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A Nalysts Disagree About How to Frame the Recent
ml-l ii FROM THE CENTER O UT The Evolution of Party Politics: The March of the GOP Continues in North Carolina by Mebane Rash Whitman In March, the Center released the tenth edition of A Reactionary , Revolutionary, or Article II: A Guide to the N.C. Legislature. Article Evolutionary Election? II is a comprehensive guide to the 1995-96 General A nalystsdisagreeabout howtoframe therecent Assembly, containing profiles of each member, ef- electoral wins of the GOP in North Carolina. fectiveness rankings, demographic trends since Were the wins reactionary, that is, were voters 1975, and committee assignments. The latest edi- reacting in an angry anti-incumbent, anti-Democrat, tion reveals three major trends: (1) the significant anti-tax, anti-big government manner? Were the gains of the Republican Party, which now holds 92 wins revolutionary, a changing of the guard in terms of 170 seats in the legislature; (2) women have of which party governs the state-from Democrats, more power in the 1995-96 General Assembly be- whose party has governed the state for almost all of cause they secured plum committee chairs; and (3) the 20th century, to Republicans, who hope to gov- African-American legislators lost the speakership ern much of the 21st century? Or were they evolu- and powerful committee chairs, so their influence tionary, a single step in the long march of the has declined. Republican Party toward true competitiveness in a two-party state? The results of most elections are to some extent elections in North Carolina should not reactionary, but 1994 was not a run-of-the-mill be underestimated. -
House/Senate District Number Name House 10 John Bell House 17 Frank Iler House 18 Deb Butler House 19 Ted Davis, Jr
House/Senate District Number Name House 10 John Bell House 17 Frank Iler House 18 Deb Butler House 19 Ted Davis, Jr. House 20 Holly Grange House 23 Shelly Willingham House 24 Jean Farmer Butterfield House 26 Donna McDowell White House 27 Michael H. Wray House 28 Larry C. Strickland House 31 Zack Hawkins House 32 Terry Garrison House 33 Rosa U. Gill House 34 Grier Martin House 35 Chris Malone House 36 Nelson Dollar House 37 John B. Adcock House 38 Yvonne Lewis Holley House 39 Darren Jackson House 41 Gale Adcock House 42 Marvin W. Lucas House 43 Elmer Floyd House 44 Billy Richardson House 45 John Szoka House 49 Cynthia Ball House 50 Graig R. Meyer House 51 John Sauls House 52 Jamie Boles House 53 David Lewis House 54 Robert T. Reives, II House 55 Mark Brody House 57 Ashton Clemmons House 58 Amos Quick House 59 Jon Hardister House 60 Cecil Brockman House 62 John Faircloth House 66 Ken Goodman House 68 Craig Horn House 69 Dean Arp House 70 Pat B. Hurley House 72 Derwin Montgomery House 74 Debra Conrad House 75 Donny C. Lambeth House 77 Julia Craven Howard House 82 Linda P. Johnson House 85 Josh Dobson House 86 Hugh Blackwell House 87 Destin Hall House 89 Mitchell Smith Setzer House 90 Sarah Stevens House 91 Kyle Hall House 92 Chaz Beasley House 95 John A. Fraley House 96 Jay Adams House 97 Jason R. Saine House 98 John R. Bradford III House 102 Becky Carney House 103 Bill Brawley House 104 Andy Dulin House 105 Scott Stone House 106 Carla Cunningham House 107 Kelly Alexander House 108 John A. -
Public Comments Received
NORTH CAROLINA GENERAL ASSEMBLY STATE LEGISLATIVE BUILDING 16 W. Jones Street Raleigh, North Carolina 27601-1030 March 5, 2020 Jamille Robbins NC Department of Transportation– Environmental Analysis Unit 1598 Mail Service Center Raleigh, NC 27699-1598 Submitted via email: [email protected] Re: Modernization of outdoor advertising rules 19A NCAC 02E .0225 To the NC Department of Transportation, We are North Carolina legislators who care about the scenic beauty of our state and We are writing to oppose the proposed changes to the modernization of outdoor advertising rules (19A NCAC 02E .0225) that would limit local ordinances and allow billboards with a state permit to be converted to digital and raised to 50 feet in height, even if such changes are not allowed by the applicable city or county ordinance. Instead, we support the considered “Alternative 2” described in the agency’s March 1, 2019, fiscal note. Alternative 2 would recognize local government ordinances and limit the changes that could be made to an existing billboard as part of modernization. Alternative 2 as described in the fiscal note: “The second alternate is to further limit activities that industry could do as part of modernization. An example includes restricting companies to modernize from static to digital faces. Some local governments have more stringent rules associated with outdoor advertising regulations including moratoriums on allowing digital billboards. NCDOT considered excluding digital faces as part of modernization. NCDOT chose not to make this exclusion since the state already allows digital billboards and that industry should be allowed to accommodate for technology enhancements.” We wish to protect the ability of local communities to control billboards, especially taller, digitized billboards that impact the scenic beauty of North Carolina and can be a distraction to drivers. -
Ch 5 NC Legislature.Indd
The State Legislature The General Assembly is the oldest governmental body in North Carolina. According to tradition, a “legislative assembly of free holders” met for the first time around 1666. No documentary proof, however, exists proving that this assembly actually met. Provisions for a representative assembly in Proprietary North Carolina can be traced to the Concessions and Agreements, adopted in 1665, which called for an unicameral body composed of the governor, his council and twelve delegates selected annually to sit as a legislature. This system of representation prevailed until 1670, when Albemarle County was divided into three precincts. Berkeley Precinct, Carteret Precinct and Shaftsbury Precinct were apparently each allowed five representatives. Around 1682, four new precincts were created from the original three as the colony’s population grew and the frontier moved westward. The new precincts were usually allotted two representatives, although some were granted more. Beginning with the Assembly of 1723, several of the larger, more important towns were allowed to elect their own representatives. Edenton was the first town granted this privilege, followed by Bath, New Bern, Wilmington, Brunswick, Halifax, Campbellton (Fayetteville), Salisbury, Hillsborough and Tarborough. Around 1735 Albemarle and Bath Counties were dissolved and the precincts became counties. The unicameral legislature continued until around 1697, when a bicameral form was adopted. The governor or chief executive at the time, and his council constituted the upper house. The lower house, the House of Burgesses, was composed of representatives elected from the colony’s various precincts. The lower house could adopt its own rules of procedure and elect its own speaker and other officers. -
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ..................................................................................................... iii INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 1 BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................ 2 ARGUMENT .............................................................................................................................. 5 I. Legislative Defendants Must Provide the Information Requested in the Second Set of Interrogatories ............................................................................................................. 5 II. In the Alternative, or if Legislative Defendants Do Not Provide The Home Addresses By March 1, the Court Should Bar Legislative Defendants From Defending the 2017 Plans on the Basis of Any Incumbency Theory................................. 7 III. The Court Should Award Fees and Expenses and Other Appropriate Relief ..................... 8 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................................... 9 CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE .................................................................................................. 11 ii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Page(s) Cases Cloer v. Smith , 132 N.C. App. 569, 512 S.E.2d 779 (1999)............................................................................ 7 F. E. Davis -
State of North Carolina County of Wake in The
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE GENERAL COURT OF JUSTICE SUPERIOR COURT DIVISION No. 18-CVS-014001 COUNTY OF WAKE COMMON CAUSE, et al., Plaintiffs, v. Representative David R. LEWIS, in his official capacity as Senior Chairman of the House Select Committee on Redistricting, et al., Defendants. LEGISLATIVE DEFENDANTS’ AND INTERVENOR DEFENDANTS’ PROPOSED FINDINGS OF FACT AND CONCLUSIONS OF LAW TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Proposed Findings of Fact ...............................................................................................................2 A. History and Development of the 2017 Plans ...........................................................2 (1) North Carolina’s Redistricting Process In 2017 ..........................................2 (2) Democratic Voters are More Concentrated Than Republican Voters .......11 a. Divided Precincts or VTDs and Divided Precincts in Current and Prior Legislative Plans ............................................................13 b. Members Elected to the General Assembly in 2010, 2016, and 2018................................................................................................14 B. Legislative Defendants’ Fact Witnesses ................................................................14 (1) William R. Gilkeson, Jr. ............................................................................14 (2) Senator Harry Brown .................................................................................17 (3) Representative John R. Bell, IV .................................................................21 -
Journal Senate 2015 General
JOURNAL OF THE SENATE OF THE 2015 GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA SECOND EXTRA SESSION 2016 OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE SENATE OF THE NORTH CAROLINA 2015 GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECOND EXTRA SESSION 2016 SENATE LEADERSHIP DANIEL J. FOREST, President ......................................................... Raleigh PHILIP E. BERGER, President Pro Tempore ........................................ Eden LOUIS M. PATE, JR., Deputy President Pro Tempore .............. Mount Olive DISTRICT NAME OF SENATOR RESIDENCE 1 WILLIAM COOK (R) ........................................... Chocowinity 2 NORMAN W. SANDERSON (R) ............................. Arapahoe 3 ERICA SMITH-INGRAM (D) ...................................... Gaston 4 ANGELA R. BRYANT (D) ................................. Rocky Mount 5 DONALD G. DAVIS (D) ......................................... Snow Hill 6 HARRY BROWN (R) ............................................ Jacksonville 7 LOUIS M. PATE, JR. (R) ..................................... Mount Olive 8 WILLIAM P. RABON (R)......................................... Southport 9 MICHAEL V. LEE (R) .......................................... Wilmington 10 BRENT JACKSON (R) ............................................ Autryville 11 E. S. “BUCK” NEWTON III (R) ................................... Wilson 12 RONALD J. RABIN (R) ........................................ Spring Lake 13 JANE W. SMITH (D) .............................................. Lumberton 14 DANIEL T. BLUE, JR. (D) .......................................... Raleigh 15 -
The Tea Party in North Carolina: Threat to a New Birth of Freedom
THE TEA PARTY IN NORTH CAROLINA: THREAT TO A NEW BIRTH OF FREEDOM By Devin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights The Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights is responsible for the content and analysis of this report. Additional materials, including updates and exclusive web content can be found at irehr.org. Copyright © 2014 Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights. All Rights Reserved. No Part of this report may be reproduced without the permission of the Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights except for sections quoted with proper attribution for purposes of reviews and public education. The Institute for Research & Education on Human Rights (IREHR) is a national organization with an international outlook examining racist, anti-Semitic, white nationalist, and far-right social movements, analyzing their intersection with civil society and social policy, educating the public, and assisting in the protection and extension of human rights through organization and informed mobilization. INSTITUTE FOR RESEARCH & EDUCATION ON HUMAN RIGHTS P.O. Box 411552 Kansas City, MO 64141 voice: (816) 474-4748 email: [email protected] website: www.irehr.org Contents Preface by Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II 1 Foreword: Exposing the Hard Right's Bag of Tricks Against Poor and Working 2 White People by Alan McSurely Introduction 4 Inside the Tea Party in North Carolina 7 Tea Party Membership in North Carolina 10 North Carolina Tea Party Chapters 18 Beyond Policy: North Carolina Tea Party’s -
No. Coa19-384 Tenth District North Carolina Court Of
NO. COA19-384 TENTH DISTRICT NORTH CAROLINA COURT OF APPEALS ******************************************** NORTH CAROLINA STATE CONFERENCE OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. TIMOTHY K. MOORE, in his official capacity as SPEAKER OF THE NORTH CAROLINA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES; PHILIP E. BERGER, in his official capacity as PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE NORTH CAROLINA SENATE, Defendants-Appellants. ************************************************************* MOTION BY THE NORTH CAROLINA LEGISLATIVE BLACK CAUCUS FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE ************************************************************* ROBERT E. HARRINGTON ADAM K. DOERR ERIK R. ZIMMERMAN TRAVIS S. HINMAN ROBINSON, BRADSHAW & HINSON, P.A. 101 N. Tryon St., Suite 1900 Charlotte, NC 28246 (704) 377-2536 TO THE HONORABLE COURT OF APPEALS OF NORTH CAROLINA: The North Carolina Legislative Black Caucus (the “Caucus”) respectfully moves this Honorable Court for leave to file the attached brief amicus curiae in support of Plaintiff North Carolina State Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (“NAACP”). Pursuant to North Carolina Rule of Appellate Procedure 28(i), the Caucus sets forth here the nature of its interests, the issues of law its brief will address, its positions on those issues, and the reasons why it believes that an amicus curiae brief is desirable. NATURE OF THE AMICUS’S INTEREST The Caucus is an association of 37 North Carolina State Senators and Representatives of African American, American Indian, and Asian-American Indian heritage. It is a vehicle designed to exercise unified political power for the betterment of people of color in North Carolina and, consequently, all North Carolinians; to ensure that the views and concerns of African Americans and communities of color more broadly are heard and acted on by elected representatives; and to further develop the political consciousness of citizens of all communities and cultures. -
Electronic Voting
Short Report: Electronic Voting 15 SR 001 Date: April 13, 2015 by: Matthew Sackett, Research Manager TABLE OF CONTENTS Part I: Introduction Part II: General Overview of Electronic Voting Systems Part III: Summary of National Conference of State Legislatures Research on Electronic Voting (Survey) Part IV: Wyoming Legislature’s process and procedures relating to vote taking and recording Part V: Conclusion Attachments: Attachment A: NCSL Survey Results WYOMING LEGISLATIVE SERVICE OFFICE • 213 State Capitol • Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002 TELEPHONE (307) 777-7881 • FAX (307) 777-5466 • EMAIL • [email protected] • WEBSITE http://legisweb.state.wy.us Page 2 PART I: INTRODUCTION As part of the Capitol renovation process, the Select Committee on Legislative Technology asked LSO staff to prepare an update to a report that was done for them previously (2008) about electronic voting systems. The previous report included as its main focus a survey conducted by the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) to other states that asked a variety of questions on electronic voting both in terms of equipment and legislative procedures. For purposes of this update, LSO again reached out to Ms. Brenda Erickson, a staff specialist knowledgeable in the areas of electronic voting and voting process and procedure from NCSL, to again conduct a survey related to process and procedure of other states related to electronic voting. Before engaging in a discussion of electronic voting systems, it is important to recognize that electronic voting systems are tools for facilitating legislative business. These systems are subject to legislative rules, processes and procedures. It is the implementation, and subsequent enforcement, of legislative rules and procedures related to voting process, not just the systems technology, which create accountability in the process. -
EXPOSED:The State Policy Network
EXPOSED: The State Policy Network The Powerful Right-Wing Network Helping to Hijack State Politics and Government CENTER FOR MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY | ALECEXPOSED.ORG November 2013 ©2013 Center for Media and Democracy. All rights reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photography, recording, or by information exchange and retrieval system, without permission from the authors. Center for Media and Democracy ALECexposed.org | PRWatch.org | SourceWatch.org 520 University Avenue, Suite 260 Madison, WI 53703 | (608) 260-9713 (This publication is available online at ALECexposed.org) CMD, publisher of ALECexposed.org, PRWatch.org, and SourceWatch.org, has created a clearinghouse of information on the State Policy Network at sourcewatch.org/index.php/Portal:State_Policy_Network and a reporter’s guide to SPN at prwatch.org/node/11909/. Please see these online resources for more information. This report was written by Rebekah Wilce, with contributions by Lisa Graves, Mary Bottari, Nick Surgey, Jay Riestenberg, Katie Lorenze, Drew Curtis, and Sari Williams. This report on SPN is also part of a joint effort with Progress Now called www.StinkTanks.org, which includes information about what citizens can do in response to SPN's secretive influence on the state laws that affect their lives. Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1 SPN’s Founding and Role in the National Right-Wing -
Senate Redistricting Comments Full Report
RFC Report - LINC Date Name Email Organization Comments Submitted 09/09/2019 Mr Michael You should give up power of redistricting to an impartial special master for this 07:33 PM Riley map. The Republicans received partisan data even after told by the courts that they could not use it. Give the citizens of North Carolina fair maps where they can choose their legislators rather than legislators choosing their voters. 09/10/2019 Horton's Egg [email protected] I am calling upon the state to remove partisan infuences from redistricting. It 09:33 AM Hatchery Anne should be done by a 50-50 split group that must create maps that are fair, un- Horton gerrymandered, and competitive. This redistricting should be done in public with none of the shenanigans that the GOP have tried in the past 09/10/2019 Mrs. Michelle [email protected] Choose a fair map and attempt to not over analyze it. We want fair maps, on 09:39 AM Susar both sides. Just get it done. If your party has the best candidates, they should be re-elected. 09/10/2019 Makiala Love Our political system is broken and politicians are making it worse by using 09:40 AM partisan gerrymandering that almost guarantees they get re-elected. Gerrymandering contributes to the hyper-partisanship in our politics and allows politicians to pander to lobbyists and special interests, but ignore the people they represent. The people should pick their representatives, not the other way around. We will not accept maps that disenfranchise communities of color under the guise of partisan gerrymandering.