamsuri1, Sri Budi Eko Wardani2 1Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 16424, Indonesia, [email protected] 2Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia, 16424, Indonesia, [email protected] Abstract After the era of decentralization and democratization, Golkar entered the era of direct regional elections. Golkar in its participation in regional elections in South Sulawesi in 2005-2013 was relatively successful in most regions in South Sulawesi. Entering the regional elections simultaneously in 2015 and 2018, Golkar valued a significant reduction of votes. In some regions, Golkar showed poor performance. Ironically, out of eleven regional elections, Golkar only nominated its candidates in six regions and only won in one region. At present Golkar is facing a serious challenge if it wants to maintain its position in South Sulawesi as the largest base in the region. This qualitative research found the weakening factor of Golkar's power in South Sulawesi in the 2015 simultaneous elections. This factor was the existence of elite factionalization that occurred inside Golkar party after the 2014 presidential election which had an impact on the creation of Golkar internal conflicts and factions in simultaneous elections in South Sulawesi. Keywords: Factionalism; Golkar; regional elections; South Sulawesi Halaman 69 INTRODUCTION Source: KPUD Kabupaten The failure of Golkar to win over Gowa its candidates in 10 regencies during the 2015 regional elections in South Golkar's vote in regional election Sulawesi has made Golkar's power be in Gowa was the lowest since the weaker in these regions. -
The Ideological Coalition Model Is the Strategy for Strengthening Presidential Systems in Indonesia
The Ideological Coalition Model is The Strategy for Strengthening Presidential Systems in Indonesia 1st Restu Rahmawati1, 2nd Firman, Firman2 {[email protected], [email protected]} University of 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta, Jalan Sunter Permai Raya, North Jakarta1,2 Abstract. This paper examines the impact of implementing an ideological coalition model for strengthening presidential systems in Indonesia. The reason for raising this issue is because the current application of the parliamentary system coalition in the presidential system in Indonesia is causing problems in the legislative body so that the debate in parliament about a government policy is no longer concerned with the interests of the people but rat her that it highlights the opposing attitude of the government. Parliamentary system coalition, if implemented in a presidential system, will only prioritize political interests, so an ideological coalition model is needed. The methodology used is a literature study on the ideology coalition model and the writer will look for aspects of the impact of the ideology coalition model for strengthening presidential systems in Indonesia in this modern democr atic era. The result shows that ideological coalition is needed in the life of the nation and state because ideology is the basis of political party platforms to build a shared vision and mission in organizing the state so that this ideological coalition can strengthen political institutions in the presidential system. Applications of this study can be used for the government, legislative members, teachers, and students. In this research, the model of ideological coalition model for strengthening presidential systems in Indonesia is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner. -
Regime Change, Democracy and Islam the Case of Indonesia
REGIME CHANGE, DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM THE CASE OF INDONESIA Final Report Islam Research Programme Jakarta March 2013 Disclaimer: The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Islam Research Programme – Jakarta, funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The views presented in this report represent those of the authors and are in no way attributable to the IRP Office or the Ministry CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Kees van Dijk PART 1: SHARIA-BASED LAWS AND REGULATIONS 7 Kees van Dijk SHARIA-BASED LAWS: THE LEGAL POSITION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN BANTEN AND WEST JAVA 11 Euis Nurlaelawati THE ISLAMIC COURT OF BULUKUMBA AND WOMEN’S ACCESS TO DIVORCE AND POST-DIVORCE RIGHTS 82 Stijn Cornelis van Huis WOMEN IN LOCAL POLITICS: THE BYLAW ON PROSTITUTION IN BANTUL 110 Muhammad Latif Fauzi PART 2: THE INTRODUCTION OF ISLAMIC LAW IN ACEH 133 Kees van Dijk ALTERNATIVES TO SHARIATISM: PROGRESSIVE MUSLIM INTELLECTUALS, FEMINISTS, QUEEERS AND SUFIS IN CONTEMPORARY ACEH 137 Moch Nur Ichwan CULTURAL RESISTANCE TO SHARIATISM IN ACEH 180 Reza Idria STRENGTHENING LOCAL LEADERSHIP. SHARIA, CUSTOMS, AND THE DYNAMICS OF VIGILANTE VIOLENCE IN ACEH 202 David Kloos PART 3: ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS 237 Kees van Dijk A STUDY ON THE INTERNAL DYNAMICS OF THE JUSTICE AND WELFARE PARTY (PKS) AND JAMA’AH TARBIYAH 241 Ahmad-Norma Permata THE MOSQUE AS RELIGIOUS SPHERE: LOOKING AT THE CONFLICT OVER AL MUTTAQUN MOSQUE 295 Syaifudin Zuhri ENFORCING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN INDONESIA: MUSLIM ELITES AND THE AHMADIYAH CONTROVERSY AFTER THE 2001 CIKEUSIK CLASH 322 Bastiaan Scherpen INTRODUCTION Kees van Dijk Islam in Indonesia has long been praised for its tolerance, locally and abroad, by the general public and in academic circles, and by politicians and heads of state.