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2018 Collegiate Symbols and Mascots of the American Landscape: Identity, Iconography, and Marketing Gary Gennar DeSantis

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COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

COLLEGIATE SYMBOLS AND MASCOTS OF THE AMERICAN LANDSCAPE:

IDENTITY, ICONOGRAPHY, AND MARKETING

By

GARY GENNAR DeSANTIS

A Dissertation submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

2018

©2018 Gary Gennar DeSantis Gary Gennar DeSantis defended this dissertation on November 2, 2018. The members of the committee were:

Andrew Frank Professor Directing Dissertation

Robert Crew University Representative

Jonathan Grant Committee Member

Jennifer Koslow Committee Member

Edward Gray Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

ii

I dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my beloved father, Gennar DeSantis, an avid fan of American history, who instilled in me the same admiration and fascination of the subject.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... v

1. FITNESS, BACK-TO-NATURE, AND COLLEGE MASCOTS ...... 1

2. NITTANY LION: SYMBOL AND MYTH ...... 26

3. BEAVER: PRESERVATION OF A WETLANDS ENGINEER ...... 61

4. MOUNTAINEER: SYMBOL OF UNITY IN WEST VIRGINIA ...... 99

5. AMERICAN BALD EAGLE: SYMBOL OF A NATION ...... 129

6. CONCLUSION ...... 160

References ...... 166

Biographical Sketch ...... 216

iv ABSTRACT

The rise of college symbols and mascots related to the American landscape directly correlates with the rapid changes stemming from industrialization and urbanization in the late- nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century. The loss of national identity attributed to the closing of the western frontier had a devastating effect on young white males in particular. The ensuing cultural crisis brought about by the wanton extirpation of wildlife and destruction of the natural environment led directly to the preservationist movement of the turn- of-the century. In the face of unparalleled immigration, the fitness and the back-to-nature movements were believed to be instrumental in helping white American men avoid committing

“race suicide.” Nurtured by the teachings and philosophies of conservationists and preservationists, young white college men formed the first football teams and adopted symbols of the American landscape as a means of team identity. Because iconography makes for a powerful tool of identity and solidarity, students and college officials were likewise intrigued.

Eager to quell unruly student behavior, college administrators—who had a more than contentious relationship with the student body throughout the late-nineteenth century—gladly assented. The profits soon realized from college sports and the pageantry surrounding it proved irresistible to colleges across the land. Consequently, by the early decades of the late-nineteenth century, numerous American college athletic teams began using mascots related to the American landscape and school colors to foment group solidarity.

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CHAPTER 1

FITNESS, BACK-TO-NATURE, AND COLLEGE MASCOTS

Symbols and mascots employed by American colleges and universities remain essential in creating group identity. They play a significant role in instilling values, building solidarity, and reinforcing behavior. This dissertation argues that American colleges and universities from the late-nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries sought to enshrine and honor potential and rapidly disappearing species and figures of the American landscape by adopting them as symbols and mascots for their sports teams. Beginning in the late-nineteenth century, new ways of thinking about wilderness protection, reinforced with generous doses of white Eurocentrism, paternalism, and gendered constructions peppered preservationist rhetoric during this era.

Troubled by industrialization and new immigration, the succeeding generation, which would come to maturity and assume power at the turn-of-the-century, took lessons learned from early advocates of nature preservation, such as Henry David Thoreau and George Perkins Marsh. This peer group also derived knowledge from romanticists as well as nationalists and changed cultural attitudes regarding preservation of the American environment. Similarly, white college-aged males applied these ideas about preservation of the environment and its wildlife when they began adopting symbols representative of the American landscape as mascots for their sports teams.

In order to understand the continued use of American collegiate mascots, fans’ reverence

(or opposing teams’ disdain) for them, and how and why they came into existence, one must look at prominent cultural themes and concepts driving American culture at the time. The back-to- nature movement and the fitness craze, both fueled by the idea of social Darwinism and “the survival of the fittest” philosophies of the era, additionally remain paramount in this discussion.

Several other popular late-nineteenth-century and turn-of-the century American phenomena

1 including: the rise of organized sports, the vogue for fraternal societies, the relationship between the student body and college administrators, the effect of print media, a longing for a retreat from modernity in the guise of a constructed nostalgia for medieval codes of conduct, and the role of popular culture also factor into the equation.

Social Darwinism—the idea that American society reflects the wild environment— remained a popular concept at the time, which the nation used to justify the era’s divided society.

Similarly, many different groups and individuals concerned with saving the country’s dwindling wildlife population as well as setting aside untouched lands and reclaiming exhausted tracts, sought to instill a new generation with a more ethical awareness and respect for the physical environment by inculcating a different set of beliefs and values than previous eras. Empowered by these teachings, white male stakeholders at colleges and universities across the nation looked to these themes and concepts when they began adopting animals and other characters emblematic of the American landscape at this time. They used these symbols not only to represent their colleges’ sports teams but also to foment school solidarity. Wisely aligning their institutions and teams with these common symbols associated so closely with nationhood, stakeholders sought to not only preserve the memory of vanishing species once prominent to the United States but also to exploit the imagery for profit.

In order to put the history of American college mascots into better perspective this dissertation addresses several prominent areas of historiographical inquiry. First, contemporary scholars of the Progressive Era argue that white men underwent a crisis of masculinity in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth century. For example, gender historian Judith A. Allen

2 observes that it is a “pervasive theme of masculinity” to situate it “as a crisis-bound formation.” 1

Cultural historian Toby Ditz proposes American culture requires and even demands “to see the masculine subject as everywhere fragile and endangered, and ever in constant crisis.” 2 This dissertation adds to this growing body of literature by showing how college-aged white males co- opted symbols of the American landscape to not only stay close to wild nature but also as markers of manliness. 3 Second, scholars of higher education too often ignore and overlook the topic of college mascots altogether. For example, the classic texts of the field devote little more than a paragraph to the topic even as they document the nascent stages of college sports pageantry. For instance, historian of American higher education John Thelin offers only that colleges adopted institutional colors and mascots during the late-nineteenth century to the early part of the twentieth century.4 Even in his groundbreaking study, detailing the history of

American colleges and universities, cultural historian Frederick Rudolph merely notes American football officially began with the Princeton-Rutgers match in 1869—and nothing else.5 More recent insights on the role of socialization and sport in the Progressive Era entirely overlook

1 Judith A. Allen, “Men Interminably in Crisis? Historians on Masculinity, Sexual Boundaries, and Manhood,” Radical History Review , 82, (winter 2002): 191-207. 2 Toby Ditz, “The New Men’s History and the Peculiar Absence of Gender Power: Some Remedies from Early American Gender History,” Gender and History , 16, no. 2, (August 2004): 5-6. 3 For newer treatments dealing with environmental preservation in the Progressive Era see Carolyn Merchant, Spare the Birds! George Bird Grinnell and the First Audubon Society , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016). Carolyn Merchant, “George Bird Grinnell’s Audubon Society: Bridging the Gender Divide in Conservation,” Environmental History , 15, no. 1, (January 2010): 3-30. Marc Miró-Badia, Vicente Pinilla, and Henry Willebald, eds., Natural Resources and Economic Growth: Learning from History , (New York: Routledge, 2015). 4 John R.Thelin, A History of American Higher Education , (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2004), 159. 5 Frederick Rudolph, The American College and University , (Athens: University of Georgia, 1990), 373. 3 college performance and pageantry. 6 Third, similar to historians of American education, the hallmark texts on college mascots ignore altogether the paramount position held by sports mascots that are related to the American landscape. For example, What’s in a Nickname:

Exploring the Jungle of College Mascots , Mascots: the History of Senior College and University

Mascots and Nicknames , and The Handbook of Mascots and Nicknames simply serve as catalogs and offer little else. 7 Fourth, more detailed sociological and anthropological examinations of symbols and totems certainly have been documented by luminaries in the field.

Using a functionalist approach, sociologist Emile Durkheim emphasized how the group’s totemic image represented its own micro-society. Psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud referred to “totemism” as both a religion and a social system.

For their part, anthropologists such as Claude Lévi-Strauss and Victor Turner also focused on totemic images. While the former posited a structural theory, the latter examined how symbols are assigned meaning through myth. Clifford Geertz advanced the idea of culture as a “thick description,” agreeing with Durkheim that beliefs are mutually reinforced by the group’s sacred icons. And much like Lévi-Strauss, cultural ethnographer Raymond Firth concentrated on the roots of symbols and myths.8 Due to constantly changing academic views,

6 For newer insights on sports and education in Progressive Era see Gerald R. Gems, Linda J. Borish, and Gertrud Pfister, “American Sport and Social Change during the Early Progressive Era, 1890-1900” in Sports in American History: From Colonization to Globalization , (Champaign: Human Kinetics, 2017), 157-186. Brian M. Ingrassia, “Progressive-Era Sport, Education, and Reform,” Chapter 4 in The Routledge History of American Sport , (New York: Routledge, 2014), eds., Linda J. Borish, David K. Wiggins, and Gerald R. Gems. Steven A. Riess, Sport in Industrial America, 1850-1920 , (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013). 7 Ray Franks, What’s in a Name? Exploring the Jungle of College Mascots , (Amarillo: Franks Publishing, 1982). Roy E. Yarbrough, Mascots: the History of Senior College and University Mascots and Nicknames , (Bluff Universal Communications, 1998). Peter J. Fournier, The Handbook of College Mascots and Nicknames, (Lithia: Raja and Associates, 2004). 8 Raymond Firth, Symbols: Public and Private , (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin Limited, 1973). Victor Turner, “Process, System, and Symbol: A New Anthropological Synthesis,” 4 the symbols of the American landscape used by colleges and universities nationwide however require a more updated and detailed sociological and anthropological examination. 9

At the advent of the Gilded Age, the number of colleges and universities and the student population dramatically rose. 10 During this time of great socio-economic flux, brought on by the dual forces of industrialization and urbanization, the elements of a traditional college education—a curriculum based on classical studies—gave way to new ideas based on science and efficiency, whether in agriculture, mechanics, or preparing young men for the cut throat world of nineteenth century business. 11 As readers will see, this generation’s beliefs and values were not only an important element in the development of team sport but also considering the

Daedalus , 106, no. 1, (1977): 61-80. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures , (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 11. Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life , (New York: Free Press, 1965), 236. Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo , (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 104. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Totemism , (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963). 9 For continuing debates on structuralism and functionalism see Michael J. Thompson, “A Functionalist Theory of Social Domination,” Journal of Political Power , 6, no. 2, (April 2013): 179-199. Ramón Flecha, “From Functionalism to Structuralism,” Counterpoints , 250, no. 1, (2001): 30-35. John H. Chilcott, “Structural Functionalism as a Heuristic Device,” Anthropology and Education Quarterly , 29, no. 1, (1998): 103-111. For place of ritual in sociological and anthropological context see Koksai Alver, “Emile Durkheim and Sociology of Culture,” Journal of Sociology , 21, no. 1, (2010): 199-210. Nina Eliasoph and Paul Lichterman, “Culture in Interaction,” American Journal of Sociology , 108, no. 4, (January 2003): 735-794. Roy A. Rappaport , Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Peter M. Magolda, “The Campus Tour: Ritual and Community in Higher Education,” Anthropology and Education Quarterly , 31, no. 1, (2000): 24-46. Donatella Simon, “Religions, Symbols, and Society: On the Human Foundations of the Religious Experience,” Sociology , 33, no. 3, (1999): 122-124. Robert Wuthrow, Communities of Discourse , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). 10 Oscar Handlin and Mary F. Handlin, The American College and American Culture: Socialization as a Function of Higher Education , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), 43. 11 Alan I. Marcus, “If All the World Were Mechanics and Farmers: Democracy and the Formative Years of Land-Grant Colleges in America,” Ohio Valley History , 5, no. 1, (spring, 2005): passim. Rudolph, The American College and University, 287-306. Marilyn Tobias, Old Dartmouth on Trial: The Transformation of the Academic Community in Nineteenth-Century America , (New York: New York University Press, 1982). Tobias provides an excellent case study of this shift. 5 changes occurring in American culture at the time played an instrumental role in the adoption of symbols of the American landscape.

First, a wave of immigration from southern and eastern Europe in the closing decades of the late-nineteenth century, not only alarmed status-conscious, white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestants, but along with working class fears of increased competition from recently emancipated blacks, fueled a much discussed crisis of white masculinity. 12 Between 1880 and 1910, approximately

84 million immigrants from southern and eastern Europe came to the shores of the United

States. 13 According to historian of immigration Roger Daniels, this created unrest and anxiety as

“attitudes toward immigration underwent an important transition that was shaped by the contemporary economic crisis and the growing apprehension that many or most of the contemporary immigrants were of the wrong sort.” 14 More recently, other scholars of migration, such as Julia G. Young, comment that “both the masses and educated elites held deep suspicions, hostility, and fear of immigrants.” 15

As a martial spirit swept over the nation, in practically everything from reshaping one’s body to expansion of the military, calls of “race suicide” from cultural luminaries such as

Theodore Roosevelt, stoked the physical fitness craze. 16 Not entirely a novel idea, the bombastic

American president appropriated the term from turn-of-the-century sociologist and reformer

12 Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), passim. John Kasson, Houdini, Tarzan, and the Perfect Man: the White Male Body and the Challenge of Modernity in America , (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), 10. 13 United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 , (Washington, D. C., 1975), 106. 14 Roger Daniels, Guarding the Golden Door: American Immigration Policy and Immigrants since 1882 , (New York: Hill and Wang, 2005), 30. 15 Julia G. Young, “Making America 1920 Again? Nativism and U. S. Immigration Past and Present,” Journal of Migration and Human Security , 5, no. 1, (2017): 218. 16 Richard Possner, The Rise of Militarism in the Progressive Era, 1900-1914 , (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 2009), passim. 6

Edward A. Ross. 17 Fairly common among white elites airing grievances during this era, journalists like Chester Rowell heeded the call and railed against the mongrelizing of white society, writing in 1909: “It is the most dangerous possible form of race suicide and must be stopped.” 18

Many Americans at the time echoed this sentiment and believed new immigrants endangered the nation. According to scholars who study the construction of racial identity, such as David R. Roediger, white nativists frowned on these newcomers, generally considering “their races among those whose unfitness for citizenship threatened the very racial fiber of the nation.” 19 As scholars of American sport such as Harvey Green note, this further encouraged the drive for white males to organize participatory team sports. 20 Contact sports, like football, were regarded, especially in the collegiate setting, as gender historians Gail Bederman and Julie des

Jardins observe: “as crucial to the development of powerful manhood.” 21 For example, one journalist for Harper’s New Monthly Magazine in 1896 expressed a prevalent national anxiety when he penned: “The role of the human species passes through a stage when he has ceased to be a boy and is not yet a man, when his passions are virile and his judgment puerile. In the essentials of life he must at that epoch, in spite of his impatience of restraint, remain under tutelage. But how is he to find play for his growing manhood? Where is he to make his blunders and learn his lessons of experience? In some sphere where he will do the least harm and the

17 Edward A. Ross, “The Causes of Race Superiority,” Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science , 17, no. 1, (1909): 85-88. 18 Chester Rowell, “Chinese and Japanese Immigrants—a Comparison,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , 34, no. 3, (September 1909): 230. 19 David R. Roediger, Working toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White , (New York: Perseus Books, 2005), 36. 20 Harvey Green, Fit for America , (Baltimore: John Hopkins, 1986), 224-25. 21 Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917 , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 15. See also, Julie des Jardins, Walter Camp: Football and the Modern Man , (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 7 greatest good both to himself and the community. This sphere is so manifestly that of his physical exercise and sport that the proposition is self-evident.” 22

An advocate of the strenuous life, Theodore Roosevelt extolled the virtues of organized sport. Never one to shy away from offering his opinion, as president he weighed in on the subject, writing to his son: “I believe in rough, manly sports.”23 In 1906, a toastmaster at a Yale ceremony honoring football, Julian W. Curtiss, called the sport “a game of men,” adding that

“and if anybody thinks it can be made anything but rough, let them ‘forget it.’” 24 In the same address, Curtiss delivered a message from then Secretary of War and Yale alumnus William

Taft, in which the future president also touted the sport as “one of the most healthful influences of college life.” 25

The back-to-nature movement, so trumpeted during this era in the United States, exemplifies the national obsession with fitness. Popular authors of the day, such as Jack London, not only highlighted the remaking of the body through physical exertion but also the necessity of the frontier in counteracting the excesses of civilization. 26 In this manner, organized sports, especially football, offered college-aged white males an outlet for their aggressions; it increasingly became the means by which virtues such as competiveness, courage, and stamina were instilled in young men (as well as the beasts of prey and symbols of the American landscape represented by their respective choices in mascots). Beginning in the last third of the

22 Henry T. Fowler, “A Phase of Modern College Life,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine , April, 1896, 688-695. 23 Theodore Roosevelt, Theodore Roosevelt’s Letters to His Children , (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1919), 53. 24 Staff, “Yale for Football,” New York Tribune , January 20, 1906, 9. 25 Ibid. See des Jardins, Walter Camp . 26 For short stories and books with themes especially related to the “survival of the fittest mentality,” see Jack London, The Call of the Wild , (New York: Grosett and Dunlap, 1903). “The Story of Jees Uck,” in The Son of the Wolf: Tales of the Far North , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 182-205. 8 nineteenth century; these developments afforded school administrators the opportunity to use student culture to build school spirit and solidarity by the means of marketing logos and mascots to their own advantage. 27

Second, although fraternal societies existed outside the collegiate world, their popularity in the early nineteenth century only extended to organizations such as the Masons and other male-based societies. However, nowhere were fraternal organizations more prevalent and influential than in college. 28 Despite their presence at American colleges, since Union College in

New York in 1825 sanctioned Kappa Alpha, fraternities amounted to little more than dining clubs and offered scant socialization. 29 However, during the Gilded Age, the fraternity system also underwent a rapid change in terms of its role as a socializing agent on American campuses.

Since team sport, particularly football, went hand-in-hand with new socialization techniques and the American fitness craze (a cultural habit with nineteenth century German origins), fraternities increasingly became an important medium through which the process occurred. 30 As sports historian Harvey Green notes, during the late-nineteenth century, team sports, such as football, became very important because they encouraged young men to be physically fit, while simultaneously developing “team spirit” along with the “militaristic tendencies” best-suited for success in business. 31 Cultural historian Paula Fass studies the connection between fraternities on American campuses and the socialization process in the late-nineteenth century. She notes:

27 Joseph R. DeMartini, “Student Culture as a Change Agent in American Higher Education: An Illustration from the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Social History , Vol. 9, No. 4, (summer, 1976): 526-541. 28 W. S. Harwood, “Secret Societies in America,” North American Review 164 (May 1897): 620-23. Mark Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 2. Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 142. 29 Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful , 142. 30 Green, Fit for America, 233. 31 Green, Fit for America, 89. 9 fraternities acted not only as a “centralizing force” but also supplanted older campus traditions with “collegiate style and active organizational participation.” 32 According to Fass, by the

1890s, fraternities had not only become “conspicuous” on American college campuses but seized control of an increasing number of organized sporting activities. 33

Foremost in this respect, fraternities and sororities focused on social-based activities for their members. When exploring the student culture relative to the University of California and other colleges of the late-nineteenth century, historian of education Verne Stadtman also finds that the fraternal system “contributed to the expansion of organized sport along with the popularity of college pageantry by providing participants in wholesale numbers.” 34 By 1883,

American college fraternities numbered 505 chapters with 67,941 active student members as well as 16 chapters of women’s sororities with 2038 members. 35 This may seem miniscule by today’s standards as there currently are 6,186 chapters with 380, 487 members across the nation. 36 However, these social organizations in the late-nineteenth century, proved instrumental in using sports and the surrounding pageantry—crests, colors, and mascots—to galvanize individuals into the larger group. Often at odds with the fraternal system and the student body’s focus on what college faculty and administrators saw as non-educational, extracurricular distractions, university officials soon learned to use the peer society to unify an often disparate

32 Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful , 141. 33 Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful , 145. 34 Verne A. Stadtman, The University of California 1868-1968 , (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970), 287. 35 Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful , 142. 36 Alan D. DeSantis, Inside Greek University: Fraternities, Sororities, and the Pursuit of Power, Pleasure, and Prestige , (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2007), 191. 10 student body. Truly, as sports historian Benjamin G. Rader acknowledges, “Student involvement in athletics transformed the spirit of college campuses.” 37

Third, by catering to mass—not just college—audiences, local sportswriters across the nation played a key role in the rise of spectator sports as well as highlighting the surrounding symbols as tools of social, cultural, economic, and political domination. 38 Sports historian David

Rowe asserts that newspapers remained paramount as “key promotional tools” for entrepreneurs interested in expanding business in this new era of media saturation. 39 This was no different in the college setting. On American college campuses, during this era, the majority of larger, co- educational facilities and men’s colleges published student newspapers five to seven times a week. 40 The first student-published daily newspaper, Yale News , which devoted much of its content to sports coverage, began on January 28, 1878. By hailing the accomplishments of sports heroes, Rader emphasizes that “student newspapers became major boosters of sport,” which serendipitously served the colleges by providing a means to unite the student body in solidarity. 41 For example, in the Penn State student-run paper, the Freelance , one of the editors, a student named T. F. Foltz, acknowledged as much in a 1904 editorial. He wrote: “It helps to win athletic victories by unifying the college sentiment into an invisible whole.” 42 In this manner, throughout the early history of organized sports and campus publication, college

37 Benjamin G. Rader, American Sports: From the Age of Folk Games to the Age of Televised Sports , (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2004), 94. 38 Daniel Beck and Louis Bosshart, “Sports, Media, and Economy,” Communication Research Trends , 22, no. 4, (2003): 1-43. 39 David Rowe, Sport, Culture, and Media: the Unruly Trinity , (Berkshire: Open University Press, 2004), 31. 40 Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful , 189. 41 Rader, American Sports , 94. 42 T. F. Foltz, “Exchanges,” Freelance , February 1, 1904, 251. 11 newspaper columnists and editors not only strongly encouraged athletic boosters but also as

Stadtman observes: “helped sustain student activities by giving them publicity.” 43

During this era, newspapers began committing greater resources to the sports pages, expanding print and photographic coverage. 44 Besides the limited coverage afforded as well as a much a smaller audience catered to strictly by the collegiate press, Rader finds that “by the mid-

1890s, the daily papers in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston were devoting a staggering amount of space to college football,” as well as offering just “as much space to the spectators and their behavior.” 45 For instance, not content to deliver an account just on the football championship of the year between Yale and Princeton in 1907, the New York Times took notice of the event’s pageantry, reporting that “as each cheer rang out the Blue flags on the east side and the Orange and Black banners on the west side waved in unison, presenting a beautiful moving field of color.” In addition to highlighting the colorful pageantry, the newspaper focused considerably on the schools’ fashionable and status-conscious fans. “The women, beautifully robed in rich furs and heavy Winter wraps, steamer tugs, and brilliant-colored Afghans , wearing great bunches of violets or chrysanthemums; the men wearing heavy automobile coats and

43 Stadtman, The University of California 1868-1968 , 287. 44 Rowe, Sport, Culture, and Media , 90. Robert Goldman, Reading Ads Socially , (New York: Routledge, 1992), 131. Not only did sports marketing begin in this fashion but also the commodification of femininity as author Robert Goldman succinctly observes in Commodity Feminism (1992). Robert Goldman, “Commodity Feminism,” Critical Studies in Mass Communication , 8, no. 3, (1991): 333-351. Aiming not only to establish a group identity through repetitive symbolism offered by mascots and logos but also to profit from both sexes, college marketers “reduced femininity to the status of a mere signifier or signified… re-encoded by advertisers as a sequence of visual clichés and reified signifiers (336).” 45 Rader, American Sports , 97. 12 ulsters with boutonnieres of violets or chrysanthemums, presented a picture that could not be reproduced anywhere in the world except at a similar occasion.” 46

Overzealous sport writers, too, in an attempt to sell more copies, began equating teams and their individual playing styles to ferocious beasts of prey and the perceived savagery of

Native Americans. 47 For example, they referred to college football squads as tigers or Indians.

Take for instance the case of Princeton and how the name of its sports teams evolved. The colors associated with the university derived from the baseball team’s use of orange and black ribbons as school colors in 1869. Shortly thereafter, by the 1880s, local sports writers started calling Princeton’s teams the Tigers. 48 In the case of Dartmouth, which used the symbol of the

Indian from the 1920s to 1974, Boston sports writers began referring to the squad as the Indians before a 1922 meeting with Harvard. 49 Even by 1930, when Stanford was shopping for a mascot, the West Coast institution opted for the nickname Indians, a name which stuck until

1972. 50

Fourth, medievalism also emblemized the era’s longing for a simpler time based on traditional values of patriarchy, loyalty, and honor as opposed to nineteenth century values based on industrialism and rational self-interest.51 The genre was very popular at the time throughout the United States in art, literature, as well as architecture; it appealed to many and for more than just for its aesthetic qualities. Although not as strong as in Europe, America still had a medieval

46 “Yale Wins Remarkable Game: Beats Princeton 12 to 10,” New York Times , November 17, 1907, C5. 47 Rader, American Sports , 99. 48 Sara E. Bush and P. C. Kemeny, “Princeton University: An Architectural and Religious History,” Princeton University Library Chronicle , 60, no.3, (spring 1999): 317-352. 49 Colin G. Galloway, The Indian History of an American Institution: Native Americans and Dartmouth , (Hanover: Dartmouth College Press, 2010), 27. 50 Gary Migdol, Stanford: Home of Champions , (Champaign: Sagamore Publishing, 1997), 223. 51 Alice Chandler, A Dream of Order: The Medieval Ideal in Nineteenth-Century English Literature , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1970), 1, 5. 13 past. 52 Nevertheless, according to scholars familiar with the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, social alienation, which advocates of organized sport on college campuses intended to combat through the peer group, remained a by-product of urbanization and industrialization. 53 In the classic study on how medievalism came to enjoy prestige in American culture, T. J. Jackson

Lears found the era’s retreat from modernity not only served as a kind of “gilded religion for a gilded age” but also a “hovering soul sickness” marked the “dry and passionless” state of life in late-nineteenth-century America, and that restoring “a lost intensity of feeling” was vital to the national zeitgeist. 54 He additionally notes that: “Pale innocence, fierce conviction, physical and emotional vitality, playfulness and spontaneity, an ability to cultivate fantastic or dreamlike states of awareness, an intense otherworldly asceticism: those were medieval traits perceived by late Victorians and embodied in a variety of dramatis personae.”55 Lears further describes the

Gilded Age as one of “widespread yearning for regeneration for rebirth that was variously spiritual, moral, and physical.” 56 Middle Ages historian Robin Fleming’s depiction of the

“revolution in taste and culture in the 1840s, 1850s, and 1860s [and how it] had transformed areas of prosperity in America from solemn settlements of saltbox meeting houses and neoclassical facades to flamboyant neighborhoods of carpentered Gothic and red-brick

Romanesque” rings true based on the socio-economic, political, and cultural ramifications of the

52 For an insightful examination of the taproots, obvious differences, as well as striking parallels between European and North American societies in social, cultural, and political development during the period 900-1400 and the upheaval stemming from the resulting climatic change involved irreparably in tearing both systems asunder see: Daniel K. Richter, Before the Revolution: America’s Ancient Pasts , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011, Chapter 1, “Legacies of Power from Medieval America.” 53 T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture 1880-1920 , (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), 193. 54 Ibid, 142. 55 Ibid, 193. 56 T. J. Jackson Lears, Rebirth of a Nation: the Making of Modern America, 1877-1920 , (New York: Harper Collins, 2009), 1. 14 second half of the nineteenth century detailed by historians who study the Gilded Age along with the Progressive Era. 57 Fleming also finds that although only a “handful of Americans produced medieval history, the larger number of men, women, and children who consumed it, did so against a physical backdrop that was increasingly, self-consciously, and idiosyncratically medieval.” 58

Mid-to-late-nineteenth century Americans perceived the Middle Ages as a more authentic time filled with emotional and physical vitality. Consequently, medievalism additionally permeated other aspects of late-nineteenth century American life. The large amount of books aimed at children specifically during this era reflected the trend. 59 The architecture of the era also reveals the impact of medievalism on American culture. During this era, the Gothic aesthetic remained a popular choice not only for religious institutions but also some of the era’s most enduring architecture. Episcopalian cathedrals as well as several universities across the country opted for Gothic Revival. For instance, the Calvary Episcopal Church in Pittsburgh, the

Church of Saint Therese in Wilson, North Carolina, the Saint Thomas Church in New York City, gothic monoliths at Princeton and the Universities of Chicago and Pennsylvania, as well as

American homes built in the Greek Revival, Gothic Revival, and Italianate styles all resonate as examples, testifying to late-nineteenth century Americans’ fascination with pre-modern,

57 Robin Fleming, “Picturesque History and the Medieval in Nineteenth-Century America,” American Historical Review , 100, no. 4, (October 1995): 1061-1094. 58 Fleming, “Picturesque History and the Medieval in Nineteenth-Century America,” 1061. 59 Take for instance, Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe (1820), Arthur Pyle’s The Merry Adventures of Robin Hood (1883), The Story of King Arthur and his Knights (1902), and The Story of the Champions of the Round Table (1905), Sidney Lanier’s The Boy’s King Arthur (1880), or Henry Gilbert’s King Arthur’s Knights: the Tales Retold for Boys and Girls (1911); all didactic, moralizing stories based on Arthurian legend. For more, see Jeanne Fox-Friedman, “Howard Pyle and the Chivalric Order in America: King Arthur for Children,” Arthuriana , 6, no. 1, (spring 1996): 77-95. 15

European cultures. 60 Begun in 1869 and opened to the public in late spring 1883, the Brooklyn

Bridge stands as an engineering triumph during a time of extreme cultural upheaval; its gothic arches remain emblematic. 61

Some of the more, long-lasting medieval traits co-opted by American college students and the youth market during the late nineteenth century include the use of colors and crests to denote specific universities. To promote loyalty to one’s campus, according to historians of education, such as John R. Thelin, Frederick Rudolph, Charles H. Pearson, and John D.

McCallum, among others, American colleges and universities adopted institutional colors and mascots during the late-nineteenth century to the early part of the twentieth century. 62 For example, students at Rutgers (who later became known as the Scarlet Knights) originally chose the color orange, to reflect the Dutch heritage of New Brunswick, the school’s hometown; however, a sizable quantity could not be obtained locally on such limited notice. 63 Distinctive school colors were long used by European universities from the time of the Middle Ages, most notably in the higher centers of education in Bologna and Paris; Rutgers students and athletes adorned scarlet scarves around their heads in turban fashion to distinguish themselves from their

Princeton counterparts in the first intercollegiate football game played in 1869. 64 Prior to that matchup, however, despite not officially choosing a school color through a referendum until

60 Thomas Fisher, “Gothic Revival,” Progressive Architecture , 76, no. 2, (February 1995): 72. Darlene Trew Crist, American Gargoyles: Spirts in Stone , (New York: Clarkson Potter, 2001,) 10-11. Clifford Edward Clark, The American Family Home, 1800-1960 , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 63. 61 Richard Haw, The Brooklyn Bridge: A Cultural History , (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 10. 62 John R. Thelin, A History of American Higher Education , (Baltimore: John Hopkins, 2004), 159. Lawrence S. Cunningham and John J. Reich. Culture and Values: A Survey of the Humanities . Vol. 1 . Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2010, 7 63 Paul G. E. Clemens, Rutgers since 1945: A History of the State University of New Jersey , (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2015), 14. 64 Cunningham, Culture and Values , 7. Clemens, Rutgers since 1945 , 25. 16

1875, in which students chose the color crimson, Harvard claims the distinction as the first

American college to use colors to distinguish its teams from the opposition; when in 1858, regatta crew members sported red bandanas. 65 However, as testament to the long-standing rivalry between the Cambridge and the New Haven institutions, Yale contends its rowing team wore blue flannel as early as 1854. 66

In the United States, unlike literature, arts, and architecture however, Middle Ages historian Jonathan Good suggests medievalism remained “a way of mitigating (or even re- invigorating) certain features of bourgeois capitalism while keeping its structure firmly in place.” 67 For two more reasons, the cultural fascination with medievalism fits perfectly with the adoption of symbols and mascots representative of the landscape and the introduction of

American college football at the particular time. First, as scholars of sport and gender, such as

Robert J. Higgs and others illustrate, perceiving of themselves as white Christian knights, yet another rather obvious connection to the Middle Ages, the contact sport of football remained analogous to the business world of the late-nineteenth century; a system not only premised on market capitalism but also one which met well with the era’s survival of the fittest mentality.

Higgs defines Christian knights as athletes who “attempt to achieve distinction from (and power over) others by displays of skill and accomplishment, sometime called victory.” 68 Second, football provided a battleground used to test a young man’s mettle for future business endeavors.

One college president in the 1890s wrote that he sought “courage, coolness, steadiness of nerve,

65 Charles H. Pearson and John McCallum, eds., College Football USA , (New York: McGraw- Hill, 1972), 81. Nikhil G. Mathews, “A Mascot for Us,” Harvard Crimson , November 21, 2005. 66 Rader, American Sports , 99. 67 Jonathan Good, “King Arthur Made New Knights: the Founding of Casque & Gauntlet,” Dartmouth University, Dartmouth College Library Bulletin , 40, no. 2, (April 2000): 66-74. 68 Robert J. Higgs, God in the Stadium: Sports and Religion in America, (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995), 148. 17 quickness of apprehension, resourcefulness, self-knowledge, and self-reliance” in football recruits. 69 Along this line of thinking, beginning in the late-nineteenth century, when adopting symbols and mascots for college teams, young white college males not only chose recognizable animals and other figures indicative of the American landscape but also were influenced heavily by medieval customs.

However, one of the most influential factors involved in the creation of American college mascots stems from an 1881 operetta La Mascotte first staged in Europe, before being popularized in the United States. 70 The story centers on a young maiden, capable of bringing good fortune to whoever possessed her, providing she remain chaste. Derived from Latin— masco —meaning witch from the French word mascotte —the Oxford English Dictionary, attributing the popular play as the basis, cites the origin of the word to the following year. 71 In her excellent study on Native American imagery in American sports, Linda Spindel points out that a mascot remains imbued as a good luck charm, solely for the enjoyment of the team’s fans,

“[it] may inspire feelings of affection but not of respect.” 72 Originally, the beloved figures used by collegiate teams might be a living person, such as a high-spirited student, a beloved professor, a local resident, or a wild, domestic, or even barnyard animal. 73

69 Rudolph, The American College and University , 380. 70 Philip Deloria, Playing Indian , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), 67. 71 Gerhard Falk, Football and American Identity , (New York: Haworth Press, 2005), 156. William J. Tourdot, “Changing a High School Mascot,” Edgewood College, 2007, 9. E. S. C. Weiner, ed., Oxford University Press Dictionary , (Gloucestershire: Clarendon Press, 2015). 72 Carol Spindel, Dancing at Halftime: Sports and the Controversy over American Indian Mascots , (New York: New York University Press, 2000), 29. 73 Betsy Kraus, “Traditions,” The Oregon Stater , June, 1989, 10. John Richard Newton Bell, an avid Oregon State student, alumni, and minister, for 35 years from 1893-1928, acted as the mascot and later was officially recognized for his part. New York Times , “Heard about Town,” December 19, 1899, 11. Twelve years earlier, at Yale, “Pop” Smith, an English shoemaker in New Haven, a “most ardent” supporter of Yale athletics in its formative years was “regarded as a 18

The first use of a mascot by an American college or university occurred in 1890, during a football game between Yale and Wesleyan, in which the former defeated the latter by a score of

76-0. The New Haven institution, utilizing a senior’s English bulldog named Dan, outfitted with a blue silk blanket emblazoned in white with the word “Yale,” initiated the first use of the mascot in the American collegiate system. 74 In 1890, since Yale, boasted gate receipts of

$19,383.19 compared to Harvard’s take of $8,922.57, too much incentive was at stake financially for either institution not to pursue sports marketing. 75

Intent on building school solidarity through aggressive promotional campaigns, Yale focused considerable time and resources on commercializing the pageantry surrounding organized collegiate sport. On the contrary, taking its cue from the tradition of amateurism in

English sport, Harvard, unlike Yale, wrestled considerably with professionalism and marketing in college athletics. Remaining relatively isolated in its view, Harvard had few allies. The popularity of football, not to say anything about the profits generated for university coffers

sort of mascot.” John B. Horner, “History of Oregon State College, 1865-1907,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 31, no. 1, (March 1930), 48. In 1892, to drum up support for the new game of football among local farmers, Oregon State team members adopted resident Harvey McAllister, dubbing him “Pap Hayseed.” Kraus, Oregon Stater , June 1989, 10; Oregon State’s first animal mascot in 1893 was a coyote named Jimmie. Eli Miller, Daily Californian , “Oski and Tree Have Rowdy, Long History,” November 22, 2002,1. Two live bears in the early 1930s served as the University of California’s mascot but were eliminated due to obvious safety concerns. Prior to selection of the buffalo as the school mascot, the University of Colorado utilized a dog in the 1890s, a goat beginning in 1912, and a donkey in 1923. Jackie Esposito, The Nittany Lion: An Illustrated Tale , (University Park: Penn State, 1997), 18. A bulldog and “Old Coaly,” a mule served as Penn State’s mascots before 1892 when the Nittany Lion first appeared. 74 Brooks Mather Kelley, Yale: A History , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 13. The original “Handsome Dan,” in taxidermy form, currently resides in Yale’s Payne-Whitney Gymnasium. “Yale Defeats Wesleyan,” New York Times , November 2, 1890, 3. “Handsome Dan: A History of Yale’s Most Famous Dog,” Yale Herald , November 20, 2009, 1. 75 David L. Westby and Allen Sack, “The Commercialization and Functional Rationalization of College Football: Its Origins,” The Journal of Higher Education , 47, no. 6, (November- December 1976): 625-647. 19 across the country by the ensuing spectacle and pageantry surrounding the game, proved irresistible. 76 So popular was football at this time that due to the limited competition from other spectator sports (on and off campus), the 25 American colleges and universities boasting football squads at this time, sports historians James L. Shulman and William G. Bowen find, “had the sports-entertainment market to themselves.” 77

Tantamount to success on the playing field, teams and institutions demanded symbols and mascots evincing determination, ferocity, and tenacity of spirit. After the precedent set by

Yale, the installation of college mascots spread from coast-to-coast. Interspersed with regional myth, folklore, and tall tales, collegiate mascots offered the immediate community an easily recognizable, neatly packaged symbol; one representing regional values and norms.

The last vestiges of a potentially lost frontier additionally weighed heavily on the

American mindset during this era. According to historians of American wilderness, such as

Roderick Frazier Nash, the United States had not only undergone a transformation from an agrarian to a mass, industrialized society throughout the course of the nineteenth century, but witnessed as well a conversion in its view of the natural landscape. The nation’s overall mentality changed from an overwhelming fear of surrounding predators and the need to eradicate them to a more empathetic view informed first by romanticism’s appreciation of nature and later by nationalists, who seized on its uniqueness as a means to achieve cultural distinctiveness. 78

76 James L. Shulman and William G. Bowen, The Game of Life: College Sports and Educational Values , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 7. 77 Shulman and Bowen, The Game of Life , 7. 78 Roderick Frazier Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), 67. 20

Fearing the loss of the natural environment, Americans in the late-nineteenth century sought to empower the very symbols of the landscape generations earlier had vanquished. 79

Within the vernacular of iconography related immediately to the landscape, symbols have what human geographers, such as Yi-Fu Tuan, describe as: “the power to…call to mind a succession of phenomena that are related analogically and metaphorically.” 80 In this way, American college symbols and mascots function dually as a narratives as well as a repository of values and beliefs relative to the cultural landscape. 81 Stressing how social identity and reality are created and transformed, cultural geographers Lester B. Rowntree and Margaret W. Conkey observe:

“Environmental symbols have strong potential to create and communicate temporal depth. Such symbols have a traditionalizing effect, with potential for not only perpetuating old traditions, but also for making new features appear traditional.” 82 According to Denis E. Cosgrove, a cultural expression of society’s interaction with the landscape, American symbols of the land additionally represent an “articulation which embodies the different sets of experiences of practical shapers and theoretical designers.” 83 According to Cosgrove as well as John R. Stilgoe, the symbolic landscape also remains shaped not only by intellectuals but also by “people much less literate and far more traditional.” 84 An authority on the symbolism of the landscape, Stilgoe refers to

79 Nash, “The Value of Wilderness,” Environmental Review , 3, no. 1, (1977): 16. 80 Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values , (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974), 23. 81 For latest information on cultural landscape see Jon Anderson, Understanding Cultural Geography: Places and Traces , (New York: Routledge, 2010). W. J. T. Mitchell. “Imperial Landscape” in 165-170. Cultural Geography Reader , Timothy Oakes and Patricia L. Price, eds., (New York: Routledge, 2008). 82 Lester B. Rowntree and Margaret W. Conkey, Annals of the Association of American Geographers , 70, no. 4, (December 1980): 459-474. 83 Denis E. Cosgrove, Social Formation and the Symbolic Landscape , (London: Croom Helm, 1984), 162. 84 Cosgrove, Social Formation and the Symbolic Landscape , 162. John R. Stilgoe, Common Landscape in America , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982,), 4. 21

America as a landscape of common knowledge; one “neither folk nor literate but a mixture of both the ‘little tradition’ transmitted by generations of half-literate peasants and the ‘great tradition’ of the literate innovative minority of scholars, rulers, and merchants.” 85

In keeping with the spirit of conservation sweeping the country at the time, which was defined as reserving natural resources for future use, celebrating symbols of nature increasingly became accepted as a means of American identity. Still today, symbols of the American landscape, whether earth-dwelling, aquatic, or winged beasts of prey, account for almost 70% of all collegiate mascots used throughout the country, regardless of affiliation or conference. 86 In this manner, whereas the American naturalist Charles Wilson Peale displayed actual wildlife specimens indigenous to the United States during the last decades of the eighteenth century, stakeholders at American colleges and universities from the late-nineteenth to the early twentieth century instead sought to enshrine and honor potential and rapidly disappearing species by adopting them as symbols and mascots for their sports teams.

Earlier nineteenth century Americans in their quest to fulfill Manifest Destiny did not differentiate, subduing and extirpating all forms of life—human, fauna, and flora. However, by the late-nineteenth century, Americans sought to venerate symbols of the landscape relative to the closing of the frontier through association with their college teams. Notwithstanding the ignorance displayed by college stakeholders in their selection of mascots , anthropologists find that in frontier societies like the United States the symbols of the landscape later generations often revere most are the very ones previously eradicated. For example, in American society, which triumphed over indigenous peoples, the all too common depiction of the savage, bellicose

85 Stilgoe, Common Landscape in America , 4. 86 Joanne Sloan and Cheryl Watts, College Names and Other Interesting Traditions , (Northport, AL: Vision Press, 2013). 22

Indian flourished because whites not only felt appropriate “honoring” a worthy adversary but also could feel a sense of racial superiority. 87 On the word of cultural anthropologist C. Richard

King, Native American imagery construes a form of “symbolic violence” which “underscores” the production of whiteness, understanding Indianness, and the erasure of blackness. 88 Cultural historian Jennifer Giuliano—who offers the latest scholarship examining the cultural and historical origins of college mascots—mainly portrayals of Native Americans—similarly argues that identity, narratives, images, and performance comprise a major part of college spectacle. 89

At American colleges and universities, Native rights advocate and anthropologist Philip Deloria suggests, “the problem revolves around…alumni and officials who resist change and continue their ignorant ways.” 90 Similarly, indigenous species destroyed and made extinct by overzealous

Americans in their national quest to conquer everything between the Atlantic and the Pacific, also could be refashioned as fierce and dignified symbols worthy of respect. Furthermore, this remains in keeping with what cultural geographer David Lowenthal observes: “In times of

87 Further discussion of stereotypical representations of Native American sports imagery can be found in: Elizabeth Bird, ed., Dressing in Feathers: The Construction of the Indian in American Popular Culture , (Boulder: Westview Press, 1998). Philip Deloria, Playing Indian , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). Circe Strum, “In Whose Honor? American Indian Mascots in Sports,” American Anthropologist , 102, no. 2, (June 2000): 352-353. C. Richard King and Charles F. Springwood, eds., Team Spirits: The Native American Mascot Controversy , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2001). Jason E. Black, “The Mascotting of Native America: Construction, Commodity, and Assimilation,” American Indian Quarterly , Vol. 26, No. 4 (autumn 2002): 605-622. J. Gordon Hylton, “Before the Redskins Were the Redskins: the Use of Native American Team Names in the Formative Era of American Sports, 1857-1933,” North Dakota Law Review , 86, no. 1, (2010): 879-903. Jacob S. Turner, “The Semiotics of a Native American Sports Logo: the Significance of the Screaming Savage,” Journal of Sports Media , 10, no. 2, (fall 2015): 89-114. 88 King and Springwood, “The Best Offense: Dissociation, Desire, and the Defense of the Florida State Seminoles,” in Team Spirits , 130, 149. 89 Jennifer E. Giuliano, “An American Spectacle: College Mascots and the Performance of Tradition,” (Ph. D. dissertation, University of Illinois-Urbana, 2009). 90 Deloria, Playing Indian , 95. 23 stress, nations safeguard the physical legacy that embodies their collective spirt.” 91 White male college students similarly invested mascots and totems with comparable values and traits. This helps to explain their propensity in choosing strong, fierce, and independent symbols of the

American landscape. In doing so, creators often turned a blind eye to purely historical representation; instead relying heavily on regional or national mythic accounts, readily understood by students, fans, and alumni.

Using this framework, this dissertation examines young white male students’ motives during the late-nineteenth century and early part of the twentieth century in the selection of their respective college or university’s symbol or mascot and how it relates to the American landscape. In pursuit of that goal, each chapter addresses a particular college or university in the

United States which makes use of a unique symbol of the American landscape; tracing its cultural antecedents and examining not only how, why, and when stakeholders chose the symbol but also what purpose they had in mind when adopting it. The second chapter looks at Penn

State University’s Nittany Lion and the factors involved in its construction; finding symbols and myths premised on a combination of regional Eurocentric and Native American folktales, changing perceptions of gender, the role of preservation, and the loss of cultural identity play a large part in its creation. The third chapter focuses on Oregon State’s Beaver, looking not only at the industrious rodent’s maligned past and the cultural and environmental ramifications which resulted but also the symbol’s many changing meanings over time. The fourth chapter concentrates on the controversial figure of the frontiersman, emblematic of regional schools such as West Virginia University, which utilizes the Mountaineer as its symbol and mascot. While hailed as a symbol of unity in this rugged and mountainous border state, its representation and

91 David Lowenthal, “Past Time, Present Place: Landscapes and Memory,” Geographical Review , 65, no. 1. (1975): 12. 24 others like it (whether frontiersman or pioneer) are also seen increasingly by many non-white males as divisive figures meant to uphold prototypical western narratives of oppression and marginalization. The final chapter looks at Boston College’s Eagle and the various factors involved in its adoption. Religion, ethnicity, and nationality play a large part in its consideration as well as changing environmental attitudes over the course of the twentieth century.

The introduction of American collegiate mascots and symbols, stem from a variety of factors: the rise of organized sports, the fraternity system, the relationship between students and administration, print media, the perceived authenticity of anything medieval, and the role of popular culture. In addition to the aforementioned criteria, the importance of the back-to-nature movement, the impact of the ideas of social Darwinism, and the need to preserve the nation’s environment figure prominently in white male college stakeholders’ choices for symbols and mascots during the era in question. In an attempt to emulate a number of desirable qualities believed capable of intimidating the competition on the playing field, American colleges and universities in the latter part of the nineteenth century set the process in motion of co-opting the imagery of vanquished species particular to the American landscape—from the American Indian to fauna, megaflora, aviculture, and other figures—as team mascots and symbols. Through the use of these particular totems, which act to bond the group together in solidarity, creating a micro society of adherents, American colleges and universities, utilizing the medium of organized sports and cultural trends specific to the late-nineteenth century through the first decades of the twentieth century, used mascots patterned after symbols of the American landscape as a means of identity and to denote group solidarity—in effect, preserving images of America’s once abundant wildlife and pristine environment.

25

CHAPTER 2

NITTANY LION: SYMBOL AND MYTH

In 1906, white male students at Penn State constructed the symbol of the Nittany Lion as a way to conceal their own cultural anxieties and psychological inadequacies. Heavily influenced by preservationists and wildlife advocates of the turn-of-the-century era, these students, unlike the previous generation, held different beliefs and values regarding the use of the state’s environment and its native wildlife. Refashioning outdated nineteenth century ideas about the mountain lion; instead, they began hailing the animal as a symbol of state identity.

However, not merely a symbol to the overarching society of the Pennsylvania State University

(PSU), the icon of Penn State—the Nittany Lion—stands as the first indigenous North American big cat chosen as an American collegiate mascot and symbol.

More than other American collegiate symbols related to the landscape, the moniker for the Nittany Lion derives from several distinct criteria. Important factors in its composition include: the physical landscape for which Native Americans named the surrounding area; legend and folklore produced by early twentieth century local popular writers intent on highlighting the region; the mountain lions which originally inhabited the nearby hills when Scots-Irish settlers first arrived in the mid-1700s and remained abundant until the last third of the nineteenth century; and, lastly, Penn State baseball player and, most importantly, school newspaper editor

Harrison “Joe” Mason’s on field boast to the opposing Princeton Tiger squad in 1906 where the idea for the symbol and mascot transpired. Evidence attesting to how Penn State’s fan base of students, alumni, and other supporters identify with the symbol of the Nittany Lion spans a wide- ranging body of historical and cultural sources from student newspapers and yearbooks to alumni publications, local accounts, and regional legends. This proof further testifies to the paramount

26 position of the big cats of the American landscape—whether cougar, mountain lion, panther, puma, or in the case of Penn State—a Nittany Lion. Following Penn State’s lead, other college stakeholders, in search of a feline mascot, which engendered fear in opposing schools’ teams and also well aware of the long-standing tradition of dread and terror such beasts instilled, frequently chose one of the big cats of the American landscape to symbolize their colleges and sports teams, rather than the overly generic as well as non-native lion or tiger.92

Yet, further analysis reveals conflicting changes and apparent incongruencies in the historical record; not to mention the multi-disciplinary contributions from scholars of gender, race, and the environment over the past thirty years, which specifically add to a more succinct and broader understanding of the themes and concepts relevant (but not always readily apparent) in the rise of college athletics and its surrounding pageantry. 93 To ascertain better how underlying cultural currents and social mores helped stakeholders conceive of their world, the topic requires a more discerning examination of not only the interplay between masculinity and femininity but one also concerning conceptualizations of whiteness, Indianness, and blackness. 94

A closer examination of how popular environmental ideologies of the era affected participants’ actions as well as their identities allows for a clearer picture of how the Progressive Era

92 For long extinct American Lion, see Björn Kurté, “The Pleistocene Lion of Beringia,” Annales Zoologici Fennici , 22, no. 1, (spring 1985): 117-121. Alan Turner, The Big Cats and Their Fossil Relatives: An Illustrated Guide to Their Evolution and Natural History , (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). 93 On rise of college sports and pageantry, see Benjamin G. Rader, American Sports: From the Age of Folk Games to the Age of Televised Sports , (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2004). James L. Shulman and William G. Bowen, The Game of Life: College Sports and Educational Values , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). Ronald A. Smith, Sports and Freedom: The Rise of Big-Time College Athletics , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). 94 Anonymous, “College Sports Are Still Largely Segregated by Race,” Journal of Blacks in Higher Education , 37, no. 1, (autumn 2002): 63-64. C. Richard King and Charles F. Springwood, Beyond the Cheers: Race as Spectacle in College Sport , (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001). 27 generation’s values and beliefs formed amidst the cultural turbulence and economic upheaval characterized by the rampant changes in industrialization, urbanization, and communication, so prevalent and a point of much contention during the time. 95 Upon further analysis of the historiography of Penn State’s Nittany Lion, a better understanding of the popular symbol not only emerges but also sheds light on the conflicting changes occurring in American culture during this time, and how those cultural currents affected stakeholders’ ideas and choices.

Formed over 250 million years ago, the Nittany Valley, part of the Appalachian ridge and valley system encompassing eastern Pennsylvania, spans a length of 31 miles and is 2 to 5 ½ miles broad; it was created by several different earthquakes and erosion. 96 Underlain by limestone and dolomite, Nittany Mountain’s crest consists of erosion-resistant sandstone. 97

Today, Nittany Mountain reaches a peak of 2,077 feet whereas the Nittany Valley encompasses heights from 980 to 1190 feet; however, a much larger Himalayan-size mountain once stood in its place.

Such an important part of the regional landscape as well as Penn State identity, groups intent on its preservation frequently rally on Mount Nittany’s behalf. In 1945, Lion’s Paw, an oligarchic group formed originally in 1908 to promote school solidarity, brought together

95 David Demeritt, “Scientific Forest Conservation and the Statistical Picturing of Nature’s Limits in the Progressive-Era United States,” Environment and Planning D Society and Space , 19, no. 1, (August 2001): 431-439. Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 , (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Samuel P. Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890-1920 , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959). 96 Jon D. Inners, “Chlorite-Replaced Fossils in Union County,” Pennsylvania Geology , 16, no. 5, (October 1985): 8. E.V. D’Invilliers, The Geology of Centre County , (Harrisburg: Board of Commissioners Second Geographical Survey, 1964), 30. J. Thomas Mitchell, Centre County: From its Earliest Settlement to the Year 1915 , (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009), 3. 97 State College Bypass System, LR-1050-US-322 Environmental Impact Statement , (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Federal Highway Administration, 1981), III-1. 28 concerned alumni and students who purchased 766 acres of the mountain to save it from timbering and mining. 98 Founded in 1984, to preserve the regional icon from additional environmental destruction, the Mount Nittany Conservancy, formed by Lion’s Paw members and other concerned individuals, raised $120,000 to buy 120 acres after the owner at the time offered to donate 89 acres. 99 In no uncertain terms, group founder and Penn State alumnus Ben Novak, stressed, “Mount Nittany is Penn State’s most important symbol and legendary home of the

Nittany Lion.” 100

Intent on saving the mountain from further damage due to limestone mining, local conservation organizations purchased the mountain in 2007. The Nittany Valley Society, founded in 2012, also “aims to strengthen a sense of regional identity and enhance community experience by sharing the stories of the place.” 101 Local conservationist and author Thomas A.

Shakely observes: “There’s just something about it [Nittany Mountain] that instills awe in a person. Even though there’s nothing particularly special about the mountain, it’s special to us.” 102 According to Novak, the mountain falls nothing short of “magical and it turns out that it does us some practical good to have some magic in our lives…we have such a place right in the

Nittany Valley, right where we live.” 103 Folklorist Simon Bronner agrees, noting natural

98 Damon Chappie, “In Room 419, a Myth Lives On,” Daily Collegian , October 9, 1986, 1, 6. The Lion’s Paw, a secret society, remained exclusively male until 1972. “The Lion’s Paw Creed” sums up the group’s dogma: “May the Lion’s Paw ever rest as the guardian at the gates of old Penn State—that its stroke may be the despair of her enemies and its strength the pride of her friends.” 99 Ben Novak, “Mount Nittany,” Daily Collegian , October 19, 1984, 28. 100 Ben Novak quoted in: “Saving Mount Nittany,” Daily Collegian , October 11, 1984, 8. 101 Nittany Valley Society Strategic Plan 2015-16, 5. 102 Thomas A. Shakely quoted in: Cathie Simpson, “New Book Tells the Story of Our Mountain,” Onward State , July 8, 2013, 1. 103 Ben Novak quoted in: Cathie Simpson, “New Book Tells the Story of Our Mountain,” Onward State , July 8, 2013, 1. 29 formations like these: “Enspirit the land” and “cultivate civic values and regional pride.” 104

Since place and its prominent connection to identity remain popular subjects of active inquiry across a wide range of disciplines, in relation to Penn State iconography, this area of scholarly interest also requires further research. 105

Derived from an Algonquin term meaning “single mountain,” showcasing the conflation of place and identity, the area’s first inhabitants bestowed the word “Nittany” to the immediate surrounding central Pennsylvania landscape. 106 Preceded by the Muncy of the Lenni Lenape, who moved west to the headwaters of the Allegheny River east of the present-day town of

Coudersport by 1728, the Shawnee inhabited the area when whites first arrived. 107 However, despite late-nineteenth century accounts citing the Shawnee previously resided in the American

South before driven out by Spanish colonizers, or the illustrious late-nineteenth century historian

Francis Parkman’s assessment that their “eccentric wanderings… perplex the antiquary and defy research,” and even scholarship as recent as the mid-1980s which places the Shawnee as rootless itinerants, the historical record shows prior to 1765 in Pennsylvania their numbers were not as great as previously indicated and according to ethnographer Ian Steele, remained merely

“supporting actors.” 108 Recent scholarship instead shows Shawnee migratory patterns took place

104 Simon Bronner quoted in: Tim Shakley, “Conserving Mount Nittany,” Nittany Valley Society, 2015. 105 On place and social identity, see Tim Cresswell, Place: An Introduction , (Boston: John Wiley, 2015). Jeff Malpas, ed., The Place of Landscape: Concepts, Contexts, Studies , (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 2011). Igor Knez, “Attachment and Identity as Related to Place and its Perceived Climate,” Journal of Environmental Psychology , 25, no. 1, (August 2005): 207-218. 106 Penn State University, “All Things Nittany,” (University Park: Pattee Library, 2008). 107 John Blair Linn, History of Centre and Clinton Counties , (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Press, 1883), 1. 108 Reverend William C. Reichel, ed., Memoirs of the Moravian Church, Vol. 1 , (Philadelphia: Moravian Book Association, 1870), 103. Francis Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada , (Boston: John Wilson and Son, 1896), 32. Francis 30 at different times; took dissimilar routes; and involved kin and families rather than the entire nation. 109 However, white Eurocentric local histories, similar to the one propagated by Penn

State, seldom care or even see a need to differentiate between Native American groups; preferring a romanticized prototypical vision of the Noble Savage living a peaceful existence amidst a wooded wonderland prior to the introduction of what cultural critic Leo Marx terms

“the machine in the garden.” 110

In the mid-eighteenth century, Scots-Irish settlers, the first Europeans to enter the region—such as James Potter, who ascended Mount Nittany in 1764—kept the name “Nittany” and began using it to refer to the surrounding mountain and valley. 111 The Centre County government’s home page, which hails Potter, who exclaimed: “I have discovered a paradise!” remains a telling example of how locals routinely subjugate and flatly deny Native American

Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies from its Beginnings to the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 , (New York: Norton, 1984), 67-68. Ian Steele, “Shawnee Origins of Their Seven Years’ War,” Ethnohistory , 53, no. 4, (fall 2006): 657-87 (quotation, 659). 109 Stephen Warren, The Worlds the Shawnee Made: Migration and Violence in Early America , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014). Sami Lakomäki, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870 , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014). Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America , (New York: Penguin Books, 2007). 110 Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral; Idea in America , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964). 111 John Potter quoted in: Centre County Government, “Welcome Page,” (Centre County, Pennsylvania, 2017). F.B. Everitt, “Early Presbyterianism along the West Branch of the Susquehanna River,” Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society , 12, no. 8, (October 1927): 484. 480-486. John Brady, Captain James Irvine, Lieutenant James Hays, and Lieutenant Thomas Wiggins were among the first Scots-Irish settlers to press towards Nittany Mountain. For Scots-Irish settlement in Pennsylvania’s backcountry, see James Webb, Born Fighting: How the Scots-Irish Shaped America , (New York: Broadway Books, 2005). Patrick Griffin, The People with No Name: Ireland’s Ulster Scots, America’s Scots-Irish, and the Creation of a British Atlantic World, 1689-1764 , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). Jane T. Merritt, At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700-1763 , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2003). Thomas L. Purvis, “Patterns of Ethnic Settlement in Late-Eighteenth Century Pennsylvania,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine , 70, no. 2, (April 1987): 107-122. 31 history; instead choosing to exalt and tacitly endorse a narrative based on a pantheon of white heroes. 112

The relationship between first English and Native Americans (and later American settlers) remained contentious at best. Conversely, this directly opposes the veneer of tranquility painted later by Penn State and other local stakeholders with a viable socio-economic interest. In fact, interaction between the two groups stands in direct opposition to the white Eurocentric- constructed legends that entertain romantic ideals of the image of the ecologically-minded Noble

Savage existing in a veritable, primordial Eden. 113 Local histories routinely downplay the importance of erosion of a middle ground, as well as the introduction of prestige goods, tenets of historical inquiry in the past several decades and pivotal in understanding loss of Native

American autonomy. 114 Regional accounts additionally obfuscate a polyglot borderland plagued by the opposing dogmas of backcountry evangelical republicanism and pan-nativism, both in their nascent stages at the time, along with the constant threat of violence along the westernmost frontier; a tragic result of miscommunication between the two groups of each other’s cultural, economic, and political goals. 115 Only in the past 25 years have historians begun to understand

112 James Potter quoted in: Centre County Government, “Welcome Page,” Centre County Pennsylvania, 2017). 113 For mythic constructions of Native Americans as stewards of the natural environment, see Raymond Harnes, “The Ecologically Noble Savage Debate,” Annual Review of Anthropology , 36, no. 1, (October 2007): 177-190. Ter Ellingson, The Myth of the Noble Savage , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). Shep Krech, The Ecological Indian , (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999). 114 For idea of a “middle ground,” see Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 , (New York: Oxford, 1991). For prestige goods, see Daniel P. Richter, Before the Revolution: America’s Ancient Pasts , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011), 29. 115 Sean P. Harvey, “An Eighteenth Century Linguistic Borderland,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography , 1, no. 4, (October, 2012): 495-498. For Pontiac’s Rebellion, see Alfred A. Cave, Prophet of the Great Spirit: Native American Revitalization Movements in Eastern North America , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2006), 22-44; Gregory Evans Dowd, 32 the loss of identity and the resulting turn to spirituality on the part of Native Americans during the mid-eighteenth century due to land encroachment, genocide, and disease—a precursor to the tumultuous events of the next century. 116

Penn State propagates a regional history based on a one-sided, white, Eurocentric interpretation in hopes of ameliorating a less than stellar past. Interestingly, in this equation, too, although never a significant demographic in rural Pennsylvania, blacks remain conspicuously absent. 117 Despite the pains both Penn State and central Pennsylvania chambers of commerce go to manufacture a narrative of an idyllic past, one where both whites and Indians inhabit a

War under Heaven: Pontiac, the Indian Nations, and the British Empire , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 2002,), 54-147; White, The Middle Ground , 269-289. On Paxton Boys, see Krista Camenzind, “Violence, Race, and the Paxton Boys,” in Daniel P. Richter, ed., Friends and Enemies in Penn Woods: Colonists, Indians, and the Racial Construction of Pennsylvania , (University Park: Penn State Press, 2010), 201-220. 116 For nascent stages of mid-18 th century Native American spirituality, see Michael N. McConnell, A Country Between: The Upper Ohio Valley and its Peoples, 1724-1774 , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992); Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The Native American Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1992), 23-35. For encroachment and genocide, see Jeffrey Ostler, “To Extirpate the Indians”: An Indigenous Consciousness of Genocide in the Ohio Valley and Lower Great Lakes, 1750s-1810,” The William and Mary Quarterly , 72, no. 4, (October 2015): 578-622. For disease, see Barbara Alice Mann, The Tainted Gift: The Disease Method of Frontier Expansion , (Santa Barbara: University of Santa Barbara Press, 2009), 10-18. David S. Jones, Rationalizing Epidemics: Meanings and Uses of American Indian Mortality since 1600 , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 94-103. Philip Ranlet, “The British, the Indians, and Smallpox: What Actually Happened at Fort Pitt in 1763?” Pennsylvania History , 67, no. 3, (Summer 2000): 427-441. For early 19 th century pan-nativism leadership in Great Lakes and Southeast, see John Sugden, Blue Jacket: Warrior of the Shawnees , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2000). Tecumseh: A Life , (New York: Henry Holt, 1997). Tecumseh’s Last Stand , (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1985). David R. Edmunds, Tecumseh and the Quest for Indian Leadership , (New York: Pearson, 2003). The Shawnee Prophet , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1983). Joel Martin , Sacred Revolt: The Muskogee’s Struggle for a New World , (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991). 117 Quintard Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier: African-Americans in the American West, 1528-1990 , (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999). Merle G. Brouwer, “Marriage and Family Life Among Blacks in Colonial Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography , 99, no. 3, (July 1975): 368-372. 33 pastoral setting, void of racial and ethnic strife, recent historiography and research, however, tells a different story. 118

Long preceding human inhabitants, mountain lions populated the hills of central

Pennsylvania. Settlers initially inhabiting the commonwealth quickly learned of the mysterious predator. 119 A natural history detailing early nineteenth century Pennsylvania notes: “In the daytime, the cougar is seldom seen, but its peculiar cry frequently thrills the experienced traveler with horror, while camping in the forest for the night.” 120 Elusive and enigmatic, depending on the research consulted, the American cougar ( Puma concolor couguar ), called “an animal that cannot really be understood at all,” by wildlife preservationist Roger Caras, has been studied closely by wildlife experts, who readily agree on the cat’s private nature. 121 Whereas wildlife writer Bruce S. Wright refers to the panther as a “ghost,” nature essayist Edward Hoagland uses the word “elusory” to denote the animal’s secretive nature. 122 Additionally, while wildlife biologist Gerald Parker calls the panther a “mystery,” Richard I. Dodge, a hunter on the Great

Plains, recorded the mountain lion as a “huge” cat.123 As United States Fish and Wildlife Service

118 Daniel K. Richter and William A. Pencak, eds., Friends and Enemies in Penn’s Woods: Indians, Colonists, and the Racial Construction of Pennsylvania , (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2007). Daniel K. Richter, Native Americans’ Pennsylvania , (University Park: Pennsylvania Historical Association, 2005). 119 J. Kenneth Doutt, “Mountain Lions in Pennsylvania?” American Midland Naturalist , 82, no. 1, (July 1969): 281-285. 120 John Godman, American Natural History , (Philadelphia: Carey and Lea, 1826), 295. 121 Roger Caras, Panther! (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1969), 6. 122 Bruce S. Wright, The Ghost of North America: The Story of the Eastern Panther , (New York: Vantage, 1959). Edward Hoagland, “Hailing the Elusory Mountain Lion” in Walking the Dead Diamond River , (Guilford: Globe-Pequot Press, 1993). 123 Gerald Parker, Mystery Cat of the Appalachians , (Halifax: Nimbus Press, 1998). Richard I. Dodge, Hunting on the Great Plains , (London: Chatto and Windus, 1893), 217. 34 field biologist Olaus J. Mune notes: “This American lion… is so secretive that the sight of one in the wild is a rarity, and a choice experience.” 124

Part of the enigma surrounding big cats of the American landscape, such as the Nittany

Lion, derives from the more than forty names, many which hail from folklore, used to describe them. 125 Numerous different titles, yet all these names refer to one species of big cat—the cougar. Names for the big predator cats of the American landscape stem from regional dialects. 126 An amalgamation of two South American Indian words, no less than 87 words in

Spanish, English, and Native American dialects denote the cougar.

Once frequent to the surrounding central Pennsylvania forest, by the mid-nineteenth century, hunters and the ceaseless encroachment of civilization took their toll on the state’s mountain lions. 127 A local hunter, Samuel Brush shot one of the last in Susquehanna County in

1856, which the Brush family subsequently donated to Penn State in 1893. Accordingly, 1893

124 Olaus J. Mune, A Field Guide to Animal Tracks , (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1954), 97. 125 Alexandra Powe Alfred, Cats’ Most Wanted: The Top Ten Book of Mysterious Mousers, Talented Tabbies, and Feline Oddities , (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011), 50. Roger Caras, North American Mammals: Fur-bearing Animals of the United States and Canada , (New York: Meredith Press, 1967), 121. Known alternately by a wide array of colorful and fanciful, if not totally inaccurate monikers—mountain lion, catamount (cat of the mountain, possibly from Spanish gato montaña ), and deer tiger—not fond of carrion, mountain lions mainly survive on deer. Robert H. Busch, The Cougar Almanac , (Guilford: Globe Pequot Press, 2004), 16. Other colorful names include: yellow tiger, red tiger, panther, painter (a backwoods corruption of panther), devil cat, ghost cat, Indian devil cat, king cat, tiger cat, and screamer. S.P. Young, The Puma: Mysterious American Cat , (Washington, D.C.: American Wildlife Institute, 1946). J. Clarke, Man is the Prey , (New York: Stein and Day, 1969). Still more names include: mountain screamer, American lion, silver lion, brown lion, Mexican lion, red tiger, purple panther, and leopard . 126 Harold P. Danz, Cougar! (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1999), 18. The word “panther” remains an eastern and southeastern United States colloquialism. Hoagland, “Hailing the Elusory Mountain Lion,” 47. Wildlife writer, Edward Hoagland notes: “the panoply of names is itself quite a tribute, and somehow the legends about panthers have lingered longer than bear or wolf tales, helped by the animal’s own limber, far-travelling stealth and as a carry-over from the immense mythic force of the great cats of the world.” 127 Michael R. Conover, “Effect of Hunting and Trapping on Wildlife Damage,” Wildlife Society Bulletin , 29, no. 2, (summer 2001): 521-532. 35 represented somewhat of a banner year for the symbol of the Nittany Lion. James Moore killed the last mountain lion in Centre County (the county in which Penn State resides) the same year.

In addition, Penn State’s Brush Lion appeared at the pivotal World’s Fair in Chicago displayed prominently in Pennsylvania’s exhibit next to the famed Liberty Bell. Upon completion of its hiatus from Penn State, the lion returned to State College; it lay abandoned and forgotten, slowly deteriorating on campus at several locations: the wildlife museum in Old Main, the Zoology

Department, and finally the basement of the of the Agriculture Building. 128 Beginning in 1953, school curators lent the cat to the Carnegie Museum of Natural History in Pittsburgh for an unspecified period of time; it did not return to Penn State for the next forty years. 129

Today, the Brush Lion stands not only as an outstanding example of mid-nineteenth century taxidermy but also, of utmost importance, remains the most complete specimen of the

Pennsylvania mountain lion—Felis concolor (the name bestowed by Carolus Linnaeus in 1771 meaning “cat of one color”) — in existence. 130 Due to the concerned efforts of the aptly-named

Original Nittany Lion Committee, a striking panorama in the Pattee Library depicts the Brush

Lion roaming the central Pennsylvania mountainside.131 Of utmost importance in highlighting the specie’s extinction at the hands of rapturous hunters as well as exposing the environmental damage wrought by developers and industry in the late-nineteenth century, the exhibit also remains instrumental in educating students and the community about the commonwealth’s

128 Jackie Esposito, The Nittany Lion: An Illustrated Tale , (University Park: Penn State, 1997), 76. 129 Henry D. Gerhold, A Century of Forest Resources , (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2007), 157. Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 78. 130 Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 77. 131 Gerhold, A Century of Forest Resources , 157. 36 fragile ecosystems and the further steps which can be taken to protect its wildlife and identity. 132

Penn State, too, has performed extensive genetic testing to determine if its icon is indeed a specific sub-species. At best, however, studies remain inconclusive. 133

Penn State’s focus on determining if the Nittany Lion is indeed unique points to how important regional identity remains in the realm of college mascots. Gary San Julian, professor of wildlife resources at Penn State, believes: “We sort of give up the wild tradition and history of a place when we lose something like this. People like to think that they’re still out there.” 134

On the other hand, as the library panorama indicates, increased visibility of the Nittany Lion along with updated information serves to heighten environmental awareness and wildlife conservation efforts. 135 Penn State biology professor George Perry concurs, saying, “People know the Nittany Lion. It gives us a way to talk about conservation, genetics and extinction that people can relate to.” 136

Much of the legend and folklore surrounding the region owes its existence to the pen of newspaper publisher and local popularizer Henry T. Shoemaker. Purely fabrication,

Shoemaker’s yarns stem from stories he heard in his youth, which he elaborated on for effect in later years. From the mind of Shoemaker sprung “The Legend of Nittany Mountain,” “The

Legend of Penn’s Cave,” Nit-a-nee, and Lion’s Paw: all stories and mythical Native American characters set in bucolic landscapes essential to a succinct understanding of the taproots of the

132 Michael E. Baltz and Mary J. Ratnaswamy, “Mascot Conservation Programs: Using College Animal Mascots to Support Species Conservation Efforts,” Wildlife Society Bulletin , 28, no. 1, (spring 2000): 159-163. 133 Annie Ma, “PSU Student Uses Stuffed Nittany Lion for DNA Sequencing,” Pittsburgh Post- Gazette , May 3, 2015, 6. 134 Gary San Julian quoted in : Staff, “Extinction of Eastern Cougar Met with Sadness in Nittany Valley,” Penn State News , May 11, 2011, 1. 135 Staff, “Nittany Lion DNA Project 3,” Penn State News , April 14, 2015, 1. 136 George Perry quoted in: Annie Ma, “PSU Student Uses Stuffed Nittany Lion for DNA Sequencing,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette , May 3, 2015, 6. 37 popular imagery of Penn State. 137 Shoemaker’s Eurocentric-fashioned stories inspired similar fabrications, such as the one which appeared in the 1916 student yearbook, La Vie . Simply titled

“The Legend of the Valley,” the tale not only builds on previously established characters and themes of heroism and tragic love but also incorporates the founding of the land-grant institution into the legend. 138 In this way, Penn State elites use stereotypical narratives to oppress and marginalize indigenous culture while simultaneously reinforcing white supremacy. 139

However, the newspaperman’s efforts go far beyond just concocted stories; he proved a prescient writer. An outspoken advocate on behalf of the Commonwealth’s wildlife—especially its mountain lions—he routinely castigated “those who slaughter wildcats wantonly as false to posterity, unacquainted with natural history, and ignorant of the scheme of nature.” 140 An ardent preservationist, Shoemaker worked tirelessly not only publicizing the Commonwealth but also defending its ecosystems and wildlife. 141 A Pennsylvanian transplant, Shoemaker followed the teachings of the more well-known nineteenth century environmental spokesperson George

Perkins Marsh, who although not the first to advocate protection of nature over despoliation, did recognize the interrelatedness of cultural practices and environmental declension. 142 Long-time

137 Henry W. Shoemaker, Juanita Memories: Legends Collected in Central Pennsylvania , (Philadelphia: J.J. McVey, 1916). To spur interest in the state and fuel tourism, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania hired Shoemaker to produce volumes of Pennsylvania folklore. Many of the preceding book’s stories serve as a basis for Penn State’s ingeniously social constructed traditions. 138 Pennsylvania State College, “Legend of the Valley,” La Vie , (University Park: Penn State, 1916), 23-24. 139 Michael Yellow Bird, “Cowboys and Indians: Toys of Genocide, Icons of Colonialism,” Wicazo Sa Review , 19, no. 2, (fall 2004): 33-48. 140 Henry W. Shoemaker, Pennsylvania Wildcats , (Altoona: Tribune Press, 1916), 7. 141 Simon J. Bronner, Popularizing Pennsylvania: Henry W. Shoemaker and the Progressive Uses of Folklore and History , (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 1996). 142 Richard W. Judd, “George Perkins Marsh: The Times and Their Man,” Environment and History , 10, no. 2, (May 2004): 169-190. T. Gregory Garvey, “The Civic Intent of George Perkins Marsh’s Anthrocentric Environmentalism,” The New England Quarterly , 82, no. 1, 38 advocates of fresh air, outdoors recreation, and the innumerable benefits offered by such activities as mountain hiking, proponents of turn-of-the-century back-to-nature movements like

Shoemaker, who formed the Alpine Club to promote leisure and preservation, found the rewards of the Keystone State’s environment incalculable. 143 Similar to Marsh, Shoemaker, too, championed ecosystems and wildlife over environmental degradation. 144 Both men exerted tremendous influence on the development and institution of strong national as well as statewide policies and organizations throughout Pennsylvania instrumental in calling attention to problems associated with deforestation. 145

Dubbed sentimentalists by what some anxious men saw at the time and opposed as the feminization of American culture, writers, like Shoemaker, carefully crafted their tracts avoiding discourse typically associated with women; balancing their rhetoric instead in unmistakable terms of masculinity and couching appeals in the language of efficiency and science to avoid

(March 2009): 80-111. Char Miller, Gifford Pinchot and the Making of Modern Environmentalism , (Washington, D.C: Island Press, 2001), 55-57. Donald J. Pisani, “Forests and Conservation, 1865-1890,” Journal of American History , 72, no. 1, (September 1985): 340- 359. 143 Silas Chamberlain, “‘To Ensure Permanency’: Expanding and Protecting Hiking Opportunities in Twentieth-Century Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid- Atlantic Studies , 77, no. 2, (spring 2010): 194. 193-216. For hiking and leisure, see Thomas R. Wellock, Preserving the Nation: The Conservation and Environmental Movements, 1870-2000 , (Wheeling: Harlan-Davidson, 2007). Marguerite Shaffer, See America First: Tourism and National Identity,1880-1940 , (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001).Cindy S. Aron, Working at Play: A History of Vacations in the United States , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967). 144 Marcus Hall, “The Provincial Nature of George Perkins Marsh,” Environment and History , 10, no. 2, (May 2004): 191-204. 145 Peter Linehan, “The Teacher and the Forest, the Pennsylvania Forestry Association, George Perkins Marsh, and the Origins of Conservation Education,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies , 79, no. 4, (autumn 2012): 520-536. 39 charges of effeminacy by contemporaries. 146 Long a concern to eco-minded critics of exploitation of the Commonwealth’s natural resources, a small group comprised primarily of women, believing forests essential to public health, formed the Pennsylvania Forestry

Association following the release of a particularly scathing report on deforestation in 1895. 147

However, as in other times, cultural discourse often remained ambivalent during the

Progressive Era. White males additionally not only believed interaction with nature built moral fortitude while promoting physical fitness, but more importantly assumed environments similar to “the mountain’s topography literally elevated and sanctified Progressive Era masculinity and national identity as the virile heroes conjoined their bodies with the power of the sublime.” 148

Progressive nativist men firmly believed protection and appreciation of America’s sacred mountains and hallowed forests rested squarely with them; trusting new immigrants with the task seemed unwise. 149 By framing his arguments on why Pennsylvanians should embrace its forests, mountains, and woodland inhabitants, Shoemaker, like other turn-of-the-century, eco-minded, white male activists, sought to imbue themes of masculinity and nationalistic sentiment in his writing; simultaneously distancing himself from charges of unmanliness while persuading other

146 Adam Rome, “‘Political Hermaphrodites’: Gender and Environmental Reform in Progressive America,” Environmental History , 11, no. 3, (July 2006): 440-463. 147 Joel A. Tarr, “Lessons from Pennsylvania’s Environmental Past,” Pennsylvania Legacies , 10, no. 1, (May 2010): 40-41. Peter Linehan, “Strategies for Forestry Success: Examples from the Early Years of the Pennsylvania Forestry Association,” Journal of Forestry , 103, no.3, (July/August 2005): 224-229. 148 Peter L. Bayers, “Frederick Cook, Mountaineering in the Alaskan Wilderness, and the Regeneration of Progressive Era Masculinity,” Western American Literature , 38, no. 2, (summer 2003): 172. 170-193. 149 Adam Rome, “Nature Wars, Culture Wars: Immigration and Environmental Reform in the Progressive Era,” Environmental History , 13, no. 3, (July 2008): 432-453. 40 like-minded whites to preserve the Commonwealth’s endangered environment in the most recognizable nativist jargon. 150

Shoemaker emphasized an ethical approach far beyond the reigning philosophy of the era regarding the use of land and its resources. Reflecting ideas ahead of their time, Shoemaker shared Aldo Leopold’s ideology embraced later in the postwar era by American culture, which stressed the interrelatedness of ecology, economics, and ethics. 151 In a trenchant critique of the state’s less than stellar record of prizing profit over an environmental approach, Shoemaker remarked, “Just as we look with scorn on the wasteful methods of the old-time lumbermen of

Pennsylvania, we will before long cherish the same opinion of the men who wantonly destroyed the wildlife of the Commonwealth.” 152 Despite the well-worn cultural tropes the Altoona journalist favored, whether the seemingly inexhaustible cachet of folk stories he created, simultaneously reinforcing white superiority while denigrating Native American society or the consciously specific terms, references, and analogies in both styles of rhetoric, one thing remains constant however—the journalist’s love and adoration for the surrounding central Pennsylvania landscape and its own distinct fauna and flora.

Born in the spring of 1906, the symbol of the Nittany Lion owes its existence to Joe

Mason, a Penn State baseball player and editor of the unsanctioned student-published lampoon,

The Lemon . To buoy team spirit, prior to the anticipated meeting between State’s team and the

Princeton University Tigers, the Penn State junior concocted the Nittany Lion on the spot;

150 Bronner, Popularizing Pennsylvania . 151 Aldo Leopold, Sand County Almanac , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949). Curt Meine, Aldo Leopold: His Life and Work , (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999). Curt Meine and Richard L. Knight, eds., The Essential Aldo Leopold: Quotations and Commentaries , (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999). 152 Henry W. Shoemaker, The Pennsylvania Lion or Panther: A Narrative of Our Grandest Game Animal , (Altoona: Tribune Press, 1914), 12. 41 painting the mountain lion indigenous to central Pennsylvania as more ferocious than the elite opponent’s mascot, a Bengal Tiger. Not only did Penn State win the baseball game at the New

Jersey school that day but of more importance, Mason bestowed an identity to the land-grant institution.

The following spring, Mason pushed for the symbol’s acceptance in a series of impassioned editorials in The Lemon . In the St. Patrick’s Day edition, he informed readers:

“Every college the world over of any consequence has a college emblem of some kind—all but the Pennsylvania State College.” Mason proposed: “the King of the Beasts—the Lion!

Dignified, courageous, magnificent—‘the Lion’ allegorically represents all that our college spirit should be.” He then asked readers: “So why not ‘the Nittany Mountain Lion?’” 153 Mason continued his plea in the following week’s issue, writing: “So let’s get busy and adopt the ‘Old

Nittany Mountain Lion,’ for ours before somebody else steps in ahead of us. Just now we can be the only college in the land with this noble pet for our very own and it’s about time Penn State owned such an emblem.” 154 In this manner, the Pennsylvania school became forever associated with the regional symbol of the Nittany Lion.

The choice of a central Pennsylvania mountain lion certainly seems obvious for a couple reasons. First, and notably, students identified with a species that once inhabited the region; it gave them a totem around which to rally and a key to fomenting group solidarity. Second, regardless of its name—mountain, lion, panther, cougar, or puma—known for its guile, agility, strength, speed, and poise as well as equipped with razor sharp claws, the big cat of the

American landscape—the Nittany Lion in Penn State’s case—is a formidable opponent, instilling fear in challengers under any circumstances.

153 Joe Mason, “Editorial,” Lemon , March 17, 1907. 154 Joe Mason, “Editorial,” Lemon , March 24, 1907. 42

A manufactured image, the Nittany Lion like all social constructions however uses human existence as a model.155 People in this way reference nonhuman animals by assigning particular markers of gender to them; often, attributing feminine qualities to felines. Long- portrayed and associated with possessing feminine characteristics, male-derived social constructions readily give way to generalizations about similarities between nonhuman animals and women. 156 For example, although the big cats’ of the American landscape “screams, purrs, and vocalizations are extremely rare,” due to the mountain lion’s high-pitched, caterwaul—they hiss, cry, snarl, and scream at times—American culture deemed them as feminine. 157 One experienced hunter recalled: “it sounded like a lot of silly girls chattering.” 158 Another turn-of- the-century interview with a different hunter revealed the big cats not only “squall most abominably,” but he also likened the sound to “a chorus of tomcats intensified by the resonance of a steam calliope.” 159 A veteran central Pennsylvania hunter commenting on the big cat’s distinctive cry, said: “If a panther roared on the other side of Nittany Mountain, all Sugar Valley would be aroused tonight.” 160 Other long-time mountain lion hunters and those who have lived in the animal’s habitat for thirty years or more say they “have heard a lot of talk about their screaming sounding like a woman, but will have to hear one make a sound before I will believe

155 Adina Radulescu, “Archetypal Feminine Figures in Fairy Tales: A Study in Archetypal Psychology,” Journal of Research in Gender Studies , 4, no. 2, (2014): 1082-1090. 156 Tracey Smith-Harris, “Bringing Animals into Feminist Critiques of Science,” Canadian Woman Studies , 23, no. 1, (fall 2003/winter 2004): 85-89. Lynda Birke, “Intimate Familiarities? Feminism and Human-Animal Studies,” Society and Animals , 10, no. 4, (2002): 429-436. 157 Claude T. Barnes, The Cougar or Mountain Lion , (New York: Ralton, 1960), 239. Caras, North American Mammals , 122. 158 W. D. Young, “Do Cougars Scream? A Favorite Bugaboo of Wilderness Fictionists Upset by Old Guides and Hunters,” Outing , 70, no.1, (April 1917): 482-484. 159 Barnes, The Cougar or Mountain Lion , 239. 160 Franklin Shreckengast quoted in: Henry W. Shoemaker, The Panther and the Wolf , (Altoona: Altoona Tribune Publishing, 1917), 44. 43 they scream.” 161 Some advocates of the outdoors chalk these noises up to coyotes, owls, and other wildlife.

The feline species also exhibited other cultural traits associated with femininity in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth century, ranging from positive descriptions of the archetypal

“good mother” to negative characterizations associated with manipulative behavior and treachery.162 Known for their shy and elusory behavior, alternately demure or manipulative— traits typically equated with feminine qualities—mistrust of cats abounded. Nature writer Chris

Bolgiano notes: “American panthers’ earliest and most resounding attributes are the mythical qualities of treachery and bloodlust.” 163 Although people rightly feared bear attacks, one proved a manlier opponent in its conduct than a perfidious cat. Bears behave in a more aggressive masculine manner than the deceptive and deceitful cat, which feigns courage. 164 A bear usually makes its presence known and will openly charge an opponent in a gruff, forward manner while big cats methodically stalk their quarry; sometimes hesitantly striking; at other times, shirking off indecisively.165 Since gender relations reflect maintenance of power, by assigning feminine traits to their selection of a mascot in which women are predominately portrayed as subordinate; either consciously or unwittingly, Penn State’s white male student body’s choice adds a new dimension in the historiography of American colleges and the adoption of mascots in the early

161 Young, “Do Cougars Scream?” 481. 162 Radulescu, “Archetypal Feminine Figures in Fairy Tales,” 1082-1090. 163 Chris Bolgiano, Mountain Lion: An Unnatural History of Pumas and People , (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1995), 36. 164 Jerry Mayer, Bear Hunting , (Harrisburg: Stackpole Books, 1983), 3. 165 Kathy Eding, Cougar Attacks: Encounters of the Worst Kind , (Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2004), 9. 44 twentieth century. 166 More research needs to be done in this area by scholars interested in how cultural repertoires on gender affect social communication, group identity, and team sports.

Despite the gendered cultural rhetoric indicative of the era, which highlighted perceived feminine aspects of the big cats of the American landscape and downplayed alleged masculine qualities, Penn State’s choice of the Nittany Lion by male students stands in stark contrast to the reigning beliefs of the time. This additionally complicates the selection and the history of the

Nittany Lion as well as other college mascots of the time. Understanding stakeholders’ selections requires further research on how cultural factors replete with their own underlying meanings and messages factor into mascot development. 167 Gender historians, such as Richard

Godbeer, argue: “White males clearly associated certain attributes and roles with masculinity and others with femininity, but they did not assume that these roles were or should be attached only to one sex or the other: men and women could embody both masculine and feminine attributes in appropriate contexts.” 168 When adopting an athletic symbol and mascot for the institution, white men at Penn State in the early twentieth century anthropomorphically projected whichever perceived masculine or feminine trait they believed would best help to shape a narrative based on familiar cultural beliefs and values. In this manner, the Nittany Lion could simultaneously represent a maternal, nurturing figure emblematic of the mountain; a deceiving

Jezebel; a reticent, sleek figure exhibiting the most graceful movements reminiscent of a dancer; or an aggressive, brutal, vicious, blood-thirsty killer. 169

166 Paula Nicholson, Gender, Power, and Organization , (New York: Routledge, 2005), vii. 167 Lin Rungtai,”A Study of Cognitive Human Factors in Mascot Design,” International Journal of Industrial Ergonomics ,” 23, no. 1, (January 1999): 108. 168 Richard Godbeer, The Overflowing of Friendship: Love between Men and the Creation of the American Public , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 2009), 4. 169 Suzanne J. Kessler and Wendy McKenna, Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). 45

Founded as the Pennsylvania Agriculture High School in 1855, under the Morrill Act, which gave states land to establish agricultural and mechanical colleges, late nineteenth century

Penn State students identified with an assortment of different mascots.170 At first, they sought familiar, innocuous animals associated with domestic and rural life, not the American landscape.

Not in the least original, students first opted for a bulldog and later “Old Coaly,” a mule instrumental in hauling stone for the construction of the school’s first building in 1859—Old

Main—before selecting the Nittany Lion. 171

Adopted in Mason’s senior year in 1908, Penn State became the first American college to use a lion as a symbol and mascot; however, since that time, at least 15 other colleges and universities have followed suit. 172 The same year, the student yearbook La Vie gave its nod of approval for the Nittany Lion by devoting a page to its image. 173 Regardless of the symbol’s particularly diverse cultural underpinnings and its multiple interpretations, evidenced further by photographs taken shortly thereafter in 1910 of different papier maché mock-ups, students readily accepted the Nittany Lion; using it for a variety of functions. 174 Evolving throughout its existence from a four-legged African lion to an American mountain lion perambulating about the sidelines on two legs, student publications routinely acknowledge that “the Nittany Lion mascot is the symbol of Penn State and it is the spirit and energy that puts the crowd on its feet.” 175

170 Lee S. Duemer, “The Agricultural Education Origins of the Morrill Land Grant Act of 1862,” American Educational History Journal , 34, no. 1, (2007): 135-146. Alan I. Marcus, “If All the World Were Mechanics and Farmers: Democracy and the Formative Years of Land-Grant Colleges in America,” Ohio Valley History , 5, no. 1, (spring 2005): 23-36. 171 Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 18. 172 Bob Carville, “Lion Hopeful Reaches Finals, Finds It’s Not His Style,” Daily Collegian , April 12, 1979, 1. 173 Pennsylvania State College, La Vie 1908 , (University Park: Penn State, 1908). 174 Pennsylvania State University, “Papier Mache Nittany Lion in 1910 at Penn State,” (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Archives). 175 Staff, Daily Collegian , March 30, 1982, 3. 46

Despite the symbol’s acceptance by the student body, a student mascot portraying the

Lion did not appear not until the early 1920s. Since then, up until the time of this writing, no less than 51 male students (the first and only African American, Ricky Williams, portrayed the mascot from 1993 to 1995) have donned the suit. 176 The first mascot, “Nittany Leo I,” initially delighted football fans in 1922 at the Penn State-Syracuse football game held at Polo Grounds in

New York City.177 Patterned after an African lion (the student mascot at the time, Richard

Hoffman, also held the role of the lion in the college’s production of Androcles and the Lion ), the costume bears little resemblance to the Nittany Lion of the central Pennsylvania landscape however. Unlike later lion mascots, Hoffman walked on all fours and roared through a megaphone. 178

Although a success with the fans that initial year, despite appearing in only the last three games of the football season (a span in which the team won 1 game out of 3), football coach

Hugo Bedzek viewed the mascot’s on field antics as undignified and distracting. Following a second losing season the next year, the irate coach banned the student mascot (at least from the football field) indefinitely. 179 In 1927, Leo Skinner, a student who worked in the University

Creamery, appeared briefly as the second “man in the suit.” 180 Not until Gene Wettstone

176 Staff, Penn State News, “About the Nittany Lion Mascot,” Penn State News , March 31, 2016, 1. 177 Staff, “Penn State and Syracuse Battle to Scoreless Tie,” Penn State Collegian , October 31, 1922, 1. 178 Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 76. 179 Tim Panaccio, Beast of the East: Penn State vs. Pitt: a Game-by-Game History of America’s Greatest Football Rivalry , (West Point, Leisure Books, 1982), 100. 180 “About the Nittany Lion Mascot,” 1. 47 reestablished the tradition twelve years later in 1939, however, would Penn State once again witness its beloved mascot—which now resembled an actual mountain lion—in action. 181

As time took its toll, by the immediate postwar era, the costume required constant repair.

Occasionally, the sometimes worn-out looking suit (which was actually made of rabbit fur) was sewn up, and patched with sheepskin. 182 “It was a lot different back then,” commented Alex

Gregal, the Lion mascot from 1951 to 1953. “Now the suit looks really good, before it was made out of rabbit fur and deer fur.” 183 Jack Behler, the Lion mascot from 1957 to 1960, wore the last of the suits made from rabbit fur. 184

For a time in the 1960s, the costume reverted back to an African lion. In Pittsburgh in

1969, after a staged wrestling match between the University of Pittsburgh Panther mascot and

Lion mascot Dave Lacey, Pitt fans destroyed the Lion costume, ripping it to shreds. A new suit came to $250. 185 Ironically, earlier the same year, students had sponsored a “Lucky Lion Lover

Membership Contest” to raise funds for the purchase of a new mascot suit. 186 In the 1970s, no doubt due to several winning football seasons, “the Nittany Lion emerged as a symbol central to

Penn State’s identity.”187 By the 1980s, the Nittany Lion began to resemble the current mascot fans recognize today. An updated Lion suit debuted in 1990, featuring a new set of teeth and—

181 Jeff Nelson, “Gymnastics Coaching Legend Gene Wettstone Dies,” Penn State News , July 31, 2013, 1. 182 Matthew Pencek and David Pencek, The Great Book of Penn State Sports Lists , (Philadelphia: Running Press, 2011), 66. In the years that followed, Wettstone became gymnastics coach and helped select the student mascot. 183 Alex Gregal quoted in: Tyler Jeffe, “Former Mascots Share Experiences,” Daily Collegian , October 20, 2008, 5. 184 Tiffany M. Spangenberg, “Former Lion Mascots,” Daily Collegian , October 20, 1997, 10. 185 Barbi Stein, “The Lion Celebrates a Golden Era,” Daily Collegian , October 1, 1970, 10. Reportedly to be paid by Pitt, Penn State never received compensation. 186 Staff, “Lion Lovers Contest Seeks Scholarship Funds,” Daily Collegian , May 8, 1969, 10. 187 Erin Servey, “Penn State History Lessons: The Nittany Lion Mascot,” Onward State! March 31, 2016, 1. 48 as a precaution from the occasional fan that drops the mascot on his or her head—a football helmet inside the head. 188

Today, the Lion mascot, after removing a detachable tail, dives into the student section at

Beaver Stadium and “crowd surfs,” approaching the upper levels of college football’s second- largest stadium 189 A widely popular crowd activity, the celebratory act of touching the Lion not only raises the sacred above the earthly plane but also reinforces group identity, giving members a sense of belonging to the Penn State community. 190 Consistently among the finalists as voted on by sports fans in Capital One Mascot of the Year contests; hailed as a cornerstone inductee at

Indiana’s newly-constructed College Mascot Hall of Fame—a distinction that Penn State

Cheerleading and Mascot Coach, Curtis White calls: “a humble honor and something well deserved for Penn State’s greatest symbol.” A major part of the school’s imagery and traditions,

White adds, “One of the famous cheers by Penn Staters is ‘We Want the Lion.’ I don’t know of any university that has a cheer solely for the mascot from their fans.” 191 Such an important component in constructing Penn State’s identity, the most-telling cultural and entertainment statistic of all however might be that the leviathan of sports news, ESPN, cites the Nittany Lion as the country’s most recognizable mascot. 192 Following crowd violence and damage done to school property in the fall of 1938, school president, Ralph Hetzel implored students to cease

“demonstrations harmful to the student body and college,” enlisting the help of the student newspaper to find a permanent place on campus to hold bonfires and rallies, which resulted in a

188 Ibid, 1. 189 Penn State Football: Success with Honor, DVD, Narrated by Rosie Grier, Warner, 2006. 190 William Kornblum, Sociology in a Changing World , (Belmont: Thompson, 2008), 127. 191 Curtis White quoted in: Staff, “Mascot Hall of Fame Nod May Be Nittany Lion’s Ticket to Immortality,” Penn State News , October 21, 2016, 1. 192 Elise Christenson, “Mascots: Is Lion King?” Newsweek , November 25, 2002, 25. 49

1939 fall campaign. 193 Built in 1942, the Nittany Lion Shrine serves to appease the student body and quell rowdy behavior. Instrumental in the construction, the Lion’s Paw—the aforementioned oligarchic student organization that seeks to build solidarity through establishment of group identity—formed in 1908, following Hetzel’s suggestion that students needed a designated gathering spot on campus to focus their youthful energy in a positive manner.

Ever since the adoption of the Nittany Lion as the school’s symbol, speculation centered on building a shrine on campus to instill pride in students and alumni. Proposed years earlier in an issue of The Lemon by none other than Joe Mason, who, in an impassioned plea for school spirit, wrote: “What a lasting and fitting memorial it would be for some class to place on campus a huge figure of this champion of the forest, ‘Old Nittany!’” 194 However, little happened until

1940, when that year’s graduating class began to lobby for a permanent Lion shrine on campus.

Voted the Senior Class Gift of 1940—the class raised $5,340 to pay for the construction, a considerable sum at the time. 195 Initially, two noted sculptors, Heinz Warneke and John B.

Flanagan, signified interest in the project. 196 Coincidentally, Warneke displayed work earlier at the college’s first international sculpture exhibition in 1937. 197 Chosen by a faculty committee,

Warneke, a noted German animal sculptor, whose works include sculptures in both zoos in

Philadelphia and Washington, D. C., accepted the job as the shrine’s sculptor. One of the members of the faculty committee that recommended him for the project, art professor Francis

193 Ralph Hetzel quoted in: Lou Prato, 100 Things Penn State Fans Should Know and Do before They Die , (Chicago: Triumph Books, 2015), 55. 194 Joe Mason, “Old Nittany—Our Lion!” Lemon , March 24, 1907. 195 Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 113. 196 Anonymous, “Sculptors Like Shrine Project,” Penn State Collegian , January 9, 1940, 1 197 Anonymous, “Sculpture Pieces to Go on Display,” Penn State Collegian , March 23, 1937, 1. 50

Hyslop, noted Warneke: “spurns the ‘crushed automobile’ school of modernism.” 198 Warneke himself said, “I believe in the work the College is doing for the sake of art, and I will try to traditionalize the figure of the lion.” 199 Completed in less than four months, work proceeded in front of wide-eyed spectators on the college lawn per contractual agreement; however, before

Warneke began to sculpt the statue, assistant, Joseph Garatti, cut the 13-ton block of white

Indiana limestone down to within a half-inch of the final size of the Lion. 200 Penn State obtained the last piece of limestone before the conversion of the quarry to make cement for the war effort.

The war severely limited the availability of bronze, too. “Hyslop said, “Originally, we wanted to do it in granite, which is kind of hard to vandalize, but because we only had $5,000 to work with, we had to get limestone.” 201

On October 24, 1942, students, fans, and alumni flocked to the Lion Shrine following its dedication during the season’s first football game with local rival Bucknell. 202 While Warneke could not attend the ceremony that day, he sent a letter stating, “Tell the students that I hope the

Lion roars them to victory after victory.” 203 Appropriately, Joe Mason, the man who had fixed the sacred totem, which would become synonymous with the college that fateful day versus

Princeton in 1906, attended the dedication. Never one to shy away from an opportunity to speak,

Mason chose his words carefully. “The origin of the Nittany Lion, which in truth, I cannot give

198 Francis E. Hyslop, “A Rare Spiritual Innocence,” Penn State Alumni News , October 12, 1965, 4. 199 Heinz Warneke quoted in: “Heinz Warneke Chosen as Lion Shrine Sculptor,” Daily Collegian , April 30, 1941, 1. 200 Francis E. Hyslop quoted in: Robert E. Kinter, “Presentation of Nittany Lion Climaxes Two Years of Planning, Hard Work, Controversy,” Daily Collegian , October 24, 1942, 8. 201 Francis E. Hyslop quoted in: “Lion’s Place at Rec Hall Still Not Permanent,” Daily Collegian , June 13, 1979, 18. 202 Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 121. 203 Heinze Warneke, “Class Gift to College at Dedication Today,” Daily Collegian , October 24, 1942, 1. Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 127. 51 you, as Old Man Lion was in charge over yonder on Mount Nittany long before Columbus discovered America, and likely fifty-thousand years before that.” 204 Expressing gratitude to the

German sculptor, Mason said: “Finally into full flower came the realization of all our dreams when sculptor Heinz Warneke created with his genius of heart, head, and hand this living, breathing image in stone.” 205 Quite fittingly, years later, as testament to the immortality ascribed to the totem in transcending even the death of its creator, the Nittany Lion mascot attended a tribute to Harrison Denning ‘Joe’ Mason at Mason’s gravesite outside Pittsburgh. 206 In this manner, myth orders time and becomes timeless. 207

Not only the athletic symbol of the university, the Lion is also one of the university’s most famous trademarks and attractions. 208 Strictly a matter of reinforcing group identity, a trek to sit on the Nittany Lion statue supports social order. 209 The most photographed site on campus

(as well as in central Pennsylvania), on graduation day, Penn Staters, along with loved ones and family, clamor to have a photograph taken with the Lion. 210

Whereas Penn Staters hail the symbols of the institution and espouse the same behaviors and values, opposing groups feel otherwise. Not every visitor to the Shrine comes to give praise to the Lion. Some mean malice. From the time of its unveiling, opposing schools’ fans have

204 Joe Mason, “Dedication of Lion Shrine,” Penn State Alumni News , November 1, 1942, 1. 205 Joe Mason quoted in: Bob Yuskavage, “Why a Nittany Lion?” Daily Collegian , September 2, 1972, 16. 206 Steve Mellon, “Untitled,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette , April 20, 2004, 9. 207 William E. Paden, Religious Worlds, (Boston: Beacon, 1988), 75. 208 Steve Ostrosky, “Old Main, Lion Remain Favorite Tourist Attractions,” Daily Collegian, September 4, 1973, 3. 209 Jack Santino, All around the Year , (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 11. 210 Pennsylvania State University, What is a Nittany Lion? (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 2003). 52 defaced the statue, dumping paint in their school colors over the Lion. 211 Since the late 1940s, some organizations and fraternities at Penn State have rallied together to guard the Lion before especially heated football contests. 212 By the late sixties, however, the tradition waned.

Distraught over student apathy, Sue Paterno, the wife of the coach, revived the tradition before a game against Syracuse in 1966. She and two other women covered the Lion in orange tempera paint to incite local fans to rally behind their mascot and team. 213 Since then, up to eight hundred students routinely guard the Shrine from vandalism on weekend home football games. “We wouldn’t have the Guard the Lion Shrine tradition without Sue Paterno, so she’s definitely an important part of Penn State history and tradition,” said Kristin Avagliano, an avid booster. 214

Yet another seamless way to instill identity while building solidarity; another enthused student summed up the custom: “Guard the Lion is an awesome tradition that everyone should participate in.” 215

Other more sacrilegious acts have resulted in damage to the Lion. In the fall of 1978,

Warneke returned to repair the Lion’s broken right ear. 216 In typical artist fashion, Warneke

211 Prato, 100 Things Penn State Fans Should Know and Do Before They Die . In the first few years following its opening, Pitt, West Virginia, Alabama, and Temple each defaced the shrine. Syracuse painted the Lion black in 1944. Villanova painted it red in1949. Georgetown dumped blue paint on the statue in 1950. Sasha Kintzler, “Log,” Daily Collegian , November 10, 1988, 3. In the fall of 1988, Pitt students wrote their school’s name on the statue, damages amounted to $500. 212 Becky Zahm, “Spotlighting Kappa Alpha Theta,” Daily Collegian , May 10, 1955, 27. Kappa Alpha Theta began the tradition of assigning pledges to guard the shrine against vandals on football weekends. Before its national affiliation with the Beta Phi Chapter, the group was known as the Nit-a-nees. Kelsey Ginck and Kristen Kisiellos, “Ambassadors Protect Lion, Tradition Lives On,” Daily Collegian , October 20, 2008, 5. Following an attack by Villanova in 1949, Pi Lambda Phi became actively involved guarding the Lion as well. 213 Esposito, The Nittany Lion, 136. 214 Kristin Avagliano quoted in: Matthew Spolar, “Lion Shrine Safe from Vandalism,” Daily Collegian , October 23, 2006, 1. 215 Mike Motily quoted in: “Ambassadors Protect Lion, Tradition Lives On,” 5. 216 Esposito, The Nittany Lion, 138. 53 remarked: “I came down to Penn State to fix the Lion because someone had to do it right.” 217

Before being destroyed in a fire, the original cast done by Warneke in 1942 went on display in

Philadelphia for several years. 218 Per instructions from the German sculptor before his death in

1983 at the age of 88, he instructed a mold to be made to ensure that the Lion will be saved if anything should happen to the original. 219 Damaged by vandals again in 1994, workers used a special bonding adhesive to reattach the broken piece. The statue sustained damage further in

2003, renewing debate over whether the Lion Shrine should be moved to an indoor facility. 220

Whereas traditionalists favor keeping the Lion Shrine in its original location, others envision it as the focal point of, perhaps, a sports complex. 221 In 2013, the iconic spot received a well-do makeover, replete with a pedestal made from Nittany Mountain stone and improved lighting to aid in theatrical presentation as well as security.222

Further denoting conspicuous consumption, one that goes hand-in-hand with consumer and marketing trends implemented over the past forty years, the logo—an affectation of the

1980s—remains not only a symbol of group identity but a merchandisable trademark; one that garners considerable profits. More than a distinctive trademark or symbol, a logo remains a merchandisable totem. 223 A logo contributes enormously to group identity, giving fans the opportunity to show which team they support.224 Today, backed by the federal government,

217 Heinz Warneke quoted in: “Warneke Returns to Repair Lion,” Daily Collegian , June 13, 1979, 1. 218 Anonymous, “Lion’s Place at Rec Hall Still Not Permanent,” 18. 219 Anonymous, “Lion Sculptor Remembered,” Daily Collegian , August 26, 1983, 14. 220 Ford Turner, “Nittany Lion Has Something to Growl About,” Patriot-News , July 31, 2003, 1. 221 Lloyd Dell, “Nittany Lion May be Moved to New Center,” Daily Collegian , October 24, 1988, 1. 222 Staff, “Renovated Nittany Lion Shrine Unveiled,” Daily Collegian , September 20, 2013, 1. 223 Jean Baudrillard, Simulations , (New York: Semiotext, 1983), 88. 224 Rosemary J. Coombe, The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties: Authorship, Appropriation, and the Law , (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), 194. 54 registration of the Nittany Lion logo and symbol allows Penn State proprietary rights over the licensing of the image. 225

Quite astonishingly from today’s perspective, Penn State did not have an official intercollegiate athletics symbol to represent the institution until 1983 when its first logo appeared. Interestingly, at this point in time, neither did many other American universities or college sports teams.226 Long-time Nittany Lion football radio announcer Fran Fischer, who at the time also sat on a school licensing committee, found images not previously trademarked offered the only money-making possibility for the university. Working in conjunction with the

New York law firm of Dixon and Parcels, an agency specializing in trademark legalities, Fischer soon became aware of over 200 American secondary schools using lions as symbols or mascots.

“So we had to find a lion that couldn’t look like a lion, but you’d need to have success with this lion or you wouldn’t get the trademark,” said Roy Parcels. 227 When Fischer informed Joe

Paterno, initially skeptical and overly concerned with exorbitant spending, the now disgraced long-time coach responsible for helping to build the rural land-grant institution into a nationally- known football juggernaut told him he did not want to “go bananas.” 228 Even though himself an

225 Timothy Lee Wherry, Trademarks in the Digital Age , (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2004), 18- 19. 226 Amy Smith, “PSU’s Unregistered Name Saves Consumers,” Daily Collegian , September 10, 1979. 227 Roy Parcels quoted in: Tim Gilbert, “The History of Penn State’s Nittany Lion Logo,” Onward State! February 7, 2014, 1. 228 Joe Paterno quoted in: “The History of Penn State’s Nittany Lion Logo.” Penn State takes in $3.8 million annually from branding and licensing. Following the Sandusky scandal, which revealed head football coach and icon, Joe Paterno not only had knowledge of football staffer Jerry Sandusky’s long-time sexual predation on minors involved in the university’s summer youth football camps but also chose to cover up those crimes, new licensing opportunities and merchandise sales have suffered considerably, hurting profits from which the institution still has yet to recover. Charles Thompson, “Penn State Merchandise Sales Slip in Hard Year,” Harrisburg Patriot-News , December 1, 2012, A7. In 2012, Penn State slipped from 12 th among 55 avid college football fan from New Jersey, Parcels, who came to State College to woo the coach personally, admits he did not know what a Nittany Lion looked like. “I thought for sure there must be one over in those mountains somewhere.” 229 On the choice for the logo, Paterno expressed his disdain for “those ones with big teeth and big claws” 230 ; instead, expressing an infinity for a symbol that “has a lot of character, patience, and determination.” 231

After three months and sixteen different proposed designs, the resulting logo appeared.

Fans dubbed the now highly recognizable blue and white profile of the Nittany Lion “the chipmunk” because of the Lion’s sloping, rodent-like head.232 Despite fans’ initial reaction and observation, media exposure and intensive marketing helped to contribute to its high visibility, propelling the logo to the popular stature it enjoys today. 233

Released in 1996 to build further on the familiar identity, “Pride of the Lions” depicts the

Nittany Lion’s head in a statelier yet aggressive pose. 234 “Our intention wasn’t to replace any of the existing graphic representations of Penn State,” commented Daniel Sieminski, chair of the

Penn State Licensing Committee, “but to supplement them in a fashion that might increase the appeal to the various publics our licensees serve.”235

major universities in royalty payments from merchandise to 20 th according to Collegiate Licensing Company. 229 Roy Parcels quoted in: “The History of Penn State’s Nittany Lion Logo.” 230 Joe Paterno quoted in: “The History of Penn State’s Nittany Lion Logo.” 231 Joe Paterno quoted in: Esposito, The Nittany Lion , 134. 232 Frank Fitzpatrick, The Lion in Autumn: A Season with Joe Paterno and Penn State Football , (New York: Penguin Books, 2005), 100. Paul Norman Lee, Graphic Identities of Prestigious American Colleges and Universities: Organizational Culture and Institutional Identity , (Bloomington: University of Minnesota, 1992), 226. 233 Penn State University, “Background about Penn State’s Visual Identity,” (University Park: Pattee Library). 234 Michele E. Johnston, “New Insignia Draws Mixed Reactions,” Daily Collegian , August 21, 1996. 235 Penn State University, “Current Logos,” August 8, 1996, (University Park: Pattee Library). 56

Other prominent Nittany Lion logos and visual representations not affiliated exclusively to athletics include the Pozniak Lion, the University mark, and blue and white three and five- toed paw logos. 236 However, their use pales in comparison to the two aforementioned logos.

Referred to as the Pozniak Lion, created originally and subsequently given to the University by alumnus and artist Ray Pozniak in 1976 for the Penn State hockey team, the logo depicts the head of a forward-facing Nittany Lion, outlined in blue against a white background. 237 Taken from the shrine image, a few campus groups like the Lion Ambassadors still use the symbol.

The first mark issued in the mid-1980s featured a full-bodied, left-facing Nittany Lion in a prone position replicating the stature of the Nittany Lion Shrine. 238 Recently updated from its original mid-1980s design because the pre-digital age design did not reproduce well, the current mark focuses on the head and face; depicting a forward-looking Nittany Lion, reminiscent of the pose struck at the familiar campus shrine. 239 According to Lawrence Lokman, Penn State’s vice president for strategic communications, “the refreshed version provides an opportunity to increase the visibility of Penn State while evolving the tradition of the Lion Shrine that Penn

Staters hold dear.”240

Even though anatomically incorrect, as felines (big or small) possess only four toes and a pad, Penn State has trademarks for the three-toed along with the five-toed paw print symbol whereas the Clemson Tigers hold the trademark for the four-toed design. 241 While misleading,

236 Pat Almony, “University Introduces New Logo,” Daily Collegian, March 27, 1987, 4. 237 Megan Rogers, “Pozniak Lion Designer Dies,” Daily Collegian , November 12, 2010, 5. 238 Almony, “University Introduces New Logo,” 4. 239 Bill Schackner, “Penn State’s Lion Gets a Makeover—Change Will Begin with Fall Semester,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette , August 5, 2015, B1. 240 Lawrence Lokman quoted in: “Penn State Mark to Receive Refresh for Stronger, More Contemporary Look,” Penn State News , August 4, 2015, 1. 241 Staff, “Such School Spirit, and One Toe Too Many,” Philadelphia Inquirer , October 3, 2005, E1. 57 some students believe otherwise. “I guess Nittany is a special breed of lion,” muses Abby

Brown, a junior in biology, “so it has an extra toe.” 242 Line drawings featuring the full-bodied statue as well as a three-quarter view of the head, additionally qualify as standardized images.

More informal animations involving a Nittany Lion character reminiscent of the Pink Panther involved in a variety of school-related activities also grace alumni newsletters and other approved organizations’ repertoires. 243

Like other trademark holders, Penn State retains the exclusive right to license these images and routinely blocks illegal use of the image of the Nittany Lion. As recently as 2012, for example, Penn State successfully stopped several nationwide school districts from using the likeness of the Nittany Lion logo. 244 For instance, one elementary school in Virginia had appropriated the exact image along with the same colors. 245 Interestingly, another thing that sets

Penn State’s logo licensing apart from other institutions is that 7.5% of every merchandise sale domestically or internationally goes to fund academic and athletic scholarships. 246 With overall sales of merchandise totaling $26 million, Penn State ranks third nationally among universities; only trailing its fellow Big Ten Conference opponents Ohio State and Michigan, which garnered

$33 million and $28 million respectively through marketing and licensing of their schools’ logos. 247

242 Abby Brown quoted in: David Smith, “Three or Five-Toed Lion?” Daily Collegian , January 29, 1999, 8. 243 Penn State Alumni Association, Penn Stater Alumni Magazine , no. 3, (July 2013): 12. 244 Mindy Szkaradnik, “Alabama School Copies Nittany Lion Logo,” Daily Collegian , September 16, 2011, 1. 245 Hurley Goodall and Mary Andom, “Mascot Watch,” Chronicle of Higher Education , 54, no. 21, (February 1, 2008): 6. 246 Penn State University, “Current Logos,” August 8, 1996, (University Park: Pattee Library). 247 Gilbert, “The History of Penn State’s Nittany Lion Logo.” 58

Finally, with animals accounting for over half of college mascot nicknames, and the big cat family remaining the “most favored” mascot, Penn State set precedent as the first university to adopt a lion as its symbol. 248 However, in choosing what some wildlife writers, such as

Rogers Caras regard as—“the (italics in original) big cat of the United States, our greatest predator and quite legitimately the symbol of all our wildlife”249 —the Pennsylvania school not only bestowed a priceless identity to its students, fans, and alumni but also fabricated a cultural marker based on a biased, paternalistic, Eurocentric understanding reminiscent of turn-of-the- century Progressive elites. Nevertheless, whether a conscious decision or not, Penn State stakeholders, such as Joe Mason in 1906, simultaneously chose a symbol culturally invested with a broad range of beliefs and values; representations vital in reproducing gendered processes and maintaining social order, along with shedding light on how “construction of difference… supports subordination and oppression” according to gender historians Lori Gruen and Kari

Weil. 250 Of course, especially in the case of Penn State as well as other institutions utilizing the symbol of the big cat as a mascot, more multi-disciplinary research needs to be done, offering further insights and perspectives into their existence from a historical and sociological basis.

Until then, however, collegiate supporters who hail symbols of the American landscape, particularly fans of schools with a long tradition invested in big cat predators like Penn State, will continue to believe that their favorite college teams’ symbols remain based on the timeless image of the elusive yet enigmatic big cat of the American landscape. A totem fans believe

248 Jim Wegryn, Funny Thing about Names: An Entertaining Look at Naming in America , (New York: Universe, 2005), 44, 55. 249 Caras, North American Mammals, 120. 250 Stanley Eitzen, Fair and Foul: Beyond the Myths and Paradoxes of Sport, ( New York: Rowan and Littlefield, 2012). Lori Gruen and Kari Weil, “Teaching Difference: Sex and Gender in Species,” in Teaching the Animal: Human-Animal Studies Across the Disciplines , ed., Margo Demeilio, (New York: Lanham Books, 2010), 127. 59 stands for qualities long associated with what Caras calls “the unrelenting reaper—sleek, sure, generally silent, excessively shy” as well as one known for its stealth, cunning, ambush, and strength, symbolizing authority, confidence, leadership—and little else. 251

251 Caras, Panther! 17. Caras, North American Mammals , 106. Paula Wild, The Cougar: Beautiful, Wild, and Dangerous , (Madeira Park: Douglas and McIntyre, 2013), 1. 60

CHAPTER 3

BEAVER: PRESERVATION OF A WETLANDS ENGINEER

Between 1910 and 1920, the beaver came to be associated with the Oregon State

University as its symbol and mascot. Prior to its elevation to iconic status during this era by white male college-aged students, the furry rodent did not enjoy wildlife protection. State residents saw it as a commodity at best. Mostly, however, the beaver presented problems as a pest and a nuisance. To curtail this behavior, during the same period, a handful of preservationists in Oregon—as demonstrated first on the national level, by eastern sophisticates such as George Perkins Marsh, and later, Theodore Roosevelt, and Gilford Pinchot, among others—indoctrinated a younger generation of state residents in the ways of wildlife conservation and protection. 252 Nationalistic teachings, such as that of Frederick Jackson Turner, which declared the frontier closed following the 1890 census, also had some effect on preservationists’ actions. 253 All of this had great bearing on how Americans—particularly college youth and the younger generation—regarded wildlife and the environment.254

252 Richard W. Judd, “George Perkins Marsh: The Times and Their Man,” Environment and History , 10, no. 2, (May 2004): 169-190. T. Gregory Garvey, “The Civic Intent of George Perkins Marsh’s Anthrocentric Environmentalism,” New England Quarterly , 82, no. 1, (March 2009): 80-111. Stephen C. Trombulak, ed., So Great a Vision: The Conservation Writings of George Perkins Marsh , (Middlebury: Middlebury College Press, 2001). David Lowenthal, George Perkins Marsh: Prophet of Conservation , (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000). Donald J. Pisani, “Forests and Conservation, 1865-1890,” Journal of American History , 72, no. 1, (September1985): 340-359. Curt Meine, “Roosevelt, Conservation, and the Revival of Democracy,” Conservation Biology , 15, no. 4, (August 2001): 829-831. Stephen Pounder, “‘Publicity in the Interest of the People’: Theodore Roosevelt’s Conservation Crusade,” Presidential Studies Quarterly , 20, no. 3, (summer 1990): 547-555. Char Miller, Gifford Pinchot and the Making of Modern Environmentalism , (Washington, D.C: Island Press, 2001), 55-57. H. K. Steen, ed., The Conservation Diaries of Gilford Pinchot , (Durham: Forest History Society and the Pinchot Institute for Conservation, 2001). 253 T.R.C. Hutton, “Beating a Dead Horse? The Continued Presence of Frederick Jackson Turner in Environmental and Western History,” International Social Science Review , 77, no. 1, (2002): 47-57. David M. Wrobel, “Beyond the Frontier-Region Dichotomy,” Pacific Historical Review , 61

This sea change in attitude explains the willingness of students—for example, in the case of Oregon State and the beaver—to suddenly embrace wildlife by adopting animals and other symbols of the American landscape as college mascots. Subsequently, due to a more ethical approach to the environment during this era, which had a profound effect on the up-and-coming generation, the image, representation, and nickname of the Beavers increasingly became popular among students at Oregon State as a symbol of school solidarity and identity. 255 While this rings true with what contemporary scholars from such diverse fields as gender, sport, and environment argue, the chapter herein builds on the literature by showing how college-aged white males in the

Pacific Northwest refashioned symbols of the American landscape in an effort to establish a regional identity, preserve vestiges of a lost frontier, as well as lend credence to their own conceptions of manhood. 256

65, no. 3, (September1996): 401-429. Michael Steiner, “From Frontier to Region: Frederick Jackson Turner and the New Western History,” Pacific Historical Review , 64, no. 4, (November 1995): 479-501. Tiziano Bonazzi, “Frederick Jackson Turner’s Frontier Thesis and the Self- Consciousness of America,” Journal of American Studies , 27, no. 2, (August 1993): 149-171. Roderick F. Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind , (New Haven: Yale University Press,), 1968), Ch. 6-7. 254 For cultural attitudes toward environment and its meaning to the nation, see Terre Ryan, This Ecstatic Nation : American Landscape and the Ethics of Patriotism , (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2011). On mascots and performativity, see Synthia Syndor Slowikowski, “Culture, Performance, and Sports Mascots,” Journal of Sport and Social Issues , 17, no.1, (April 1993): 23-33. 255 Dewey W. Hall, Romantic Naturalists and Early Environmentalists: An Ecocritical Study, 1789-1912 , (New York: Routledge, 2014). Thomas Welskopp and Alan Lessof, eds., Fractured Modernity: America Confronts Modern Times, 1890s to1940s , (Munich: GMBH and Co., 2013). Adam M. Sowards, United States West Coast: An Environmental History, (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2007). Clayne R. Jensen and Steven P. Guthrie, Outdoor Recreation in America , (Champaign: Human Kinetics, 2006), 25. D. T. Kuzmiak, “The American Environmental Movement,” The Geographical Journal , 157, no. 3, (November 1991): 265-278. Carl H. Moneyhon, “The Environmental Crisis and American Politics, 1860-1920,” in Lester J. Bilsky, ed., Historical Ecology: Essays on Environmental and Social Change , (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980), 143-155. 256 For crisis of masculinity, see Toby Ditz, “The New Men’s History and the Peculiar Absence of Gender Power: Some Remedies from Early American Gender History,” Gender and History , 62

Most instrumental among this educated group of preservationists that accounted for this change in Oregon was William L. Finley. He spearheaded many initiatives responsible for changing people’s minds and behaviors towards wildlife in the first few decades of the twentieth century. Herman T. Bohlman, Edward F. Haverill, Arthur N. Pack, and Alex White also helped in changing state residents’ ideas towards wildlife preservation and utilization of the outdoors.257

Finley became Oregon’s state game warden in 1911. Seeking cooperation across the bureaucratic community, he initiated the first state natural history survey, which involved “the

Bureau of Biological Survey, Oregon University, Reed College, Willamette University, Oregon

State College, and State Board of Fish and Game Commissioners.” 258 While at the helm, Finley sought to curb poaching and trapping on state lands; writing “that the game belongs to all the people and that each individual cannot kill game when and where he sees fit.” 259 Another time, he offered: “an important tale for farmers and stockmen… if a beaver is discovered doing any

16, no. 2, (August 2004): 5-6. Judith A. Allen, “Men Interminably in Crisis? Historians on Masculinity, Sexual Boundaries, and Manhood,” Radical History Review , 82, no. 1, (winter 2002): 191. John Kasson, Houdini, Tarzan, and the Perfect Man: the White Male Body and the Challenge of Modernity in America , (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000). Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). Angus McLaren, The Trials of Masculinity: Policing Sexual Boundaries, 1870-1930 , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). George L. Mosse, Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 257 For more on particular Oregon preservationists and naturalists, see Lawrence M. Lipin, ‘Cast Aside the Automobile Enthusiast’: Class Conflict, Tax Policy, and the Preservation of Nature in Progressive-Era Oregon,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 107, no. 2, (summer 2006): 180-183. Richard T. Read, “In Pursuit of Professionalism: The Oregon State Academy of Sciences, 1905- 1914,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 90, no.2, (summer 1989): 176-177. Worth Mathewson, William L. Finley: Pioneer Wildlife Photographer , (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 1986). Harold C. Smith, “Early Biological Surveys of Oregon,” Oregon State Game Commission Bulletin , 16, no. 8, (August 1961): 3-7. 258 Smith “Early Biological Surveys of Oregon,” 3. 259 William L. Finley, “Menace to Forests and Game,” Oregon Sportsman , 11, no. 9, (September 1914): 247 63 damage, the first idea some people have is to kill him. This is a mistake.” 260 Finley’s name appears prominently on many of these projects of which he is also named frequently as the main author.261 Primarily penned by Finley, these tracts proved more than influential in changing public attitude and behavior. Local newspapers routinely lauded the naturalist, noting: “The basis of all Finley’s work is to educate the old and young to love the out of doors and to arouse

Oregonians to conserve their outdoor resources and develop a more healthful citizenship.” 262

The beaver’s comeback remained paramount in this plan to Finley. For instance, in an article from 1910 titled “Live-Beaver Trapping and Transplanting,” which outlined a more ethical approach, Finley and wildlife photographer, Herman T. Bohlman, who sought once again the “cooperation of state game authorities, state forestry, forest services, National Park Service, and soil conservation services,” targeted such audiences using commentaries and subtitles devoted to “Beaver in Relation to Soil and Water Conservation” as well as “Planning a Beaver-

Stocking Program.” 263 Other articles penned by Finley decreed “The Beaver, Foremost Wildlife

Citizen,” extolled “Camera Hunting,” deemed “Live Beaver Ably Ally of Farmer and Stockman

Realizing,” as well as advising “Transplanting Beaver Found Best Solution,” and ruling that the

“Value of Fur Small Part of Actual Worth.” 264 Gaining the ear of influential state politicians and forestry officials additionally remained a key to success, Finley stressed, “We make a point of

260 William L. Finley, “Habits and History of the Beaver,” 1930. 261 Mathewson, William L. Finley: Pioneer Wildlife Photographer . 262 Anonymous, “William L. Finley, Oregon's Naturalist, 56 Today,” Oregonian , August 9, 1932, 13. 263 William L. Finley and Herman T. Bohlman, “Live-Beaver Trapping and Transplanting Outline,” 1910. Palle B. Petterson, Cameras into the Wild: A History of Early Wildlife and Expedition Filmmaking, 1895-1928 , (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company). 264 William L. Finley, “The Beaver, Foremost Wildlife Citizen,” Louisiana Conservation Review , January 1937, 12-14, William L. Finley, “Camera Hunting on the Continental Divide,” The Executives’ Club News , January 24, 1930, 3. William L. Finley, “Live Beaver Able Ally of Farmer and Stockman,” Oregon Sunday Journal , October 20, 1935, 4. 64 keeping in pretty close touch with game protection in the different states.” 265 The Oregon preservationist proudly recorded such successes, writing: “I was very glad indeed to hear that such good arrangements had been made with the Fish and Game Commission to continue investigations on bird and animal life.” 266 Between 1896 and 1915, actions like this and surveys conducted by Oregon naturalists, which testified to a once pristine environment and bountiful wildlife now in dire need of protection, accounted for the change in attitude among state residents, helping to raise public awareness about destruction of the state’s wildlife and ecosystems. 267

Public response favored preserving once abundant symbols of the American landscape.

For example, as early as 1899, state legislators prohibited trapping of beavers statewide.268 By

1905, the Game Protection Fund along with the Hunter’s License Law took effect; both set aside funds for wildlife preservation.269 Legislators passed further measures to protect wildlife in 1911 with the establishment of a State Game Farm. 270 An article in the Oregon Sportsman , of which

Finley served as editor, explained the law plainly: “Beaver are protected at all time and it is unlawful to have them in your possession. When beaver are doing actual damage to one’s property, the state game warden may issue a permit to trap a few, but the pelts must be sent to the

265 William L. Finley, William L. Finley to Gene Simpson, Correspondence, September 1910. Oregon State University Library Archives. 266 William L. Finley, William L. Finley to W. T. Clark, Correspondence, December 19, 1910. Oregon State University Library Archives. 267 B. J. Verts and Leslie N. Carraway, Land Mammals of Oregon , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 9-12. 268 Michael R. Conover, “Effect of Hunting and Trapping on Wildlife Damage,” Wildlife Society Bulletin , 29, no. 2 (summer 2001): 521-532. 269 State of Oregon, Oregon Game Code 1905 , (Salem: J. B. Whitney, 1905), 5. Jacqueline Vaughn Switzer, Green Backlash: The History and Politics of Environmental Opposition in the U.S. , (Boulder: Lynee Rienner Publishing, 1997), 4. 270 William L. Finley, Game and Fish Protection and Propagation in Oregon, 1911-1912 , (Portland: Boyer, 1912), 2,5,12. 65

Fish and Game Commission.” 271 Making a point to carefully clarify “the importance of intelligent legislation to conserve this asset to the state and the coming generation,” other articles focused on “the value of protection … well-illustrated in the case of beaver,” noting that “under protection they have increased wonderfully all over the state of Oregon.” 272

Depending on the county or region however, for the next century, laws regarding the trapping and removal of nuisance beavers ensued. 273 In 1921, realizing the necessity of securing more stringent legal protection for beavers within the state, Governor Ben W. Olcott, a proponent of Finley’s, told legislators: “All of the things we have been striving for, the development of tourist travel; the urge to make and keep our state the most livable in the Union; the desire to keep our children in God’s own environment, surrounded by the beauties to which they are the true heirs, all of these will be surrendered and lost unless we act and act promptly.” 274

Finley and other preservationists worked adamantly to save the beaver and all forms of fish and wildlife, including the state’s birds and other species hunted solely for profit and as commodities.275 He not only encouraged ethical environmental legislation but also helped to change the attitudes of a younger generation of Oregonians. Using neighboring California as a template on which to base ethical behavior, Finley and Edward F. Averill exhorted Oregonians to scrutinize their own beliefs and values concerning proper management of their natural resources

271 William L. Finley, “Questions Asked about Game Laws,” Oregon Sportsman , 3, no. 8, (October 1915): 180. 272 William L. Finley quoted in: Stanley G. Jewett, “The Fur-Bearing Animals of Oregon,” Oregon Sportsman , 3, no. 1, (January 1915): 5. 273 Verts, Land Mammals of Oregon , 262. 274 State of Oregon. Address for Governor of Oregon: “Governor Ben W. Olcott's Administration,” Oregon State Archives . 275 Conover, “Effect of Hunting and Trapping on Wildlife Damage,” 521-532. Finley and Bohlman’s impressive photographs convinced President Theodore Roosevelt in 1907 of the necessity to create Lower Klamath National Refuge for threatened birds. 66 and environment. They wrote: “In the hunt for new industry, many merchants have overlooked

Oregon’s largest money-maker, the nature and make-up of the State itself, the forests, mountains, rivers, coastline, the various kinds of wildlife, and the combined scenic and recreational attractions. California knew how to play the game. The growth and development of this State came through the wide advertising of climate and winter sunshine, a recreational retreat for health and happiness. If the State is to build up and profit by its tourist industry, we must conserve our woods, waters and wildlife.”276

Ever a tireless proponent of the great outdoors and preserving the state’s wildlife, Finley also made use of film and other media to raise public awareness concerning ethical choices involving beavers. Documentaries, such as The Forests (1927), a work produced by Finley along with cameraman Arthur N. Pack, which detailed “wilderness areas where beaver are abundant,” helped to change state residents’ attitudes and behavior towards the environment.

Accordingly, in this fashion, through film, newspaper articles, and even legislation, aimed to curb inappropriate conduct towards wildlife, a younger generation of Oregonians came to embrace the image and symbol of the beaver as synonymous with state character. 277

Little wonder then, between 1910 and 1920, the beaver became a familiar motif at

Oregon State and a way for students and alumni to identify with their alma mater; appearing numerous times through the school’s yearbooks.278 Even though still called The Orange in 1910, the editors of the student newspaper highlighted and paid an inordinate amount of attention to the new totem and nickname of the Beavers. Several examples serve to suffice. For instance, when

276 William L. Finley and Edward F. Averill, “Profits in Scenery and Wildlife,” Oregon Journal , May 24, 1937, 71. 277 William L. Finley and Arthur N. Pack, The Forests , 1927, (0:15:03). 278 For popularity of the beaver at Oregon State, see: The Orange 1910-1919 , (Corvallis: Oregon State). 67 a local squad came to meet the school’s team in a football contest, “there were many who thought the Beavers would be defeated,” wrote the yearbook staff, “but after a few plays the

OAC rooters were confident that their interests would be well taken care of.” 279

In this era, the symbol of the beaver became increasingly associated with the northwestern state. A reoccurring moniker used to denote the state of Oregon, on the same page, editors announce: “the Beavers were in the best form that they had displayed during the whole of the season.” 280 On the next page, columnists trumpet: “the badly crippled Beaver team met the invincible team of the University of Washington.” 281 Yet, another reference culled from the same pages, mentions: “the team went into the game with the true Beaver spirit—to do or die.” 282 At the bottom of the same page, writers exalt Frank R. Pendergrass “as Captain of the

Beavers.” On another page, stakeholders praise Ralph “Peg” Cady for “his good work against

Whitworth last season [which] won the game for the Beavers.” 283 On still yet another page, although decrying “Through lack of funds, OAC entered no team in the Pacific Northwest

Association meet,” editors heralded one particular “Beaver athlete who participated for

Multnomah.” 284

The next year’s yearbook staff kept up the tradition. Players such as Floyd J. Huntley merited praise from editors who wished “the Beavers had more like him.” 285 Another page, titled “Girls’ Athletics,” depicts female students playing golf and tennis. While its rhetoric subtly demeans women’s sports, stakeholders apparently remained more concerned with affixing

279 The Orange 1910 , 272. 280 The Orange 1910 , 273. 281 The Orange 1910 , 274. 282 The Orange 1910 , 274. 283 The Orange 1910 , 279. 284 The Orange 1910 , 292. 285 The Orange 1911 , 187. 68 a statewide identity, mentioning: “the Beaver boys are always the lead in athletics.” 286 Lastly, another page honors student athlete, J. Oscar Enberg, yearbook editors predict: “that he will bring honor to himself… and the Beavers.” 287 Following this point in school history, further references to the Beavers appear frequently and become increasingly commonplace throughout school publications of the era. So, in this manner, through the evidence presented, it is reasonable to assume that due to the attention warranted by preservation of the environment and surrounding wildlife, socially-constructed references to the beaver as a means of identity particular to Oregon State took hold during the era in question.288

The first ancestors of beavers appeared during the Pleistocene Era. 289 Gigantic beaver fossils of Castoroides ohioensis first found in Ohio and New York and later throughout the eastern seaboard attest to prehistoric bear-sized beavers; an animal up to eight times larger than beavers of today. 290 At present, two slightly different sub-species inhabit North America and

Eurasia. 291 The North American beaver ranges from Alaska, Hudson Bay, and northern

Labrador in the North to the United States’ border with Mexico, and along the Gulf Coast north

286 The Orange 1911 , 223. 287 The Orange 1911 , 186. 288 The Orange 1910-1919 . 289 Earl L. Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , (Madison: Windswept Press, 1990), 16. 290 Sid Perkins, “Ancient Beavers Did Not Eat Trees: Now-Extinct Giant Creatures Had Hippopotamus-Like Diet, Science News , 176, no. 11, (November 11, 2009): 10. Donald F. Hoffmeister, Mammals of Illinois , (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 37. Grady L. Webster and Conrad J. Bahre, Changing Plant Life of La Frontera: Observations on Vegetation in the United States/Mexico Borderlands , (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001), 63. “Giant Find: Jawbone of 350-Pound Beaver,” Chicago Tribune , December 29, 1992, F3. 291 R. Campbell-Palmer et al, The Eurasian Beaver Handbook: Ecology and Management of Castor Fiber , (Exeter: Pelagic Publishing, 2016). Exterminated from Europe for use in the hat industry, with the help of its American cousin and scientists, the Eurasian beaver ( Castor fiber ) has been reintroduced. 69 of the Florida state line in the South. 292 The largest rodent to inhabit North America (as well as the world’s second largest), only the South American capybara (Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris ) surpasses the beaver, which typically reaches 35-40 pounds as an adult, in size. 293 Neither one of the most majestic symbols of the American landscape nor nature’s most aesthetically-pleasing creatures, even environmental biologists, such as Dietland Muller-Schwarze, concede that beavers waddle and are not only awkward on land but also are rather “squat, rotund, and generally clumsy.”294 However, always vigilant and alert, when a beaver senses impending danger, the animal stands on two legs erectly at full height; attentively listening and sniffing the air. At times such as these, naturalists, such as Earl L. Hilfiker, note: “the beaver becomes a creature of majesty and beauty.” 295

Organized along patriarchal lines, the beaver’s social network reflects its commitment to monogamy and raising offspring. Although exiled from its home lodge at the age of two, a beaver may have dozens of relatives living in proximity of a few miles. 296 In turn, these busy beavers create wetlands which provide safety and food for birds and animals; ponds with active beaver in them contain nine times more water than ponds without the savvy hydro-engineer. 297

The beaver, therefore, which even eighteenth century European skeptics like Frenchman George

Leclerc, the Comte Buffon, fond of generally belittling the New World’s wildlife, declared

“superior to all other animals,” and the ability to engineer and construct dams and lodges make it

292 Dietland Müller-Schwarze and Lixing Sun, The Beaver: Natural History of a Wetlands Engineer , (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003), 3. 293 Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 12-13. 294 Müller-Schwarze, The Beaver , 31. 295 Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 12. 296 Jim O’Brien, “The History of North America from the Standpoint of the Beaver,” Annals of the Insurgent Imagination , no. 1, (1982): 45-54. 297 Animal Life. “Leave it to Beavers,” YouTube, 00.48, July 6, 2015. 70

“one of the most widely recognized forms of North American wildlife.” 298 In a small stream, the average beaver colony constructs a dam a half-mile in length. 299 A natural builder, the beaver’s engineering techniques simultaneously amazed and stymied colonists, who sought to forge sometimes impassable streams ingeniously dammed by the animal. 300 Prior to European settlement, almost every creek would have had chains of beaver dams down each valley. 301 One beaver dam found was 2300 feet long—a distance of over four-tenths of a mile. 302 Another measured almost a mile in length. 303 The tallest dam on record at the time was over 16 feet high. 304 Dams typically are six feet thick. 305 Even today, satellite images reveal the largest beaver dam on the planet lies in Alberta, Canada. 306 One of the most ubiquitous symbols of the

American landscape, in North America, only cougars had a range larger than that inhabited by beavers. 307 The beaver population surpassed numbers of bison on the continent, too. 308 Today,

298 Georges-Louis LeClerc, Comte de Buffon, Barr’s Buffon, Vol. 6 , (London: J. S. Barr, 1792), 294. Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 11. 299 Müller-Schwarze, The Beaver , 13. 300 N. Salant et al, “Colonial Era Impoundment of the Northeast United States: Beaver Trapping and Low-Head Dam Construction,” American Geophysical , 8, no. 3, (fall 2008): 339-352. During the seventeenth century, the beaver population experienced a sharp decline, with harvest rates estimated at 2,000-10,000 per year. By utilizing contemporary estimates of beaver pond volumes, researchers estimate the calculated loss in pond storage between 1600 and 1840 was approximately 17 million cubic meters of water and sediment, considerably larger than estimated storage gains from dam construction in the same period, suggesting that beaver eradication was a major driver of hydrologic change during the colonial era. 301 Animal Life, “Leave it to Beavers,” YouTube, 00.48, July 6, 2015. 302 R. L. Ives, “The Beaver-Meadow Complex,” Journal of Geomorphology , 5, no. 1, (1942): 191-203. 303 BBC Wildlife, “Beavers: The Master Builders,” YouTube, 00.23, February 18, 2013. 304 J. E. Grasse and E. F. Putnam, Beaver Management and Ecology in Wyoming,” Wyoming Game and Fish Communication Bulletin , 6, no. 1, (1955): 24-31. 305 Ming-Ko Woo and James W. Waddington, “Effects of Beaver Dams on Subarctic Wetland Hydrology,” Arctic , 43, no. 3, (1990): 225-226. 306 “World’s Biggest Beaver Dam Can Be Seen from Space,” Telegraph , May 4, 2010. “Wow this is One Big Beaver Dam,” News Desk , May 13, 2010. 307 Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 14. 308 Müller-Schwarze, The Beaver , 5. 71 the animal has made such a resounding comeback from once being trapped to near extinction that in some localities it is a nuisance. 309 A more ethical approach to wildlife management, hunting restrictions, and deliberate reintroductions stand as major factors in its return. 310

Early settlers, trappers, and furriers placed extraordinary emphasis on the animal’s ingenuity, removal, and commercial value. Soon realizing the worth of the animal’s pelt to metropolis markets, the wanton slaughter of North America’s beaver population followed.311

The classic studies by E. E. Rich, documenting the Hudson’s Bay Company and its extreme importance to the continent’s economic history, and Calvin Martin’s assessment of the cultural ramifications involved on the part of Native Americans in the fur trade, still stand as solid resources. 312

An arduous and bloody endeavor, neither for the fainted-hearted nor the squeamish, the beaver trade remains an item of scholarly interest in recent scholarship. Popular author Eric Jay

Dolin aptly points to beaver trapping and the fur trade as a driving factor in creating empire and a

“powerful force in shaping the course of American history… and in the growth of the United

States.” 313 Ethnographers, such as Bruce M. White, demonstrate the importance of not only race but also gender in establishing and maintaining reciprocal trade networks between Native

309 Roland Kays and Don E. Wilson, Mammals of North America , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 44. 310 Bruce W. Baker and Edward P. Hill, “Beaver ( Castor canadenis ),” in George A. Feldhamer, Bruce C. Thompson, and Joseph A. Chapman, Wild Mammals of North America: Biology, Management, and Conservation , (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2003), 288-310. 311 Müller-Schwarze, The Beaver , 83. 312 E. E. Rich, Hudson’s Bay Company 1670-1870, Vol. 1, 1670-1763 , (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1958). Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). 313 Eric Jay Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire: The Epic History of the Fur Trade in America , (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), xvi-xvii. 72

Americans and whites.314 While intellectual historians, such as David Walker Howe, focus on the economic and racial ramifications of the beaver trade as well as its implications in democratic expansion of the young republic.315 Economics, fashion, and demographics related to the grisly trade stand as other points of scholarly inquiry. Europeans, who coveted the beaver’s luxurious fur for in-vogue hats, strictly viewed the beaver as a merchandisable commodity. 316 The Pilgrims, Virginia cavaliers, William Penn, George Washington, and fashionable ladies all wore hats made from beaver fur.317

One of the most abundant symbols of the American landscape, the continent’s boreal forests and riparian valleys once teemed with beaver. The nineteenth century naturalist Ernest

Thompson Seton conservatively estimated 60 to perhaps upwards of 400 million beavers inhabited the continent’s forests, valleys, and woodlands when European colonizers first landed on the shores of America.318 In New England alone, beavers occupied nearly every body of water prior to European settlement. 319 Between 1620 and 1630, trappers accounted for 10,000 beaver in Connecticut and Massachusetts. 320 From 1630 to 1640, upstate and western New York

314 Bruce M. White, “The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in Ojibwa Fur Trade,” Ethnography , 46, no. 1, (winter 1999): 109-147. 315 David Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848 , (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 316 Clair Hughes, Hats , (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 15-18. Frances Backhouse, Once They Were Hats: In Search of the Mighty Beaver , (Toronto: ECW Press, 2015). Beverly Chico, Hats and Headwear around the World: A Cultural Encyclopedia , (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2013), 47. 317 “Enclosure: Invoice to Robert Cary and Company, July 10, 1773,” Founders Online, National Archives, June 29, 2017. Washington’s purchase included: “One Man’s best Beaver Hatt for a pretty large head.” Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 51. 318 Ernest Thompson Seton, Lives of Game Animals, Vol. 4, Part 2, Rodents , (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1929). 319 R. Rudermann and W.J. Schoonmaker, “Beaver Dams as Geologic Agents,” Science , 88, no. 1, (1938): 523-25. 320 F. X. Moloney, The Fur Trade in New England, 1620-1676 , (Hampden, CT: Archon Books, 1967). 73 yielded 80,000 beaver per year. 321 However, factors beyond traders’ control, such as regional flare-ups of hostilities either between different Native American factions or with multiple

European powers contributed to fluctuations in yearly beaver yields. 322

Already in serious decline as well as almost extinct in New England by century’s end, from 1765 to 1800 traders shipped six million beaver pelts to Europe. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, most wildlife—especially the American beaver—experienced a sharp decline; eradication of the animal led trappers further westward in search of a more plentiful supply of pelts. 323 French, English, (the Dutch ceased to be a factor after losing New

Netherlands to England in 1664), and American trappers each maintained different policies, both socio-economically as well as politically to best serve their own interests. However, detrimental to not only both wildlife and the environment but also Native Americans, each nation’s actions— including introducing devastating diseases and poisonous alcohol—helped to contribute to the beaver’s demise.324

French often intermarried within local Indian tribes to cement long-term relationships; securing coveted pelt trade routes. 325 These energetic traders and rowdy fur trappers, known as coureurs de bois (runners of the woods) and voyageurs, used canoes to transport vast quantities of beaver pelts across the Great Lakes and inland waterways. 326 Second only in exports to cod, a

321 W. J. Hays. “Notes on the Range of Some of the Animals in America at the Time of the Arrival of the Whitemen,” American Naturalist , 5, no. 1, (1871): 25-30. 322 Peter A. Thomas, “The Fur Trade, Indian Land, and the Need to Define Adequate ‘Environmental’ Parameters,” Ethnohistory , 28, no. 4, (autumn 1981): 359-379. 323 Harold Adams Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History , (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 268. 324 Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire , passim. 325 Leroy R. Hafen, ed., French Fur Traders and Voyageurs in the American West: Twenty-Five Biographical Sketches , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997). 326 Nicole St-Onge, “The Persistence of Travel and Trade: St. Lawrence River Valley French Engagés and the American Fur Company, 1818-1840,” Michigan Historical Review , 34, no. 2, 74 source of immense wealth for the metropolis, much of New France’s success rested on the beaver trade. 327

The New England colonies based their existence on farms, fish, forests, and furs— notably beaver pelts. Beaver furs remained commonplace; for example, an inventory of a Maine timber merchant’s estate from 1682 lists “68 lb. of beaver at 5 shillings per pelt.” 328 In another instance, between 1652 and 1674 the Bay Colony’s most prominent fur trader, William Pynchon, exported over 15,000 beaver pelts to European haberdashers. 329 Destruction of beaver dams and the surrounding forests for pastures and agricultural use by colonists quickly destroyed complex ecosystems. Once drained, former beaver reservoirs appeared as bountiful meadows to European colonists. 330 So important to the survival of New England, one colonist noted: “These meadows serve to feed great numbers of moose and deer, and are of still greater use to new settlers, who find a mowing field already cleared… and though the hay is not equally as good as English, yet

(fall 2008): 17-37. Hafen, French Fur Traders and Voyageurs in the American West . Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 59. 327 David Hackett Fischer, Champlain’s Dream: The European Founding of North America , (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008), 231. Samuel de Champlain, Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 1, 1567-1635 , Chapter 7, “Return to New France and Trade with the Indians.” As an indication of the volume of beaver pelts shipped to Europe, on Champlain’s first return voyage to France in late summer of 1603, the navigator recorded that he began with: “forty canoes well laden with furs; others joined at different points on the way, and on reaching Montreal the number had swollen to eighty.” British National Archives, “Proposal to Claim Lands in America for the English Crown,” 1690. In 1690, the English estimated that New France’s “fur trade, most of which is brought through this land [the Ohio Valley] to Canada brings them fifty thousand pounds profit each year.” Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 61. 328 “An Inventory of the Estate of Major Nicholas Shapleigh, 1682” in Carolyn Merchant, ed., Major Problems in American Environmental History , 1 st edition, (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Co., 1993), 76. 329 Ruth A. McIntyre, William Pynchon: Merchant and Colonizer, 1590-1682, (Springfield: Connecticut Valley Historical Museum, 1961), 9-11, 25-26. 330 Animal Life, “Leave it to Beavers,” YouTube, 00.48, July 6, 2015. Ponds with active beaver in them contain nine times more water than those without the semi-aquatic rodent. 75 it not only keeps their cattle alive, but in tolerable order; and without these natural meadows, many settlements could not possibly have been made.” 331

An animal of extreme importance in the makeup of Native American cultural identity, from creation myths to a symbol instructive of industry, the beaver also appears frequently throughout a variety of different clans’ totemic images and holds special significance. 332 Long ago, Hopewell art prized the beaver, depicting its image in carved-stone effigies. 333 To woodland Indians, the beaver was as important as the buffalo was to the Plains Indians. 334 From the Penobscot on the coast of Maine to the Mississauga as far as Lake Superior, the beaver remains prevalent in creation stories. One colorful Osage myth relates how they descended from a snail and a beaver. 335

The image of the beaver holds great significance to many Native American groups, appearing regularly on heraldry. For example, the industrious rodent graces the flags of the

Otoe-Missouria and Seneca Nations. In another instance, the brown shield on the Abenaki

Nation’s flag represents a beaver hide. 336 As a food source, Indians “held it in the highest esteem

331 Peirce, “Letter,” in Jeremy Belknap, The History of New Hampshire, 5 Vols ., (Dover: J. Mann and J. K. Remick, 1812), 5: 118-119. Taken from: Edward Kendall, Travels Through the Northern Parts of the United States in the Years 1807 and 1808, 3 Vols ., (New York: J. Riley, 1809), 3: 176. 332 Heike Owusu, Symbols of Native America , (New York: Sterling Publishing, 1999), 203, 265. 333 Sharon R. Steadman, Archaeology of Religion: Cultures and Their Beliefs in Worldwide Context , (New York: Routledge, 2016), 114. 334 Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 56. 335 Stephen Denison Peet, Myths and Symbols: Or, Aboriginal Religions of America , (Chicago: Office of the American Antiquarian, 1905), 31, 376. 336 Donald T. Healy, Native American Flags , (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 2003), 115, 215, 296. 76 and roasted beaver tail was a special delicacy.” 337 Indians additionally used beaver teeth as tools and the coveted skins for bedding before selling to traders.

Europeans however coveted the furry rodent for entirely different reasons altogether.

Traders desired and paid more for luxuriously-oiled beaver furs called castor gras than the typical castor sec , which still contained the coarse, outer guard hairs. By the process of Indians using the pelts as bedding or wearing them as clothing, perspiration and constant friction caused the sharp barbs to break off, leaving a softer, more lavish fur.338 More than proficient and adept at hunting and skinning beaver, Indians remained complicit in this endeavor. Anticipating advancement of personal standing, they sought prestige goods, such as metal pots, woven fabrics, and iron, which had greater value as status symbols than as means of technology.339

Seeking to take advantage of this, trading firms, such as the Hudson’s Bay Company, which, following its merger with the Northwest Fur Company in 1821, held exclusive monopoly to the crown’s North American fur trade, sought to pattern Indian life on fur-hunting as well as encouraging an “annual journey to the Bay to trade the furs.” 340 The Hudson’s Bay Company used beaver skins for bartering, almost as currency.341 Despite attempts at conservation by some

Indians, early colonists observed: “They killed animals only in proportion as they had need of them. They never made an accumulation of skins of Moose, Beaver, Otter, or others, but only so

337 Hilfiker, Beavers: Water, Wildlife, and History , 57. 338 Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire , 45-46. 339 Daniel K. Richter, Trade. Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern America , (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013). 340 Ann Carlos and Elizabeth Hoffman, “The North American Fur Trade: Bargaining to a Joint Profit Maximum under Incomplete information, 1804-1821,” Journal of Economic History , 46, no. 4, (December 1986): 967-986. Rich, Hudson’s Bay Company 1670-1870, Vol. 1, 1670-1763 , 76. 341 Hilfiker, The Beaver , 144. 77 far as they needed them for personal use.” 342 By killing more animals and through the exchange of skins, American Indians inadvertently helped in hunting the beaver to the brink of extinction, while simultaneously eroding their own animistic belief system. 343

While Indians supplied beaver skins to more style-conscious Europeans, they often received wool cloth in return from which they fashioned their own garments; believing woolen clothing infinitely more authentic than beaver fur. When examining style of dress, instead of strictly focusing on visual means of identity, such as Europeans, Algonquians, for instance, around the Great Lakes, relied more on behavior in understanding identity. 344 Anthropologists describe this as a difference in the “locus of meaning.” 345 So, while the fur of the beaver symbolized high status to white Europeans, instead, Indians placed little emphasis on identity until confirmed by appropriate behavior. 346

Following the War of Independence, while the vast lands west of the Ohio River opened up to the great hordes of American settlers as well as trappers, the British still maintained their fur trade from western frontier outposts on American soil.347 However, buoyed by the recent discoveries of the Corps of Discovery in 1804 under Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, who noted the headwaters of the Missouri River “abound more in beaver and otter than any other

342 Nicholas Denys, Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America , (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1672), 18. 343 Martin, Keepers of the Game , passim. 344 Cory Willmott, “Beavers and Sheep: Visual Appearance and Identity in Nineteenth-Century Algonquian-Anglo Relations,” History and Anthropology , 25, no. 1, (2014): 1-46. 345 B. Diamond, M. S. Cronk, and F. von Rosen, Visons of Sound: Musical Instruments of First Nations Communities in Northeastern America , (Waterloo: Wilford Laurier University Press, 1994), 103. 346 D. Anderson, “The Flow of Trade Goods into the Western Great Lakes Region, 1715-1760,” in The Fur Trade Revisited: Selected Papers of the Sixth North American Fur Trade Conference, Mackinac Island, Michigan, 1991 , J. S. H. Brown, ed., (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1994), 93-115. 347 Timothy D. Willig, Restoring the Chain of Friendship: British Policy and the Indians of the Great Lakes,1783-1815 , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008). 78 streams on earth,” American entrepreneurs like John Jacob Astor in 1811 established the thriving trading post of Astoria at the headwaters of the Columbia River in Oregon, building fortunes not only at the expense of the beaver but also the environment. 348 “The Face of the Country from the

Fort is very rugged and wild, thickly covered with Hemlock and Spruce,” wrote Alfred Seton, a trader, who concluded the region’s “dreary and savage appearance seems well-suited to its naked inhabitants.” He further noted: “Above the Fort on both sides of the river are numerous villages and tribes, some good, but mostly bad. They all furnish the Company with more or less fur.” 349

Whites obtained furs in Oregon by trading small shells valued by Northwest Indians called dentalia. Three fathoms of the coveted wampum bought ten beaver skins. 350 So great were the profits to be realized in Oregon, for instance, in 1812, one group of trappers returned to

Fort Astoria alone with “450 skins of beaver.” 351 The same year, records indicate others traders provided Astor’s Pacific Fur Company with “upwards of one thousand Beaver skins.” 352 Even as late as 1860, travelers to Oregon reported that “every stream thronged with beaver.” 353 The rush to deplete the region’s beavers began. By the early nineteenth century, three different

348 “To Thomas Jefferson from Meriwether Lewis, September 23, 1806,” National Archives. Alexander Emmerich, John Jacob Astor and the First Great American Fortune , (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 2013). Arthur D. Howden Smith, John Jacob Astor: Landlord of New York , (New York: Cosmo Classics, 2005). Axel Madsen, John Jacob Astor: America’s First Millionaire , (New York: Wiley, 2001). John D. Haeger, “Business Strategy and Practice in the Early Republic: John Jacob Astor and the American Fur Trade,” Western Historical Quarterly , 19, no. 2, (May 1988): 183-202. 349 Robert F. Jones, ed., Astoria Adventures , (New York: Fordham University Press, 1993), 91. 350 George Wharton James, Indian Basketry: Forms, Designs, and Symbolism of Native American Basketry , (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2015), 362. 351 Work Progress Administration Guide to Oregon: The Beaver State , (Washington D.C.,: U. S. Government, 1940), 26. 352 Robert F. Jones, ed., Annals of Astoria: The Headquarters Log of the Pacific Fur Company on the Columbia River, 1811-1813 , (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999), 89. 353 Work Progress Administration Guide to Oregon , 26. 79 nations besides the United States held claim to Oregon: Spain, Russia, and Britain.354 After the former two relinquished title to Oregon, through diplomatic treaties in the early nineteenth century, only Britain stood in the way. 355

Between 1823 and 1841, to thwart American encroachment, the Hudson’s Bay Company, in an effort to ensure bountiful harvests of their prized commodity, began a policy of unprecedented beaver eradication; effectively using the animal as an environmental pawn in a game of high stakes politics.356 In response to American infringement in Oregon Territory, the company’s governor, Sir George Simpson, bluntly stated, “If the country becomes exhausted in furbearing animals, they can have no inducement to proceed hither.” 357 In a journal entry from the 1840s, Simpson confided: “The country is a rich preserve of Beaver which for political reasons we should endeavor to destroy as fast as possible.” 358 Expiration of beaver resulted in creating a “fur desert” or buffer zone designed to limit—what prominent fur trapper and frontiersman, James Clyman described as—“American control of the Rocky Mountain beaver trade and exploitation of the great unknown districts lying between the Rockies and the Sierra

Nevada.” 359 For example, during the period from 1823 to 1848 the Hudson’s Bay Company took

354 Anne F. Hyde, Empires, Nations, and Families: A New History of the North American West, 1800-1860 , (New York: Ecco Press, 2012). 355 State of Oregon, “Fur Trade Exploits the Region.” David Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise: An Interpretative History , (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2003). Gordon B. Dodds, Oregon: A Bicentennial History , (New York: W. W. Norton, 1977). 356 Jennifer Ott, “Ruining’ the Rivers in the Snake Country: The Hudson’s Bay Company Fur Desert Policy,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 104, no. 2, (summer 2003): 166-195. 357 Lorne Hammond, “Marketing Wildlife: Hudson Bay Company and the Pacific Northwest, 1821-1849,” Forest and Conservation , 37, no. 1, (January 1993): 14-25. 358 Frederick Merk, ed., Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson’s Journal , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), 46. 359 Charles L. Camp, ed., James Clyman: American Frontiersman, 1792-1881: The Adventures of a Trapper and Covered Wagon Emigrant , (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1928), 11. 80

35,000 beaver in an attempt to slow American advancement in Oregon. 360 In the first year of the operation, the British eradicated 4500 beaver alone. 361 In addition, even though the beaver population rebounded slightly during the second decade of the company’s fur desert policy, in

1834, an average of 665 beavers perished. 362

Under increasing jingoism, Americans cried “54 or Forty!” in an effort to secure the

Northwest’s prized resources and deep harbors.363 After the Mexican War, talk cooled considerably of such action. 364 In 1846, tensions lessened following an agreement between the

United States and Britain. 365 Following the withdrawal of the British and the loss of their exclusive monopoly on the fur trade, American interests secured the lucrative resources. 366 Soon realizing the pernicious environmental effects resulting from beaver extermination, state legislators slowly took action to preserve the species. By adopting the beaver as the school

360 Merk, Fur Trade and Empire , 44, 280. E. E. Rich, Ogden’s Snake Country Journals 1824- 1826 , (London: Hudson’s Bay Company Records Society, 1961), 216. 361 Gloria Griffin Cline, Peter Skene Ogden and the Hudson’s Bay Company , (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1974), 85. K. G. Davies, Peter Skene Ogden’s Snake Journal, 1826- 1827 , (London: Hudson’s Bay Company Record Society, 1961), 109. 362 D. W. Meinig, The Great Columbian Plain: A Historical Geography , 1805-1910, (Seattle: University of Washington, 1968), 88. 363 Stuart Banner, Possessing the Pacific: Land, Settlers, and Indigenous People from Australia to Alaska , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), Ch. 7, 231-259. David Alan Johnson, Founding the Far West: CA, OR, and NV, 1840-1890 , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. 364 Raymond D. Gastil and Barnett Singer, The Pacific Northwest: Growth of a Regional Identity , (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Co., 2010). 365 Stephen Dow Beckham, “Oregon, My Oregon,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 105, no.2, (summer 2004): 284-291. After President James K. Polk terminated the joint occupancy treaty in 1845, American interests began negotiations for control of Oregon (which encompassed much of Washington at the time as well). 366 Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire . Richard Somerset Mackie, Trading Beyond the Nations: The British Fur Trade on the Pacific, 1793-1843 , (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 2007). Hiram Martin Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the Far West , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986). John E. Sunder, The Fur Trade on the Upper Missouri, 1840-1865 , (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965). 81 mascot and symbol, Oregon State College officials and students sought to incorporate an already viable regional identity patterned on the animal’s statewide popularity. 367

Chartered in 1865 under the Morrill Land Grant, which afforded the state’s inhabitants a land-grant institution of higher learning, offering new scientific expertise in agriculture, the

Oregon State Agricultural College opened its doors two years later in 1867. 368 Until 1892, school officials strictly forbad sporting contests and public entertainment; believing athletics not a proper activity for which students to engage. 369 By the following year, the school’s color changed from navy blue to orange however and a football team formed. 370 Concurrently, in

1893, students chose an actual living coyote named Jimmie as the school’s first mascot. 371 To appease local farmers, who comprised many of the first onlookers at the agricultural college’s football contests in the late-nineteenth century, the squad dubbed local farmer Harvey McAllister

“Pap Hayseed” as another early mascot. 372 Shortly thereafter, in 1893, Reverend J. R. N. Bell— famed for throwing his hat into the St. Mary’s River following a victory over cross-state rival

Oregon—became the official school mascot.373

Despite these earlier mascots, because of the increasing popularity of the furry, flat- tailed, semi-aquatic rodent among the state’s younger generation, primarily due to the efforts of

367 Richard W. Judd, Natural States: The Environmental Imagination in Maine, Oregon, and the Nation, (Washington, D. C.: Resources for the Future, 2003). 368 John B. Horner, “History of Oregon State College, 1865-1907,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , 31, no. 1, (March 1930): 42-50. First known as Corvallis College State Agricultural College (S.A.C.), later names included: Oregon Agricultural College (O.A.C.), Oregon State Agricultural College (O.S.A.C.), Oregon State College (OSC), and lastly, Oregon State University (OSU). 369 Dick Gearhart, Orange and Black , (Corvallis: Oregon State College Alumni Association, 1938), 87. 370 Benjamin D. Forgard, “The Evolution of School Spirit and Tradition at Oregon State University,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University, 2012), 3. 371 Betsy Kraus, “Traditions,” Oregon Stater , June, 1989, 10. 372 Horner, “History of Oregon State College,” 42-50. 373 Randol B. Fletcher, Hidden History of Civil War Oregon , (Charleston: History Press, 2011). 82

William Finley and other concerned wildlife advocates, earliest references associating the school and the beaver date to 1908 in several articles appearing in the student-run newspaper The

Barometer .374 During the same period, the beaver became such a prevalent symbol of identity within the northwestern state; cross-state rival University of Oregon also utilized the animal’s name for its 1909 yearbook. 375

Nevertheless, the first definitive material use of the beaver at Oregon State College began in 1917 when the school yearbook changed its name from The Orange to The Beaver .376

Simultaneously, local sportswriter L. H. Gregory, of the Oregonian , also began referring to the school’s football team by the same name. Despite these initial attempts by various student organizations and sports writers aimed at installing the familiar image of the buck-toothed rodent as the school’s mascot however, the first mention of the beaver as a symbol associated with the institution appears in an article dated November 16, 1920 from The Barometer , which noted that

“the beaver was accepted as the official emblem only a few years ago.” 377 As a mascot, the beaver displays eagerness while offering assiduousness and ingenuity.378 The popularity and frequency of the beaver’s likeness and image—buoyed by the northwestern state’s reputation for its heavily-wooded forests and raging rivers and streams—repeatedly appear through the

374 “Willamette Lost to OAC 28-0,” Barometer , November 9, 1908, 1. 375 The University of Oregon Libraries, “University of Oregon Yearbooks.” The first yearbooks issued in 1902, 1903, and 1905 were titled Webfoot . In 1907 and 1908, the yearbooks were published as Bulletin: A Class Book . 376 Oregon State College, Beaver 1917 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1917), 1. 377 Staff, “School Spirit,” Barometer , November 16, 1908, 1. Joanne Sloan and Cheryl Watts, College Names and Other Interesting Traditions , (Northport, AL: Vision Press, 2015), 231. 378 Rachel Poliquin, Beaver , (London: Reaktion Books, 2015). Peter J. Fournier, The Handbook of College Mascots and Nicknames , (Lithia: Raja and Associates, 2004). Roy E. Yarbrough, Mascots: the History of Senior College and University Mascots and Nicknames , (Bluff Universal Communications, 1998). Ray Franks, What’s in a Name: Exploring the Jungle of College Mascots , (Amarillo: Franks Publishing, 1982). 83 school’s history. For instance, even before officially adopting the beaver as the school mascot, as early as 1910, then Oregon Agricultural College referred to its teams as the beavers. 379

Drawing on the work of Finley and other state preservationists, which accounts for the sea change in Oregonians’ attitudes towards the buck-toothed rodent, stakeholders relentlessly continued their efforts to equate the beaver with the educational institution during the 1920s— the heyday of American college spirit. In 1921, The Barometer noted students rescued a young, ill-fed beaver from the St. Mary’s River; calling the mascot “Beavo” before pranksters stole it shortly thereafter.380 According to the 1929 student yearbook: “a large, gold-painted Beaver, constructed of wood and mounted on an automobile chassis depicting a beaver that has just been chewing on a fallen log and is looking up in a defiant, challenging manner” became the official school symbol. The appeal to school solidarity, imploring students to protect the totemic image at all cost, continued, noting: “two years ago the Pep Committee organized the Beaver

Guardsmen to guard the huge Beaver mascot of the College which when drawn upon the field by the Guardsmen, brings a cheer from the stands, instilling pep and fight into the rooters and the team.” 381

Throughout the 1930s, the drive to protect the symbol of the beaver persisted. Referring to the symbol’s place of prominence, the 1932 yearbook toted “the mascot is the center of grave danger during football season, many scars having been acquired by the Beaver in his conflicts with rivals of Oregon State College.” Once more, yearbook editors reiterated: “It is the duty of the Beaver Guard to march besides the chassis on which he rests during parades and rallies and

379 Oregon State University, “A History of Athletic Mascots at Oregon State University.” 380 Staff, “Real Live Beaver May Become Aggie Mascot,” Barometer , April 22, 1921, 1. Oregon State University, “A History of Athletic Mascots at Oregon State University.” 381 Oregon State College, Beaver 1929 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1929), 124. 84 keep vigilant over him.” 382 Facilitating alumni to identify with the school mascot and bolster fundraising in the process, a photograph identifying “Billy the Beaver,” a live animal, as the

Oregon State mascot appeared on the cover of the school’s alumni magazine in December

1935. 383 Billy, too, died not long after a year. 384 Shortly thereafter, generic cartoon beaver characters involved in a variety of popular extracurricular college activities became increasingly popular in school publications throughout the remainder of the 1930s.385 In yet another instance aimed at building solidarity among alumni, to celebrate the institution’s seventieth year of existence in 1938, the Oregon State College Alumni Association issued The Orange and Black , which on its cover featured the instantly recognizable shape of the beaver replete with its unmistakable paddle-shaped tail bedecked in the longtime school colors. 386

By the early forties, the beaver’s image and likeness frequented school yearbooks on a regular basis. For example, the 1942 publication featured numerous references and images of the school mascot and symbol including: a homecoming parade float featuring a large papier-mâché beaver mocking that year’s opponent, the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) bruin; male students atop another float under a banner hailing “Bruin-burger—the Beaver’s Meat”; and a photograph subtitled “Homecoming Bosses,” in which a mixed group of co-eds surround the school’s totem—a larger-than-life plaster beaver on a cart. 387 Repertoires such as these further helped to indoctrinate the image of the beaver into school tradition because students could easily

382 Oregon State College, Beaver 1932 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1932), 148. 383 “First Photo of ‘Billy the Beaver’ Oregon State’s Mascot,” Oregon State Monthly , 15, no. 4, (December 1935). 384 Fogard, “The Evolution of School Spirit and Tradition at Oregon State University,” 21. 385 For examples, see: Beaver 1935 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1935), 187, 193. Beaver 1936 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1936), 2. Beaver 1939 , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1939), 42. 386 Gearhart, Orange and Black . 387 Oregon State College, Beaver 1942 Yearbook , (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1942), 12- 16. 85 identify with their anthropomorphic, pennant-waving mascot engaging in similar undertakings as themselves; whether cheering on the home team at a football game, studying late, or socializing with friends.388

One of the most popular images equated with the institution belongs to Arthur Evans, a longtime cartoonist and former Disney animator, who penned the iconic “Benny the Beaver” logo in the 1951 for collegiate merchandiser Angelus Pacific.389 Not surprisingly, in the postwar era, with the return of peace and prosperity, just as in the 1920s and 1930s, college spirit and traditions flourished. According to Candace Hayes, Oregon State University’s trademark and license coordinator: “Evans drew many college cartoon character mascots for car window decals. Several years ago, I was trying to track down the origin of OSU’s cartoon Benny in order to register it as an OSU trademark and discovered in the process that OSU was not the only school with that same beaver cartoon mascot. Cal Tech also had the very same beaver but with different letters on the beanie. Still, it was our Benny. When I called Angeles Pacific, I was told

Mr. Evans had passed away but that he had used the same cartoon for each school who had the same mascot. So, every school with a beaver mascot got what Oregon Staters fondly knew for decades as Benny Beaver. However, I haven’t found any other schools except OSU and Cal

388 Nicholas Epley, Adam Waytz, and John T. Cacioppo, “On Seeing Human: A Three-Factor Theory of Anthropomorphism,” Psychological Review , 114, no. 4, (October 2007): 864-886. 389 Candace Hayes quoted in: Angelus Pacific Co., “History of the Angelus Pacific Company.” Hugh C. Waddell, Jr. founded Angelus Pacific in 1932. Together with Evans, in addition to the Oregon State Beaver, they designed mascots for several universities, including: Auburn Tiger, Florida Gator, Florida State Seminole, University of Mississippi Colonel Reb, Mississippi State Bulldog, Oklahoma State Cowboy, Purdue Boilermaker, and University of Southern California Trojan, and others. 86

Tech who adopted Mr. Evans’ beaver drawing as their mascot. Angeles Pacific is still producing

OSU merchandise as a current licensee.”390

The first officially-sanctioned student to appear dressed as Benny the Beaver made his debut in the fall of 1952. 391 Soon after the introduction of Evans’ cartoon rendering, university archival photographs show a student in a large, furry beaver head with oversized feet, donning a black sweater and a prominent orange letter “B” emblazoned across the chest. 392 Prior to the official costumed student mascot, the same plaster beaver photographed in the 1942 yearbook astride a wagon sufficed as the Oregon State University symbol at sporting events. 393 In an effort to increase student interest and participation, pep squad leader Bill Sundstrom nominated fellow fraternity brother Ken Austin as the first costumed beaver mascot—known henceforth as

Benny the Beaver. With a paltry budget of less than $100, he obtained a papier mâché tail and head from a Portland costume shop and covered them in brown shag carpet. 394 Austin recalls: “I had to create my own ideas.” Growing up around rodeos, Austin incorporated routines, antics, and props from the western-themed shows into his on-field performance. For example, he carried a revolver that shot blanks just as the rodeo clowns he witnessed in his youth had done.395

However, according to recently found photographic evidence in Oregon State University archival records, a student in an unofficially-sanctioned beaver costume—pictured seated in the

390 Oregon State University, “A History of Athletic Mascots at Oregon State University,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library). 391 Sloan, College Names and Other Interesting Traditions , 232. 392 “First Appearance of OSC Mascot Benny the Beaver at 1951 Rally,” Oregon State Monthly . 15. No. 4. (December 1935). 393 Karl McCreary, “The Many Faces of Benny the Beaver,” Messenger , 25, no. 1, (spring 2010): 14. 394 Oregon State University, “Beaver Believer: Ken Austin, OSU’s First Benny Beaver, Returns to the Homecoming Parade,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library, 2008). 395 Mike Dicianna, “Interview with Ken Austin,” Oregon State University Sesquicentennial Oral History Project, March 24, 2015, (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library). 87 middle of the football field and playing a hand of cards—was witnessed by 9,000 spectators during intermission at a home game versus California on November 18, 1939. 396 The student in the beaver costume—Doug Chambers—also appeared at two other halftime shows in 1939 and

1940. According to Chambers, the suit, made by a local seamstress for ten dollars, had a four- foot long tail that was “stiff as a board.” 397 The incident serves to highlight just how much the student body continued to identify with the beaver, as well as the lengths classmates would go to include the cherished totem in school activities. 398

Along the way, the student-clad mascot as well as the symbol and logo have undergone numerous changes. Used from 1959 to 1966 and then intermittingly until 1969, the furry mascot retained its cheerful disposition but instead a plastic head on the beaver costume worn by the student replaced the earlier incarnation fashioned from papier mâché. 399 By1966, the original suit had deteriorated so badly that Benny temporarily ceased making appearances at school athletics contests. 400 Due to the efforts of the Home Economic Department the following year however, the mascot and tradition continued. 401

In 1973, Oregon State introduced its first beaver logo. Lasting until 1996, the logo featured a very traditional-looking cartoon of a furry, brown, left-facing, smiling, albeit buck- toothed, wide-eyed beaver in a college sweater wearing an orange beanie emblazoned with the

396 Oregon State University, Photographic History of Oregon State University, “Benny Beaver, 1939,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library). 397 Ben Forgard, “Benny’s Family Tree,” Messenger , 27, no. 1, (summer 2012): 13. 398 Tom Postmes, Russell Spears, Antonia T. Lee, and Rosemary J. Novak, “Individuality and Social Influence in Groups: Inductive and Deductive Routes to Group Identity,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 89, no. 5, (June 2005): 747-763. 399 Ben Fogard, “Ben Fogard and His Benny the Beaver Adventure,” (Corvallis: Oregon State Library, 2012). 400 Forgard, “The Evolution of School Spirit and Tradition at Oregon State University,” 13. 401 Staff, “Benny Beaver is Back Again Due to Efforts by OSU Clubs,” Daily Barometer , October 22, 1965, 1. 88 school’s acronym.402 By the 1980s, the costumed mascot also underwent drastic changes. Not only did Benny gain weight and a larger smile but also a wife—Bernice Beaver—who appeared at most athletic events from 1982 to 1999, giving Oregon State the distinction of having the only partnered mascot couple in the NCAA. 403 According to the 1993 yearbook, the couple “was always there to support Oregon State and entertain onlookers with their playful antics.” 404

Bernice wore a wedding dress every homecoming game while Benny donned a tuxedo. In this manner, through the domestication of its costumed mascots, Oregon State University tacitly endorsed not only traditional paternalistic values but also heterosexual norms and practices. 405

Commenting on its inclusion, one of four students chosen each year to portray the female beaver mascot, Mariane Shay, who spent summers as a costumed mascot at Disneyland, said, “ it’s nice to play a female for once and be feminine.” 406

Never a fan favorite, Bernice’s exit coincides with the appearance of an angrier-looking beaver symbol and logo, which underwent cosmetic changes in 1999 to bolster the school’s competitive image. 407 Known as the “angry beaver,” Oregon Staters use this reference to note the difference between the beloved happy-go-lucky, beanie-wearing, grinning logo reminiscent of the long-used costumed mascot and the one introduced near century’s end.408 Although still highlighting the irrepressible, brown-faced rodent’s menacing incisors, Oregon State changed its

402 Fogard, “The Evolution of School Spirit and Tradition at Oregon State University,” 21. 403 Larry Landis and George P. Edmonston, Jr., “A History of Athletic Mascots at Oregon State University.” 404 Oregon State University, Beaver 1993 , (Corvallis: Oregon State University, 1993), 237. 405 Kyle Odegard, “Where Have You Gone, Bernice Beaver?” Corvallis Gazette-Times , October 10, 2004, 5. 406 Mariane Shay quoted in: Oregon State University, Beaver 1993 , (Corvallis: Oregon State University, 1993), 237. 407 Jennifer Yachnin, “Mascot Watch,” Chronicle of Higher Education , 47, no. 33, (April 27, 2001). Staff, “Endangered Icons,” Sports Illustrated , 94, no. 21, (May 21, 2001): 22. 408 Alexandra Rumpakis, “The ‘Re-Beav’ Branding: An Examination of the Process and Outcomes of the Oregon State Athletics Brand,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University, 2015), 29. 89 logo in 1997 to a right-facing, grimacing animal with the name “Beavers” inscribed prominently beneath. The costumed mascot used currently also differs considerably from previous incarnations. 409 Not nearly as amicable-looking; again, in 2005, a different design appeared; marketed more towards children—the intent is to be more “kid-friendly.” 410 Instead of a college letter sweater, today’s Benny the Beaver costumed mascot opts for shoulder pads under the colors of the school’s football jersey.411 To the ire of many Oregon State alumni and fans, in

January 2001, the newer logo of the “angry beaver” officially replaced the older symbol. 412

Sports outfitter, Nike, recently redesigned the school’s current symbol and logo again in 2012, which features a more streamlined representation. Still showcasing the animal’s famous overbite but drawing attention to piercing eyes and a more tenacious-looking facial expression, a sloping, sleeker, orange-colored beaver head appeared in 2012; designed to facilitate and standardize the brand in marketing and production.413

Not only the costume has evolved since earlier incarnations but also the mascot’s antics, routines, mannerisms, and, especially, due to the beaver mascot’s popularity within the northwestern state, its more than 250 scheduled appearances per year. 414 To accomplish this herculean task, similar to other colleges and universities with popular regional mascots, Oregon

409 Alexandra Rumpakis, “Collegiate Athletic Rebranding: Transforming the Visual Identity of Oregon State University,” Journal of School Public Relations , 37, no. 2, (spring 2017): 148-165. 410 Kyle Odegard, “A New ‘Benny’ Fit for Younger Beavers,” Corvallis Gazette-Times , November 12, 2008, 5. 411 Erik Siemers, “Oregon State Hopes Nike-Led Rebrand Boosts National Identity,” Portland Business Journal , March 4, 2013. 412 Oregon State University, “Proposed Design Drawing for a New Benny the Beaver Logo,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library, 2003). 413 Chris Anderson, “Oregon State Beavers May Have New Logo,” Eugene Daily News , February 2, 2013, 1. 414 Karl McCreary, “Variations on a Beaver: The Many Faces of Benny in the OSU Archives,” Messenger , 25, no. 1, (spring 2010): 14. 90

State University employs numerous students to perform the role of the costumed mascot.415

Since the mid-1980s at least, this has been the case for student performers. While many costumed mascots and the programs they represent strive for anonymity, Oregon State

University takes this policy to the extreme and seeks to keep its student participants’ names anonymous.416 Due to the lack of transparency or perhaps because no official record exists, scouring yearbooks and newspapers for past mascots yields limited results. Although the general public knows little about the student performers however, due to excessive media coverage,

Oregon State fans and opposing rivals are quite familiar with the mascot’s antics on and off the field.417

Depending on one’s point-of-view, the beaver’s actions are spirited hi-jinx or deliberate agitation. Recent wearers of the beaver costume, such as Beth Giers, one of only two female mascots out of a group of thirty participants, won a silver medal after skiing (in costume) at fellow college mascot’s—Chip the Buffalo from the University of Colorado—invitational ski race held in Winter Park, Colorado and hosted by People and ESPN. “It was just a great time, but it isn’t easy skiing a slalom in your costume,” said Giers, “they were all pretty surprised to find out that I was a female after the runs.” 418 However, as with other mascots, the student clad in the beaver costume often encounters hostility from opposing fans and students in the form of verbal tirades or even physical abuse. For instance, in the fall of 1995, after tapping a 330-pound

California State lineman on the shoulder with an inflatable, toy hammer, he struck the 5 foot 9

415 Alex Krebs, OSU Assistant Director of Marketing and Fan Engagement, telephone conversation with author, March 30, 2018. 416 Arianna Schmidt, “Benny Beaver’s Identity Remains Secret,” Daily Barometer , November, 20, 2017. For anonymity and performance, see: Rebecca Schneider, The Explicit Body in Performance , (London: Routledge, 1997). 417 “LG Celebrates 2017 March Madness,” March 14, 2017. In a nationally-run commercial, Oregon State mascot Benny Beaver appears alongside several other well-known college mascots. 418 Staff, “Different Versions of New Javelin,” Eugene Register-Guard , April 8, 1986, 2C. 91 inch, 135-pound female student inside the mascot costume.419 Later, the same season, an

Arizona player also punched Benny on the field. 420 Referring to the position of the costumed mascot, Marri Hollen, that year’s unfortunate student, said: “I love doing it but I’m fed up with being hit.” 421

No matter who is inside the costumed mascot however, Oregon State University students, fans, and alumni identify closely with the school mascot. Michael Swindle, a senior band member, noted: “He’s a pretty integral part of the whole game day. He cheers with the band and helps with the fans. People just love him and always want their picture with him.” 422 An adored, playful, plush costumed college mascot to Oregon State students, alumni, and fans of all ages; the deliberately mischievous bane of the Pacific Northwest to its collegiate rivals; and not least of all, a furry, brown woodland creature with a penchant for damming ponds and waterways— the state symbol remains synonymous with regional pride and identity.423

Because the beaver—prominent throughout state’s wooded areas, with highest densities in the Coast Range—is such an important part of the northwestern state’s history and identity, mapping its genetic material remains of paramount importance to researchers at Oregon State

University. 424 Similar to other institutions engaging in tracking the lineage of their beloved mascots, beginning in 2013, Oregon State, too, actively began to tote the beaver as an emblem of

419 Tim Stephens, “Tough Times for Mascots,” Rocky Mountain News , January 17, 1996, 1B. 420 Michael Atkinson, Battleground Sports , (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2009), 263. 421 Marri Hollen quoted in: Jim Litke, “It’s Open Season on Sports Mascots,” Argus Press , December 3, 1995, 8B. 422 Michael Swindle quoted in: Dylan McDowell, “History of the Beaver and OSU Revealed,” Barometer , September 30, 2010. 423 Emily McAuliffe, Oregon Facts and Symbols , (Mankato: Capstone Press, 2003), 19. 424 City of Portland Environmental Services, “Guidance: Living with American Beaver,” October 29, 2010, 4. Makennah Hines, “Sequencing the Beaver Genome,” Barometer , October 13, 2015, 1. Relying on crowd funding to raise the needed $30,000, participants are entered for a chance to have the gene named after them. 92 environmental awareness throughout the state. “Sequencing beaver DNA improves understanding of the entire species including their amazing engineering skills and feats and important contributions to stream and forest ecosystems,” said, Brett Tyler, Director of the

Center for Genome Research and Biocomputing in the Oregon State University College of

Agricultural Sciences. Tyler implores fans to: “Become a beaver sequencer and help us to be the first PAC-10 school to sequence the DNA of their mascot and advance beaver science.” 425

The beaver genome-sequencing project remains of particular importance to regional identity and state bragging rights. Since the Oregon State University’s chief rivals are cross-state opponents the University of Oregon Ducks, a university represented by an animal whose genes have already been mapped, state residents and the school’s fans follow developments closely.

While done in the spirit of fun, the project, which solicited $20,001 from 103 Oregon Staters, seeks to raise beaver awareness by advancing science, providing insight into the animal’s population, diseases, and place in evolutionary history. 426

Yet, while the beaver holds longstanding symbolic, socio-economic, political, cultural, and environmental value, concerning the semantics of the word—due to the prominence of late- twentieth century slang, the term has come to refer to the female genitalia. 427 Initially, a specific reference to the supposed similarity between the beaver’s coat and female pubic hair, owing its existence to the increased sexual permissiveness of the era, the word traces its origins to 1922. 428

425 Oregon State University, “Beaver Genome Project,” (Corvallis: Oregon State University Library, 2013). 426 Diane Dietz, “Beavers Fill Big Genes, and OSU Wins Bragging Rights,” Eugene Register- Guard , January 20, 2017, 1. 427 M. Spadola, Breasts: Our Most Public Private Parts , (Berkeley: Wildcat Canyon Press, 1998). A female’s breasts act as the central symbol of femaleness in American society. 428 Jonathan Green, Cassell’s Dictionary of Slang , (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2005), 87. K. Allan and K. Burridge, Euphemism and Dysphemism: Language Used as a Shield and as a Weapon , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 99. Allan and Burridge note: “the 93

Since words and their meaning often change on a regular basis, it seems highly unlikely that predominately male college students, especially during the era under review, would choose a mascot equated with a female body part. From the time of the late-nineteenth century however, the slang connotation more than likely referred to a man’s beard or hat instead.429

The word’s increasing popularity can be attributed to pornographic magazines and films in the late 1960s through the mid-1970s. The idiom gained mass acceptance throughout

American culture, as denoted by its frequent use in well-known films of the era.430 An oppressive expression, the term denigrates women; its purpose remains to commodify and exploit female bodies solely for the purpose of male pleasure and domination.431 Similar to the case of the furry, semi-aquatic rodent, the vulgar euphemism empowers men to re-enact its subjugation. By hunting down and exploiting women’s bodies, just as trappers of yesteryear did, men become complicit in the act.432

Because slang usage fluctuates over time and reflects cultural changes, so, too, has the meaning of the word—beaver. Consequently, given the prevalence of search engine responses

correlation of the female pudend with furry animals may result from the fact that—in contrast to many men—on most women, pubic hair is the only substantial patch of body hair.” John Ayto and John Simpson, Oxford Dictionary of Modern Slang , (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 17. Tom Dalzell and Terry Victor, Sex Slang , (New York: Routledge, 2008), 10. 429 Kelly Dennis, “‘Leave it to Beaver’: The Object of Pornography,” Strategies , 6, no. 1, (1991): 122-167. 430 Hal Lipper, “Bawdy But Nice—‘Naked Gun’: Sophomoric Humor with Class,” St. Petersburg Times , December 2, 1988, M-6. One of the most memorable comical uses of the phrase to appear on the silver screen, which, in turn, highlights its common acceptance in vernacular use, appears in the comedy Naked Gun (1988). Bumbling police detective Frank Drebin (played by Leslie Nielson) appears to look up his love interest’s skirt as she climbs a ladder, casually saying to her: “Nice beaver!” To which Jane (played by Priscilla Presley), who is holding the replica of one of the buck-toothed animals, replies matter-of-factly: “Thanks, I just had it stuffed.” 431 Jonathan Green, Chambers’ Slang Dictionary , (London: Chambers, 2009), 141. 432 Kathy Davis, The Making of Our Bodies, Ourselves: How Feminism Travels Across Borders , (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), 171. 94 related to pornography, groups and organizations using the term often choose another a less vulgar name. 433 For example, the Canadian Historical Society, which used the symbol of the industrious rodent long associated with its nation’s fur trade and history and published its quarterly publication under the title Beaver for ninety years from 1920 until 2010, changed its journal’s moniker to avoid further confusion.434 In addition, a western Pennsylvania undergraduate college, founded in 1851 by Methodists and located in Beaver County, upon receiving university status changed its name from Beaver College to Arcadia University in 2001; administrators cited a 30% response from prospective applicants as a reason not to matriculate at the college, which attributed the negative association to the school’s name. 435

Opposing male fans regularly demean Oregon State’s mascot; painting the Corvallis institution and its fans as less manly or even feminine. In return, Oregon State’s male students, alumni, and fans have co-opted the slang word, fashioning it to their specific needs.436 In this manner, Oregon State’s male students equate their totem with traditional gender roles; assuming submission of not only women to men but their bodies as well.437

As readers have seen, Oregon State University uses the symbol and mascot of the beaver not only to highlight the institution’s hardworking and ingenious ethic but also as a means of state and regional identity. The image of the beaver reflects outmoded Eurocentric narratives

433 Lance Strate, “Be (a) Very Afraid,” ETC 1, no. 4, (April 2010): 149-155. Rod Nickel, “Internet Mix-Ups Force Canadian Magazine the Beaver to Change its Name,” Scotsman , January 13, 2010, 5. 434 United Press International, “Web Forces Beaver Magazine Name Change,” January 12, 2010. 435 Ron Todt, “Beaver College Announces New Name,” Philadelphia Inquirer , November 20, 2000, 7. 436 Laurel A. Sutton, “Bitches and Skankly Hobags: The Place of Women in Contemporary Slang,” in Gender Articulated: Language and the Socially-Constructed Self , Kira Hall and Mary Bucholtz, eds., (New York: Routledge, 1995), 279-296. 437 Janice W. Lee, ed., Gender Roles , (New York: Novo Biomedical Books, 2005). Hortensia Amaro, “Love, Sex, and Power: Considering Women’s Realities,” American Psychologist , 50, no. 6, (June 1995): 437-447. 95 which prize white manliness, paternalism, and sexual and environmental conquest while obfuscating the roles of women, along with other races.438

Opposition generated towards the beaver by rival schools instead seeks to frame the mascot as ineffectual and frail. For instance, rival schools such as the University of Oregon wield the slang connotation as a weapon, deriding Oregon State fans as effeminate and weak— literally the antithesis of manliness—to elevate their own group’s status and identity; using the term to demean and positioning the beaver as a fragile, indefensible creature endowed with feminine qualities and, therefore, unfit to compete in the hostile environment of the American wilderness: a formidable and inhospitable domain for a timid, subversive rodent to share with aggressive, bloodthirsty predators.439

On the contrary, however, Oregon State University officials downplay, refuse to acknowledge, and purposely obscure the near destruction of the beaver in regional history; along with the host of environmental, racial, and gendered problems connected to the egregious fur trade. Instead, stakeholders choose to ignore the uglier side of the fur trade, relying on anthropomorphic imagery to indoctrinate students, alumni, and fans into the micro-society of college life at the state institution.440 Tapping into popular yet erroneous cultural narratives which frame the beaver strictly as a harmless, yet diligent, and hardworking woodland creature,

Oregon State University marketers, even in their latest efforts to make the symbol more aggressive-looking, opt to position the image of the beaver as a central symbol of state pride.

One sees evidence of this in the way the publishers of Oregon State’s alumni magazine implore

438 Margot Francis, Creative Subversions: Whiteness, Indigeneity, and the National Imaginary , (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011), 31. 439 Janet Vorwald Dohner, The Encyclopedia of Animal Predators , (Boston: Storey Publishing, 2017). 440 Margot Francis, “The Strange Career of the Canadian Beaver: Anthropomorphic Discourse and Imperial History, Journal of Historical Sociology , 17, no. 2, (June 2004): 209-239. 96 readers to show their commitment and display school solidarity by wearing the school colors and logo. “The elements of [OSU alumni] community center first on an inward sense of “we,” that is a personal understanding that you belong to a group. The second dimension of community involves the way we exhibit our community connectiveness to others. Such exhibitions manifest themselves in two ways: (1) how we display our affiliation to other members within the group and, (2) how we exhibit these connections to members of the public who are not members. At

OSU, such behavior might include the wearing of orange logo clothing or orange day-glow wigs or singing the Fight Song or Alma Mater. These actions all have a role in reinforcing the notion of community and represent some of the ways we exhibit our membership so that others might see who we are. Such symbols may also provide outlets for extreme exhibition. This is common at athletic events and other highly charged situations in which in-your-face behaviors such as wearing orange clothing “nose-to-toes” is perfect for the occasion. A third element of community is that in striving for a sense of ‘we,’ it is important to also have a sense of ‘they.’

This sets up a boundary that reinforces the notion of community by differentiating members from outsiders. Even to a casual observer, it becomes instantly clear that even a lukewarm Beaver is not a Duck.”441 The case above demonstrates the heated contest between the two rival institutions within the state and how Oregon State University utilizes the state symbol of the beaver to gain not only the allegiance of Oregonians but their money as well; allowing the educational institution to not only continue but also perpetuate the mythic visual narratives the symbol represents.442

441 Dwayne Foley, “Celebrating Our Colors,” Oregon Stater , 87, no. 2, (September 2002), 14. 442 Michael Geisler, National Symbols, Fractured Identities, (Hanover: University Press of New England, 2005), 5-34. Lauren Berlant, Anatomy of National Fantasy , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 25. Anthony D. Smith, National Identity , (Reno: University of Nevada, 1991), 77. 97

Finally, Oregon State University’s selection of its mascot—the eager, hardworking, yet innocuous beaver—reflects not only the changing ethics of the early years of the twentieth century and the effect the teachings of preservationists had on the youth of the era but also the newfound reverence for regional symbols of the American landscape which quickly became a means of state identity. This cultural shift helps to explain why a group of young white male college students would choose to identify and herald such a relatively non-threatening and unintimidating animal for a symbol and mascot; especially when the idea of “survival of the fittest,” even in the context of training young men for the cut throat world of turn-of-the-century business, reigned supreme. Similar to other American college symbols and mascots, which trace their existence to the early decades of the twentieth century and have evolved over the years, the Oregon State University Beaver also reflects and highlights the pervasive influence of media, film, and television. However, despite the aesthetic changes to the symbol and mascot throughout the twentieth century—invariably a point of contention for some longtime supporters at Oregon State—with continued emphasis on the importance of protection of wildlife and the environment, especially in such a fervently eco-conscious state such as Oregon, the future of the wetlands engineer appears brighter than many other once abundant symbols of the American landscape currently serving as mascots for a variety of colleges and universities nationwide. With Benny the Beaver making over

250 appearances per year throughout Oregon while simultaneously helping to raise ecological awareness, the longtime Oregon State University symbol and mascot will continue to make a difference and remain a fan favorite on and off the field.

98

CHAPTER 4

MOUNTAINEER: SYMBOL OF UNITY IN WEST VIRGINIA

Coinciding with a regional trend that witnessed a return to traditional backcountry values and glorified the state’s progenitors as rugged, independent-minded individuals, along with the impact of early twentieth century Hollywood representations of the American frontiersman, the figure of the Mountaineer—the symbol and mascot of the West Virginia State University—first appeared in the fall of 1934. College stakeholders seized wisely on the occasion surrounding the seventieth anniversary of West Virginia’s statehood to bolster nearly unanimous statewide approval from white state residents for its adoption. In this manner, the Mountaineer became the symbol of the West Virginia State University.

An examination of the figure of the legendary American frontiersman—typically depicted as a white, buckskin-clad, gun-toting, pioneer in a coonskin cap—and its importance as a collegiate mascot specifically to West Virginia University (WVU) reveals what beliefs the institution historically values. A closer analysis of similar mascots based on the fabled representation of the frontiersman at other American colleges and universities tells a different story however. Whereas at WVU, an institution in a state known for its rugged mountains and a place students, fans, and alumni identify strongly with the symbol of the Mountaineer, hold the current icon in high esteem, and hail the achievements of the mythic folk hero as nothing short of virtuous and heroic; other universities situated in more cosmopolitan environments which cater to a more diverse students hold the character—whether frontiersman, pioneer, or mountaineer— in contempt—citing such figures as symbols of marginalization, racism, genocide, and oppression. An examination of popular literature and imagery depicting the figure of the frontiersman and its prominence in American culture divulges where its creators found their

99 ideas; what fueled their inspiration, and from where along with why they drew such mythic iconography to construct the symbols integral to such an identity. Glorified throughout consensus history as a heroic figure; blazing forth the way for American civilization; or vilified as a racist, misogynistic, land-grabbing opportunist in recent scholarship. Depending on one’s point of view, the figure of the frontiersman—defined by many consensus historians, such as

Howard Glenn Clark, as “certain individuals [who] went ahead of a more organized movement” and, more recently, by some revisionists who contest western narratives, like Patricia Limerick, as a figure of conquest and an “obstacle to understanding”—remains a highly-contested figure fraught with complications. 443 While the former reading serves to reinforce static views of western history, highlighting white Anglo patriarchal dominance, and subverting gender and racial equality; the latter new western histories encompass a much more pluralistic, inclusive approach. 444

Romanticized figures from the wilderness and their legendary adventures inform

American literature and frontier mythology, forming the basis on which the nation’s cultures and beliefs stand. 445 Thomas Jefferson, one of the most prominent figures extolling national expansion in the Early Republic, linked the country’s prosperity to the virtuosic yeoman farmer;

443 Howard Glenn Clark, “John Fraser, Western Pennsylvanian Frontiersman,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine , 38, no. 3, (fall 1955): 83-93. Patricia Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: the Unbroken Past of the American West , (New York: W.W. Norton, 1994), 18. 444 Karen Leong, “Still Walking, Still Brave: Mapping Gender, Race, and Power in U.S. Western History,” Pacific Historical Review , 79, no. 4, (November 2010): 618-628. Peggy Pascoe, Relations of Rescue: The Search for Female Moral Authority in the American West, 1874-1939 , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990). Valerie J. Matsumoto and Blake Allmendinger, eds., Over the Edge: Remapping the American West , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). Quintard Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier: African-Americans in the American West, 1528-1990 , (New York: W.W. Norton, 1998). 445 James J. Donahue, Failed Frontiersmen: White Men and Myth in the Post-Sixties American Historical Romance , (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2015), 1. 100 writing, “Those who labour in the earth are the chosen people of God.” 446 French observers of

American culture in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as J. Hector de

Crevecoeur and Alexis Tocqueville, remained supportive yet simultaneously ambivalent.

Similar to Jefferson, de Crevecoeur, too, believed the tillers of the soil distinguished the

American persona. No feudal system run by absentee landlords and corrupt barons tarnished the image of the New World as in Europe. In America, when the frontier beckoned with its abundance, bucolic beauty, and promise of autonomy, the people heeded its call. Crevecoeur found in the figure of the frontiersman the best traits of the American yeoman farmer in the strictest meaning of the Jeffersonian tradition; he discovered backcountry individuals free of the toils and strife found in Europe with its ruthless aristocracy and meaningless titles; he saw a people free of the squalor of the Old World’s overcrowded cities, ready to embrace America’s wilderness, its sublime beauty, and its plentiful bounty. Furthermore, the Frenchman observed the different beliefs and values between rural and urban residents, writing: “it is natural to conceive that those who live near the sea must be very different from those who live in the woods—the intermediate space will afford a separate and distinct class.” Lastly, to Crevecoeur, the availability of pristine, untouched land instilled not only a sense of pride in transforming the land, but also more importantly conferred an identity. “ He is an American, who leaving behind him all his ancient prejudices and manners, receives new ones from the new mode of life he has embraced, the new government he obeys, and the new rank he holds.” 447

For his part, Tocqueville also lauded the achievements of the backwoods pioneer. The

French observer decreed the frontier cabin “the ark of civilization.” He noted the American

446 Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia , (London: J. Stockdale, 1787). 447 J. Hector de Crevecoeur, Letters of an American Farmer , (New York: Fox and Duffield, 1904), 27, 1. 4, 3. 101 frontiersman “has braved exile, the loneliness, and numberless miseries of the savage life, he has slept on the ground, he has exposed himself to the forest fevers, and the tomahawk of the

Indian.” An arresting figure, Tocqueville asserted the frontiersman, “[put] his name to a wilderness which none before him had traversed, has not seen the first forest tree fall and the first planter’s house rise in solitude, where a community came to group itself, a village grew, and today a vast city stretches.” 448

Other commentators, such as the naturalist John A. Audubon, hailed pioneers as integral to the very fabric of the nation. He praised frontiersmen like Daniel Boone as “daring hunter(s)” who praised newly-opened lands for: “the richness of its soil, its magnificent forests, its numberless navigable streams, its salt springs and licks, its saltpetre caves, its coal strata, and its vast herds of buffaloes and deer that browsed on its hills and amidst its charming valleys, afforded ample inducements to the new settler, who pushed forward with a spirit far above that of the most undaunted tribes, which for ages had been the sole possessors of the soil.”449

Squatters or people who opened new lands to develop mills and farmsteads remained particularly interesting to Audubon. They embodied the yeoman spirit Jefferson extolled.450

Audubon also celebrated frontiersmen as the underlying force propelling the nation.

Accompanied by their families and some livestock, they carved out an existence on the edge of the frontier. Audubon added: “An axe, a couple of horses, and a heavy rifle, with a store of ammunition, were all that were considered necessary for the equipment of the man, who, with his

448 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America , (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1938), 287, 243, 119. 449 John James Audubon, Ornithological Biography and Account of the Habits of the Birds of the United States of America , (Edinburgh: Adam Black, 1831), 290. 450 Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia . Alton A. Lindsey, The Bicentennial of John James Audubon , (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985,), 93. Chester E. Eisinger, “The Freehold Concept in Eighteenth-Century American Letters,” William and Mary Quarterly , 4, no. 1, (January 1947); 42-59. 102 family, removed to the new State, assured that, in that land of exuberant fertility, he could not fail to provide amply for all his wants.” 451 Interestingly, no less than Frederick Jackson Turner, who decreed the American frontier closed in the last decade of the nineteenth century, believed wilderness comprised a necessary safety valve and held a prominent place in the national mindset as a place of refuge and exodus, noted: “The wilderness masters the colonist. It finds him a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel, and thought. It takes him from the railroad car and puts him in the birch canoe. It strips him the garments of civilization, and arrays him in the hunting shirt and moccasin.” 452 Even though Turner’s frontier thesis no longer holds sway in academic discourse, as continuous waves of people of color, not only white settlers, influenced Western history, college stakeholders similarly saw the West as a burgeoning empire and its pioneering frontiersmen as legendary folk heroes. 453 These emblematic figures from frontier history, as historian Henry W. Brands notes: “profoundly affected the American mind and imagination.” 454 Additionally, scholar of American literature Michael Lofaro sees the frontiersman “as a vital evolving part of the ‘spirit of America,” and historian Jesse A. Jones maintains “the backwoodsman was free and easy, untamed, and independent.” 455

451 Audubon, Ornithological Biography , 290. 452 Frederick Jackson Turner, The Significance of the Frontier in American History , (New York: Penguin, 2008), 4. 453 James R. Grossman, The Frontier in American Culture , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). Patricia Nelson Limerick, ed., Trails toward a New Western History , (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1991). William Cronon, “Revisiting the Vanishing Frontier: The Legacy of Frederick Jackson Turner,” Western Historical Quarterly , 18, no. 2, (April 1987): 157-176. 454 H.W. Brands et al, American Stories: A History of the United States , (Boston: Pearson, 2015), 401. 455 Michael A. Lofaro, “Tracking Daniel Boone: The Changing Frontier in American Life,” The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society , 82, no. 4, (autumn 1984): 321-333. Jesse A. Jones, “Say it Ain’t True, Davy! The Real David Crockett vs. the Backwoodsman in Us All,” Appalachian Journal , 15, no. 1, (fall 1987): 45-51. 103

Recent historians portray Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett either as archetypal figures based on the symbol of the mythic, legendary frontiersman; failed entrepreneurs, and itinerants; but, above all, as products of the American wilderness. 456 Whereas newer accounts of Boone, such as that of John M. Faragher, succeed in demythicizing earlier portrayals, they still aggrandize his role in Trans-Appalachian settlement, mistakenly placing him squarely at the center of the movement. 457 Despite a contemporary proclivity to revisionism—giving a voice to traditionally marginalized historical actors, which paints a multi-ethic picture—others, such as

Meredith Mason Brown, remain dismissive; failing to connect issues of race, class, and gender to overarching questions related to American expansion.458 Other accounts, such as Michael

Lofaro’s assessment, still trumpet white frontiersmen like Boone, positioning him as one of the cornerstones of American culture. 459 Similarly, more recent works on Crockett, such as that of popular writer Mark Derr, remain cautionary but offer fresh revisions of popular legends and historical understanding. 460

Real life individuals culled from American history along with the tale tales, legends, folklore, and myth surrounding them serve as the basis for many images and symbols of the pioneer and the frontiersman. Tracing roots to Arthurian legend, sociologist John Fraim finds

456 James R. Boylston and Allen J. Weiner, Davy Crockett in Congress: the Rise and Fall of the Poor Man’s Friend , (Houston: Bright Sky Press, 2009). Buddy Levy, American Legend: the Real Life Adventure of Davy Crockett , (New York: Berkley Books, 2005). Manley F. Cobia, Jr., Journey into the Land of Trials , (Hillsboro, KS: Hillsboro Press, 2003). Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: the Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600-1860 , (Middlebury, CT: Publisher, 1973). 457 John M. Faragher, Daniel Boone: the Life and Legend of an American Pioneer , (New York: Henry Holt, 1992). 458 Meredith Mason Brown, Frontiersman: Daniel Boone and the Making of America , (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008). 459 James Russell Harris and Kenneth H. Wins, “Daniel Boone’s American Life: An Interview with Biographer Michael Lofaro,” The Register of Kentucky Historical Society , 100, no. 4, (autumn, 2002): 497-504. 460 Mark Derr, The Frontiersman , (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1993). 104 the frontiersman symbolizes an individual who blazes a trail and “carves out a living in an inhospitable place.” 461 Viewed often as having a symbiotic relationship with the land—the font of the frontiersman’s aura emanates from eighteenth century European philosopher Jean Jacques

Rousseau’s idea of the “man of nature.”462

Whether through historical account or myth, Daniel Boone stands as perhaps the best known “frontiersman” in early American history. Like other Scots-Irish colonists who chose to ignore the British Crown’s decree, and, instead, crossed the Appalachians into the uncharted lands of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky—the gateway to the American West, the Ohio

Valley, Daniel Boone, born in 1734 in Exeter, Pennsylvania, moved south with his family in

1751 to Rowan County, North Carolina, before venturing westward to make a name for himself. 463 The son of a yeoman farmer, Boone’s image became emblematic as the symbol of the frontiersman. A key factor paramount to the image of authenticity remains the frontiersman’s trademark garb. According to Fraim, the backwoodsman’s apparel “crosses gender, sexual, and cultural boundaries,” readily bringing to mind simplicity, authenticity, “wide

461 John Fraim, Battle of Symbols: Global Dynamics of Advertising, Entertainment, and Media , (Einsiedeln: Verlag, 2003), 186. 462 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality , (New York: P. F. Collier 1910). 463 “The Royal Proclamation—October 7, 1763,” in Brief American Pageant: a History of the Republic , David M. Kennedy, (Boston: Cengage, 2017), 84. The Proclamation of 1763 stated: “We do, with the advice of our Privy Council strictly enjoin and require, that no private person do presume to make any purchase from the said Indians of any lands reserved to the said Indians… but that, if any time any of the said Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands, the same shall be purchased only for us [the British Crown], in our name…” “The Papers of Colonel Henry Bouquet Papers,” September 21, 1761, (London: British Museum), Vol. 21656, 24-25. Even before the more well-known Royal Proclamation of 1763, issued to deter frontier settlement beyond the Appalachians, British officials issued several pieces of legislation aimed at barring colonial settlement west of the Alleghenies as well as the Appalachian Mountain range. Pennsylvania signed the Treaty of Easton in 1758 with the Shawnee and Lenni Lenape (Delaware) guaranteeing no settlement west of the Alleghenies. Henry Bouquet—a Swiss officer in the employ of the British Army, put in charge following the death of Brigadier General John Forbes—also issued his own proclamation in 1761, which decreed land west of the Alleghenies specifically as Indian hunting grounds and made white settlement illegal. 105 open spaces, and a hero.” 464 Cloaked in fringed buckskin from head-to-toe; wearing a trademark raccoon skin cap replete with its signature dangling striped tail; a powder horn hanging from the belt, a long blade on the hip, and brandishing a rifle, Boone epitomized the image of the frontiersman. Anthropologists Patricia A, Cunningham and Susan Vos Lab assert that the trappings and accoutrement of the backwoodsman—exemplified in this instance by Boone— served as a kind of “shorthand” for quickly communicating a specific set of beliefs, norms, and behaviors; and also as way of “maintaining and preserving values of culture.” 465 The backwoodsman’s garb would prove instrumental later when young white men sought to replicate their heroic figure’s manner of dress, which they genuinely believed constituted part of the authentic frontier experience. 466

The myth surrounding Boone began during his life. John Filson’s the Adventures of

Daniel Boon (1784) ensconced the image of Boone as the quintessential frontiersman, introducing Boone into the public consciousness and making the outdoorsman into a legend in his own time. 467 Published on Boone’s fiftieth birthday, crafted with more literary prowess than the backwoodsman possessed, Filson’s hagiography begins in 1769 when Boone “resigned my domestic happiness and left my family and peaceful habitation of the Yadkin River, in North

Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucke.”

Fashioned with a flair for romanticism, Filson wrote that upon first sight of “the beautiful level

464 Fraim, Battle of Symbols , 198. 465 Patricia A. Cunningham and Susan Voso Lab, eds., Dress and Popular Culture , (Madison: Popular Press, 1991), 7, 12. 466 Don Corbly, The Last Colonials , (Morrisville, NC: Lulu, 2009), 115. Rory Fitzpatrick, God’s Frontiersmen: The Scots-Irish Epic , (University Park: Penn State University Press, 1989), 68. 467 Richard Taylor, “Daniel Boone an American Icon: A Literary View,” The Register of Kentucky Historical Society , 12, no. 4, (autumn, 2004): 512-533. “Historic Missourians— Daniel Boone,” State Historical Society of Missouri, 2016. 106 of Kentucke,” Boone’s party who “found abundance of wild beasts in this vast forest” quickly

“encamped, made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country.” 468 Using literary tropes long preceding Rousseau, according to cultural critic Richard Taylor, Filson not only “fathered his legend and granted him immorality” but also frames the frontiersman as a product of American wilderness, “represent[ing] the birth of Boone in the public consciousness.” 469 Numerous other books—published domestically as well as abroad during his lifetime—testify to the ability of Boone’s exploits to captivate readers as well as ingraining the image of the model frontiersman in popular imagination. 470 When Boone died in 1820, obituaries of the day not only praised him as “the first settler of Kentucky” but also as

“one of the few men of our country whose enterprize [sic] lead [sic] him to search into the wilderness for the best tracts of land for men to inhabit.” 471

Popular art aimed at mass audiences increasingly during this era, such as images of

Boone published posthumously; additionally, dictate the parameters the symbol of the frontiersman would follow subsequently in American culture. Chester Harding’s portrayal of

Boone from 1820, the only portrait painted during the backwoodsman’s lifetime, had wide appeal. 472 The rendering found in the inside cover of Timothy Flint’s biographical memoir of

Boone published in 1833 further fixed the image of the iconic frontiersman in readers’ minds.

468 John Filson, The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boon , (Norwich, CT: Trumbull, 1786), 3. 469 Taylor, “Daniel Boone an American Icon,” 532, 516. 470 Francis Scott, The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boone , (Norwich, CT: John Trumbull, 1785), Gilbert Imlay, Topographical Description of the Western Territory of America , (Dublin: William Jones, 1793), Daniel Bryan, The Mountain Muse: Comprising the Adventures of Daniel Boone , (Harrisonburg, VA: Davidson and Bourne, 1813). 471 “Obituary for Daniel Boone,” Missouri Gazette and Public Advertiser , October 3, 1820, 3. 472 Chester Harding, Sketch of Chester Harding. Artist: Drawn by His Own Hand , (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1890), 48. Leah Lipton, “Chester Harding and the Life Portrait of Daniel Boone,” American Art Journal , 16, no.3, (summer 1984): 4-19. Harding completed a pencil sketch of Boone while the portrait was completed later in a temporary studio in Franklin, Missouri, witnessed by George Caleb Bingham. 107

Dime novels of the era typically depicting Boone fighting Indians clad in familiar buckskins and trademark coonskin cap additionally disseminated the mythic image. 473 James Otto Lewis popularized full-length engravings of Boone based on Harding’s portrait, lending additional cultural credence to the image of Boone as the quintessential frontiersman. 474 Completed in

1826, Enrico Causici’s sand relief adorning the Capitol in Washington, D. C. depicts Boone engaged in mythic combat with a knife-wielding Indian warrior. 475 George Caleb Bingham’s

1851 painting aptly-titled Daniel Boone Escorting Settlers through the Cumberland Gap highlights the frontiersman’s prominent place in American history; showing Boone at the helm of western expansion, leading pioneers into Kentucky. 476 Lastly, a sculpture of Boone fighting an exaggerated Indian titled The Rescue Group (1851) from nineteenth century artist Horatio

Greenough further mythicizes the image of the frontiersman; trumpeting the use of force and violence to effectively quell indigenous culture while simultaneously advancing white hegemony and fostering nationalism under the doctrine of Manifest Destiny.477

473 Dime novels featuring Boone as a character include: John Hovey Robinson, “Pioneers of Kentucky,” Ballou’s Novelettes , no. 108, (1850). Albert W. Aiken, “The Queen of Kanawha,” Beadle’s Dime Library , no. 49, (August, 28, 1878). Joseph E. Badger, Jr., “Daniel Boone’s Last Trail,” Dime Novels , no. 288, (August 12, 1873). Paul Braddon, “Daniel Boone: The Hero of Kentucky,” Wide Awake Library , no. 152, (August 25, 1879). Burke Brentford, “Daniel Boone on the Warpath,” Log Cabin Library , no. 125, (August 6, 1891). 474 Clifford Amyx, “The Authentic Image of Daniel Boone,” Missouri Historical Review , 82, no. 2, (January 1988): 153-164. 475 Adriana Rissetto, “Capitol Savages: Representations of American Indians in the Capitol,” University of Virginia. Lyman C. Draper, Life of Daniel Boone , (Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 1998), 485. 476 Paul C. Nagel, George Caleb Bingham: Missouri’s Famed Painter and Forgotten Politician , (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005), 129. Patricia Hills, “Picturing Progress in the Era of Westward Expansion, 1820-1920” in The West as America: Reinterpreting Images of the Frontier, 1820-1920 , ed., Nancy K. Anderson, (Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Press, 1991), 114. 477 Richard A. Saunders, Horatio Greenough: An American Sculptor’s Drawings, (Middlebury: Middlebury College Museum of Art, 1999), 21. J. Gray Sweeney, Columbus of the Woods: Daniel Boone and the Typology of Manifest Destiny , (St. Louis: Washington University Press, 108

Following Boone’s death in 1820, Americans turned their attention to the figure of the vanishing woodsman. Real life individuals from the frontier like Boone became a template on which Americans increasingly based their understanding of the mythic frontiersman.478 Popular literature and songs of the era additionally reflect relevant themes. For example, in the nascent stages of American literature at the time, James Fenimore Cooper based his The Pioneers (1823), part of his larger Leatherstocking Tales and especially his fictional character, Natty Bummpo, on the real-life figure of Daniel Boone. 479 Similar to Boone in physique and stature, Cooper describes his emblematic character as “tall [and] gaunt… with his rifle hanging on his arm.” 480

Larger-than-life in presentation, which many readers believed constituted an authentic portrayal of an autonomous, backwoods individual, these tales not only simultaneously set the criteria of what American culture expected and did not expect in a frontiersman and mountaineer but also inculcated these values and beliefs into the national zeitgeist. 481

Popular song also glorified the image of the crack shot frontiersman of the American landscape. For instance, following the American victory in the final confrontation in the War of

1992). Vivian Green Fryd, “Two Sculptures for the Capitol: Horatio Greenough’s ‘Rescue’ and Luigi Persico’s ‘Discovery of America,’” American Art Journal , 19, no. 2, (spring 1987): 16-39. In 1845, newspaper editor John L. O’Sullivan first used the term to describe how Providence favored American expansion of democratic market values across the continent. 478 Brown, Frontiersman: Daniel Boone and the Making of America . Michael A. Lofaro, Daniel Boone: An American Life , (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2003). Lee Clark Mitchell. “Whose West is it Anyway? Or, What’s Myth Got to do With it? The Role of ‘America’ in the Creation of the Myth of the West,” American Review of Canadian Studies , 33, no. 4, (winter 2003): 497-508. Faragher, Daniel Boone: The Life and Legend of an American Pioneer . Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence , 155-157. 479 Cratis D. Williams and Martha H. Pipes, “The Southern Mountaineer in Fact and Fiction: Part II,” Appalachian Journal , 3, no. 2, (winter 1976): 100-162. 480 James Fenimore Cooper, The Pioneers , (London: Routledge and Sons, 1895), 247. 481 Wayne Franklin, James Fenimore Cooper: The Later Years , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017). Cooper (1789-1851) penned the five novel series of Leatherstocking Tales : The Pioneers (1823), The Last of the Mohicans (1826), The Prairie (1829), The Pathfinder (1840), and The Deerslayer (1841). 109

1812 with British forces; songs such as The Hunters of Kentucky praised the valiant efforts played by backwoodsmen in the Battle of New Orleans. 482 Even though he did not participate in the actual battle, the fact remained of little importance in the public mindset. In this manner, not only through popular literature and art but also song, images of the rough-hewn, Indian fighting, frontiersman—emblematic of Boone—further entered popular imagination.483

A real life figure as well as one of legend and tall tale, David Crockett (and the exploits of the fictional Davy Crockett) remains embedded in the collective American psyche as one of its most beloved, mythic frontiersman. Just as in the case of Boone, where the line between real life and myth became exceedingly hard to distinguish, the character Davy Crockett first appeared during the real David Crockett’s lifetime.484 David Crockett recognized the paramount position of the independent backwoodsman as a cultural motif or vehicle to exploit for self-gain, especially in rural areas far removed from the eastern seaboard. He wisely employed the image of the frontiersman for the purpose of advancing his own economic enterprises, such as interests he had in grain refining, distilling, or gunpowder-making.

However, he also relished the role of the homespun backwoodsman. A veritable braggadocio; hyperbolizing himself as part “half alligator, half horse,”—the Tennessean boasted he could “wade the Mississippi, leap the Ohio, ride upon a streak of lightning, slip without a scratch down a honey locust, and whip my weight in wildcats.” 485 According to popular writer

Mark Derr, David Crockett, the politician and writer, understood the American people longed

482 C. Edward Skeen, Citizen Soldiers in the War of 1812 , (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1999), 83. Frank Weitenkampf, “Our Political Symbols,” New York History , 33, no. 4, (October 1952): 371-378. 483 Chad A. Barbour, From Daniel Boone to Captain America: Playing Indian in American Popular Culture , (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2016). 484 Levy, American Legend . Derr, The Frontiersman . 485 David Crockett, Narrative of the Life of David Crockett , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1987), xx. 110 more for tales of a “bear hunter than a farmer.”486 Readers took pleasure in stories where

Crockett wrote that he “killed fifteen bears” or accounts where the legendary folk hero “pointed as near [the bear’s] hump… and fired away” before he “made a lounge [sic] with my long knife and fortunately stuck him right through the heart.”487 He misjudged the national audience’s appetite for glorified stories of backwoods exploits however.

In response to popular tastes and literary currents of the era, books featuring

Crockettesque characters flooded the American market in the decades prior to the mid-nineteenth century.488 Drawing on caricatures, common traits, and colloquial language associated with the backwoodsman, long established in American literature since the publication of William Byrd’s

History of the Dividing Line betwixt Virginia and North Carolina (1728), James Strange French first popularized the image of the Tennessean folk hero as the archetypal frontiersman in 1833. 489

Taking advantage of his newfound popularity, shortly after the publication of French’s book,

Crockett released his own autobiography the same year; basing his character on Benjamin

Franklin’s own portrayal in The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1818) along with patterning his backwoods image from Seba Smith’s character, Major Jack Downing. 490

Although not memorable for their literary prowess, books, such as The Kentuckian in New York

486 Derr, The Frontiersman , 118. 487 David Crockett, Narrative of the Life of David Crockett , ed., Joseph J. Arpad, (New Haven: College and University Press Services, 1972), 148, 157-158. 488 Jennifer Schlueter, “‘A Theatrical Race’: American Identity and Popular Performance in the Writings of Constance M. Rourke,” Theatre Journal , 60, no. 1, (2009): 529-543. The best treatment of American tall tale still remains: Constance M. Rourke, Roots of American Culture, (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1942), 130. 489 William Byrd, History of the Dividing Line between Virginia and North Carolina , (New York: Courier, 1929). Byrd’s sometimes satirical account of frontier life depicts a borderland inhabited by a diverse community of people including Native Americans, Scots-Irish, English, French, and Spanish. He identified some backcountry residents who have “no other habitation but a green bower or harbour” such as an English hermit “with a female domestick as wild and dirty as himself (47).” 490 Crockett, Narrative of the Life of David Crockett , 29-30. 111 or, the Adventures of Three Southerns (1834) by William Alexander Caruthers; Elkswatawa

(1835) by James Strange French; Davy Crockett’s Almanack of Wild Sports of the West (1835); and Bostonian, Charles Elms’ Life in the Backwoods (1835) remain prime examples of how popular images of Davy Crockett gained further cultural currency; becoming synonymous with the idea of the rough-hewn frontiersman, taking on a life of its own in American culture. 491

Tall tales, myths, folklore, and works of fiction further entrenched the image of the backwoods frontiersman (Crockett in this case) in the national mindset. An icon of frontier

American culture, certain college stakeholders gravitated to images of frontiersmen like Crockett in hopes of forging a regional identity to which many students could easily relate and understand. 492 Major Jack Downing, a fictitious character based on the exploits of Crockett by creator Charles A. Dans in 1833 epitomized such a figure.493

Other stock characters from the panoply of American backwoods figures, which appeared throughout the nineteenth century, contributed to people’s conception as well as understanding the differences between the heroic backwoods figure of the frontiersman and the mountaineer.

491 Ian Marshall, Storyline: Exploring the Literature of the Appalachian Trail , (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998), 217. Gregory H. Nobles, American Frontiers: Cultural Encounters and Continental Conquest , (New York: Hill and Wang, 1997). Alan Taylor, Liberty Men: The Revolutionary Settlement of the Maine Frontier, 1760-1820 , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990). William A. Caruthers, The Kentuckian in New York or, the Adventures of Three Southerns , (New York: Harper, 1836). James Strange French, Elkswatawa: Or, Prophet of the West. Tale of the Frontier , (New York: Harper, 1836). Davy Crockett, Davy Crockett’s Almanack of Wild Sports of the West , (Nashville: Heirs of Colonel Crockett, 1838). Charles Elms, Life in the Backwoods , (Boston: Houghton, 1835). 492 Carolyn S. Brown, Tall Tale in American Folklore and Literature , (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 3, 54-57. Constance Rourke, American Humor: A Study of the National Character , (New York: Harcourt, 1931). 52-64, 493 John H. Schroeder, “Major Jack Downing and American Expansionism: Seba Smith’s Political Satire, 1847-1856,” New England Quarterly , 50, no. 2, (June 1977): 214-233. Charles A. Dans, The Life and Writings of Major Jack Downing of Downingville , (Boston: Lily, Wait, and Colman, 1834). Charles A. Dans, Major Jack Downing of the Downingville Militia , (London: Frederick Warne, 1865). 112

Notably, George Tucker’s The Valley of the Shenandoah (1824) first identifies the figure of the mountaineer in American literature. Described as a “worthy” and “free-spoken mountaineer,” simply dressed in homespun, Tucker paints the figure of his Scots-Irish mountaineer,

McCullogh, as quick to anger but slow to understand.494 In terms of comprehending how the figure of the mountaineer fits into regional identity within the state of West Virginia; known as the “Mountain State,” the moniker and mascot not only point to the state’s rugged individual spirit but also reflect the state’s motto: “Mountaineers are always free.” 495

Throughout the mid-to-late-nineteenth century, other forms of media sought to capitalize on the image of Crockett as the prototypical frontiersman. Spawned by changes implemented in the expansion of Jacksonsian democracy, popular theatrical plays, such as James Kirke

Paulding’s the Lion of the West or A Trip to Washington (1830) and Davy Crockett ; Or Be Sure

You’re Right, Then Go Ahead (1872) highlighted the Tennessean’s exploits—real or imagined— further establishing the image of the irrepressible frontiersman as a symbol of the American landscape. 496 During his lifetime, folk and popular songs, too, which underscored the tenets of the Tennessean’s life—as “king of the wild frontier”—featured Crockett’s name prominently. 497

Songs such as, The Crockett Victory March in the early 1830s, Crockett’s Free and Easy

Songbook in 1837, Colonel Crockett: A Virginia Reel in 1839, and unquestionably the most popular Pompey Smash: the Everlastin and Unkonkerable Skreamer , a standard of blackface

494 George Tucker, The Valley of the Shenandoah , (New York: Orville A. Roorbach, 1824), 42. 495 Joanne Sloan and Cheryl Watts, College Names and Other Interesting Traditions , (Northport, AL: Vision Press, 2013), 162. Mark A. Snell, West Virginia and the Civil War: Mountaineers are Always Free , (Charleston: History Press, 2011), i. 496 Crockett, Narrative of the Life of David Crockett , 21. J. K. Paulding, Lion of the West , (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1954). Frank Murdoch, Davy Crockett ; Or Be Sure You’re Right, Then Go Ahead , (New York, 1872). 497 Crockett, Narrative of the Life of David Crockett , 1. 113 minstrelsy, which substituted a black alter ego for Crockett, additionally entrenched the figure of the backwoodsman in America’s pantheon of folk heroes. 498

Similar to the case of Daniel Boone, following Crockett’s death in 1836, the image of the frontiersman became further ensconced in national myth. Remembered more for his heroism where he died at the Alamo valiantly defending American values rather than for the financially destitute apostate he became; just as the public immortalized Daniel Boone, Americans, too, quickly came to equate the image of Crockett as the exemplary backwoods frontiersman.499 No less than Ralph Waldo Emerson epitomized Crockett not only as a national hero but as the image of the American frontiersman. Emerson observed: “Our eyes will be turned westward…the

Kentucky stump oratory, the exploits of Boone and David Crockett, the journals of western pioneers, agriculturalists, and socialists, and the letters of Jack Downing are genuine growth, which are sought with avidity.” 500

Other than representations of the figure of the frontiersman appearing in accounts of the day, popular literature, or distributed through printed images—film, radio, and television further instilled the image of the legendary frontier hero into the public mind. In its emerging phase in the early twentieth century, the medium of film played an important role in further disseminating the mythic image of the classic frontiersman.501 Concurrent with the popularization of the

498 Lara Langer Cohen, The Fabrication of American Literature: Fraudulence and Antebellum Print Culture , (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012). William Groneman, David Crockett: Hero of the Common Man , (New York: Tom Doherty Associates, 2007). Derr, The Frontiersman , 264. 499 Jason C. Pierce, Making the White Man’s West: Whiteness and the Creation of the American West , (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2016). James E. Crisp, Sleuthing the Alamo: Davy Crockett’s Last Stand and Other Mysteries of the Texas Revolution , (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005). 500 Ralph Waldo Emerson, “Young America,” Dial , 3, no. 1, (April 1843), 511-12. 501 Eileen Bowser, The Transformation of Cinema, 1907-1915 , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 170. 114 mountaineer at West Virginia University but before its official adoption, films such as The

Immortal Alamo (1911) glorified Crockett not only as an American patriot but also as a frontiersman. 502

While these two main examples—Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett—serve as prototypes for the image and ideal behind the frontiersman; despite their popularity however, countless, far lesser known men and women also stand as paramount examples of individualistic trailblazers instrumental in shaping the nation’s history.503 Hailed as the first English settler west of the

Alleghenies, John Fraser, a Scottish trader, who spent a quarter of a century on the western

Pennsylvania frontier, embodies the image of the rough and tumble frontiersman. 504 Credited with building the first house of Anglo design in the wilderness; forced out by French troops in

1752, the Indian trader, whose bagpipe playing caused consternation among the Indians, settled north of the Forks of the Ohio (present day Pittsburgh) at the mouth of the Monongahela

River. 505 Other early frontiersmen, such as eighteenth century Maryland pioneer Thomas

502 Derr, The Frontiersman , 225. 503 Fitzpatrick, God’s Frontiersmen , 68. For representation of archetypal female presence in American frontier myth and history, see Annette Kolodny, The Land before Her Fantasy and Experience of the American Frontier, 1630-1860 , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984). 504 Clark, “John Fraser, Western Pennsylvanian Frontiersman,” 83. 505 Alfred P. James, “Review of American History for Pennsylvania ,” Western Pennsylvania History Magazine , 17, no. 1, (1934): 57. Pittsburgh Press , January 15, 1933. William Hunter, ed., Journal of Major George Washington , (Williamsburg: Hunter, 1754), 3, 17, 21-22, 26. On two different occasions, during his unsuccessful attempt to oust the French from the Upper Ohio Valley, George Washington lodged at Fraser’s cabin located on Turtle Creek at the mouth of the Monongahela River. On his initial trek to Fraser’s cabin in late October 1753, Washington noted: “The excessive Rains and vast Quantity of Snow that had fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier’s, an Indian trader, at the Mouth of Turtle Creek, on Monongahela, till Thursday the 22 nd ” Before staying at Fraser’s cabin a second time, from December 29, 1753 to New Year’s Day 1754, Washington had fallen overboard into the icy waters of the Allegheny River after his “setting pole” became lodged in the ice. 115

Cresap’s actions proved essential in early American expansion and its spirit of individualism. 506

Cresap’s more well-known contemporaries like Benjamin Logan and George Rogers Clark also stand as exemplars and instrumental in opening new lands to American settlement. 507

The figure of the frontiersman remained equally pivotal in the settlement of the Trans-

Mississippian West. 508 Take for example the nineteenth century American trapper and covered wagon emigrant, James Clyman. Referring to the imperative actions of Clyman as well as other adventurers, his biographer, Charles L. Camp eulogized the pioneer, writing: “The discoveries made by these scouts led almost immediately to American control of the Rocky Mountain beaver trade and the exploration of the great unknown districts lying between the Rockies and the Sierra

Nevada.” 509 Numerous other individuals throughout American history who set off from civilization in search of an authentic experience amidst the American landscape as backwoods hunters, scouts, and Indian fighters—certainly qualify as models on which Americans based their understanding of the frontiersman.510

Along this line of thinking, in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the image of the frontiersman and the pioneer, whether through history or folklore, informs several colleges

506 Kenneth P. Bailey, Thomas Cresap, Maryland Frontiersman , (Boston: Christopher Publishing, 1944). 507 Charles Gano Talbert, Benjamin Logan: Kentucky Frontiersman , (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1962). Michael Burgan, George Rogers Clark: American General , (Philadelphia: Chelsea House, 2002). 508 John V. H. Dippel, Race to the Frontier: White Flight and Westward Expansion , (New York: Algora, 2005), 221. 509 James Clyman, James Clyman, American Frontiersman, 1792-1881: the Adventures of a Trapper and Covered Wagon Emigrant , ed., Charles L. Camp, (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1928), 11. 510 E. Anthony Rotunda, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era , (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 227-232. 116 and universities’ choices in symbols and mascots.511 Although white college stakeholders opted for regional characters and mascots to embody what they genuinely believed at the time to be authentic and honorable values, today’s often more enlightened as well as more diverse student populations increasingly take exception to one-sided, narrow interpretations they argue remain solely designed to uphold white paternalism and racial superiority.512

Concerned over the rapidly depleting frontier, which Americans believed essential in shaping national character, veneration of traditional backcountry values and the authenticity of the frontier lifestyle became increasingly popular following the turn-of-the century. 513 As testament to this, in 1915, the West Virginia University football squad, which fielded a team since the late 1880s, adopted the moniker—the Mountaineers. 514 In another affirmation of regional pride, the school’s upperclassmen previously adopted the “Old Gold and Blue” of the state seal as the official colors in 1890. 515 Die-hard WVU fans stress “Old Gold and Blue” as blue and gold denote the colors of the school’s nearby and longtime rival—the University of

Pittsburgh Panthers. 516

511 Sloan, College Names and Other Interesting Traditions . Peter J. Fournier, Handbook of College Mascots and Nicknames , (Lithia: Raja and Associates, 2004). Roy E. Yarbrough, Mascots: the History of Senior College and University Mascots and Nicknames , (Bluff Universal Communications, 1998). Ray Franks, What’s in a Name? Exploring the Jungle of College Mascots , (Amarillo: Franks Publishing, 1982). 512 Joe R. Feagin, White Racism: The Basics , (New York: Routledge, 2001), 184-185. David Hamer, New Towns in the New World: Images and Perceptions of the Nineteenth-Century Urban Frontier , (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). 513 Roderick Frazier Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), 145. 514 William T. Doherty, Jr., and Festus Summers, West Virginia University: Symbol of Unity in a Sectionalized State , (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 1982), 104. 515 West Virginia University Alumni Association, “School Colors,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 516 John Antonik, The Backyard Brawl: Stories from One of the Weirdest, Wildest, Longest Running, and Most Intense Rivalries in College Football , (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 2012). 117

In 1934, the Mountaineer became the official symbol and mascot of the University.517

Not merely a coincidence, several films which depicted mythic American frontiersmen appeared just prior to the figure’s adoption at WVU. 518 As evidenced by the dozen full-length feature films portraying either Daniel Boone or Davy Crockett, released in the years 1910 to 1934,

Hollywood constructions of the noble frontiersman resonated thoroughly with young white male students in the mountainous state. 519 These traits and characteristics played an important role in how students envisioned their incarnation.

Tailored to fit each winner specifically, the Mountaineer’s garb and appearance remain absolutely paramount in the identity of the backwoods frontiersman. The first student mascot officially clad as the Mountaineer in pioneer garb appeared at WVU sporting events during the

1934-35 school year.520 Prior to that, starting in 1927, students dressed in mountain garb and buckskin began unofficially cheering on the team from the sidelines. Selected each year by the

Mountain Honorary—the University’s most prestigious academic society—over fifty-seven students have portrayed the Mountaineer. 521 Of the sixty-four students portraying the mascot,

517 West Virginia University Alumni Association, “Mountaineer Mascot,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 518 Ed Andreychuk, American Frontiersmen on Film and Television , (Jefferson: McFarland and Company, 2005). Jerry Wayne Williamson, Hillbillyland: What the Movies Did to the Mountains and What the Mountains Did to the Movies , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). 519 Films on Crockett and Boone appearing before (or shortly after) the Mountaineer’s first appearance include: Daniel Boone: Or, Pioneer Days in America (1907), Davy Crockett—In Hearts United (1909), Davy Crockett (1910), The Chief’s Daughter (1911), Daniel Boone’s Bravery (1911), The Life of Daniel Boone (1912), Martyrs of the Alamo (1915), Davy Crockett (1916), Daniel Boone (1923), In the Days of Daniel Boone (1923), Daniel Boone through the Wilderness (1926), Davy Crockett at the Fall of the Alamo (1926), Daniel Boone (1936), The Painted Stallion (1937), and Heroes of the Alamo (1937). 520 West Virginia University Alumni Association, “Mountaineer Mascot,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 521 West Virginia University Alumni Association, “List of WVU Mascots,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 118 only two have been females—the first appearing in 1990. 522 Noting an increase in female sports fans accoutered in buckskin following jettisoning the male-only restriction, Cathy Jasper, an administrative assistant at WVU’s Center for Women Studies, says the addition of a female “has been so inspiring for so many of us” 523 ; while the director of the center, Judith Stitzel, described the inclusion of a female as a “new tradition.” 524

Not only in illustration but also on the real-life mascot portrayed by a student, yet another indistinguishable symbol of frontier domination—the rifle—can be found. Despite reprimands from school officials prohibiting mascots from using the gun in any fashion, some have engaged regardless.525 Most recently, in 2012, WVU officials chided Mountaineer Jonathan Kimble for shooting and killing a black bear. 526 Notwithstanding the warning, Kimble broke no state hunting laws however. An acceptable behavior to many alumni and fans, they point to the state’s rich outdoors tradition. 527 Many opposing teams’ fans remain unaware or may be shocked to learn that the Mountaineer carries a real, working, flintlock-style rifle, which he or she fires when the team scores. 528 Equipped only with a rifle and powder horn, the Mountaineer carries no bullets or projectiles. Since lambasted as dangerously irresponsible by several opposing

522 Candace Nelson, “Mountaineer Hangs Up Her Musket,” Charleston Daily Mail , March16, 2010, B8. Staff, “But Make the Biscuits First,” Appalachian Journal , 18, no. 2, (winter 1991): 168. 523 Cathy Jasper quoted in: Cassie Shaner, “Brock Burwell to Debut as Mascot Tonight,” Tribune-Business News , April 30, 2010, C1. 524 Judith Stitzel quoted in: “For First Time, Woman is Mascot at Sports Events: West Virginia,” New York Times , March 4, 1990, 36. 525 Joe LaPointe, “Rifle-Toting Mountaineer Breezes Through Security,” New York Times , March 9, 2007, D3. Staff, “Have Rifle, Will Enter,” San Jose Mercury , March 11, 2007, SP2. 526 Brian Ach, “Mountaineer Mascot Kills Bear with His Musket,” New York Daily News , December 7, 2012. 527 Staff, “WVU Traditions,” Charleston Gazette-Mail , March 29, 2017, P6. Staff, “2010 Mountaineer Week Continues at WVU,” Charleston Gazette , November 10, 2010, P8. 528 LaPointe, “Rifle-Toting Mountaineer Breezes Through Security.” “Not a musket” according to 2007 Mountaineer Brady Campbell, the .45 caliber rifle made of curly maple and brass measures more than four feet. 119 schools, the Mountaineer now carries and discharges the firearm strictly at home contests. 529 On the one hand, WVU spokesperson Shelly Poe acknowledges: “There’s several places that don’t want us to shoot, and that’s fine.” 530 However, on the other hand, “with regard to the rifle,” officials at venues like New York City’s Madison Square Garden acknowledge that “it gets checked.” “We know it’s not real. We understand it is a part of his costume.” 531

More than simply a prop, the Mountaineer’s rifle remains an important component of rustic frontier identity to many West Virginians. The customary exchange of the firearm—a vaunted rite at WVU known as the Passing of the Rifle begun in 2004—stands as a time-honored tradition where the outgoing student portraying the role of the Mountaineer presents the cherished weapon—still a symbol of authenticity and a necessity of home and hearth in a mountainous state—to the incoming mascot. 532 The event takes place at the first home football game of the season in front of a packed stadium of the WVU faithful eager to embrace an identity based on a homogenous regional narrative. In yet another nod to the authenticity of the frontier, while not a requirement for the mascot position, male Mountaineers customarily grow beards during their tenure to go along with the coonskin cap and rifle. 533

Despite the Mountaineer’s seemingly popularity with fans throughout its existence, at the onset of the postwar era, school boosters increasingly fretted over the mascot’s image and depiction. During this period, identity and racial boundaries became increasingly conflated to

529 Todd Finkelmeyer, Madison Capital Times , “West Virginia Fans Blast ‘Stupid Cheeseheads,’” September 7, 2002, 3C. Marc Lancaster, “UC to Mountaineers: Don’t Shoot,” Cincinnati Post , September 6, 2002, 1B. 530 Shelly Poe quoted in: Lancaster, “UC to Mountaineers: Don’t Shoot,” Cincinnati Post , September 6, 2002, 1B. 531 Lapointe, “Rifle-Toting Mountaineer Breezes Through Security,” D3. 532 West Virginia University, “Passing of the Rifle,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 533 West Virginia University Alumni Association, “List of WVU Mascots,” (Morgantown: West Virginia University Library, 2014). 120 many ethnic whites seeking full inclusion in postwar society. According to folklorist Rosemary

V. Hathaway, in stark contrast to the noble, virtuous image of the able Mountaineer, while some students still embraced the figure of the long-popular hillbilly, “the frontiersman Mountaineer became the officially-sanctioned version.” 534 Much of this postwar identity crisis stemmed from depictions of the American frontiersman in the postwar era. For example, the well-known song

The Ballad of Davy Crockett, owing its popularity to the epoch’s Crockett craze, topped the charts in 1955. 535 Vastly popular from 1954-1956, Disney’s Crockett movies, according to

Michael A. Lofaro, “have remained more ingrained in the American consciousness.” 536 In addition, testifying to the popularity of the figure of the frontiersman, the same actor Fess Parker appeared from 1964 to 1970 on television as Daniel Boone. Although the real-life figure Daniel

Boone only wore beaver hats, Hollywood’s earlier inaccurate portrayal of a coonskin cap- festooned Davy Crockett led to the first popular fad attributed to the new medium of television in

1955; only to become vastly unpopular by the following year. 537 Helpful only in misinforming while further glorifying and ensconcing the image of the frontiersman in the public mindset as a virtuous, well-meaning figure who engaged in subjugation of indigenous cultures, marginalization of women, oppression of people of color, and exploitation of environmental resources—television and film still often persist in presenting not only inaccurate but incredibly offensive depictions based on perceived traits and common inaccuracies.

534 Rosemary V. Hathaway, “From Hillbilly to Frontiersman: The Changing Nature of the WVU Mountaineer,” West Virginia History , 8, no. 2, (fall 2014): 15-45, (quote 35). 535 Robert Dietsche, Jumptown : The Golden Years of Portland Jazz, 1942-1957 , (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2005). George Burns, a Dixieland trombonist, penned the hit song for Walt Disney. 536 Michale Lofaro,”Introduction,” in James A. Shackelford, David Crockett: The Man and the Legend , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1986), xiv. 537 Paul F. Anderson, The Davy Crockett Craze: A Look at the 1950s Phenomenon and Davy Crockett Collectibles , (Chicago: RG Productions, 1996). Landon Y. Jones, Great Expectations: America and the Baby Boom Generation , (New York: Ballantine Books, 1981), 50-51. 121

In this highly-charged, media-obsessed atmosphere, even though the representation of a

mountain hillbilly experienced somewhat of revival at campus events during this era, many

students and administrators felt ambivalent and began to rethink what exactly constituted the

figure of the Mountaineer. In an official report documenting the school’s activity in the

immediate postwar period and released in 1958, administrators shared their vision about the

mascot:

It is a constant objective of the University to increase the pride in West Virginians in themselves

and in their State. The tattered hillbilly, with his jug and his unkempt appearance, is no longer a

symbol of West Virginia, if ever he was an accurate one. The true symbol is the Mountaineer, the

erect individual—proud of himself and of his accomplishments. He holds the future of West

Virginia. In that future, there is no place for the easy acceptance of the idea that an inferior result

should be accepted because that is all one may expect from West Virginia. In its place there will

be the determination of the pioneer who made his living from a sometimes unpromising land. It

will be a determination to be content with nothing less than the vast, accompanied by the

realization that it is within reach. University students are intent upon erasing the hillbilly concept.

By formal resolution, Student Government requested the University Book Store to stop selling

stickers and other devices carrying the hillbilly picture which had been widely circulated

previously. For that picture was substituted one depicting the mountaineer as a man of simple

dignity. It is hoped that others will follow the lead of the University Book Store. Mountain,

ranking honorary for men, is well advanced on a campaign for funds to erect on the campus a

statue of a mountaineer in the Daniel Boone tradition. The existence of such a statue should

facilitate the substitution of a symbol of dignity and purpose for one of laziness and disrepute. 538

Strictly a matter of identity and perception, in 1957, student government requested that the

campus cease sales of “all products depicting a tattered hillbilly with his jug, felt hat, bare feet,

538 West Virginia State University 1946-1958: A Report Covering the Administration of Irvin Stewart as President of the University, July 1, 1946-June 30, 1958 , (Morgantown: West Virginia State University Press, 1958), 26-27. 122 and ragged clothes.” Instead, students asked the store to embrace a more politically-correct

Mountaineer in the image of the archetypal frontier pioneer; one clad in buckskin and a coonskin cap with a temperate disposition.

In realization of this goal, beginning in the early 1950s, students began collecting funds to erect a Mountaineer statue on campus in the tradition of Daniel Boone. Future governor of the state Arch A. Moore, Jr., who personally collected $100 from administration officials, spearheaded the project. In addition to the sacred space set aside for the Mountaineer statue, the

University began sponsoring the long-running Mountaineer State Festival the same year to instill solidarity as well as collecting needed revenue to aid in construction of the proposed statue.

From concession sales and entertainment, the University raised $15,000—the estimated price of the monument. 539 Dedicated in 1971, the ever-vigilant yet stoic bronze figure of the autonomous

Mountaineer looms large not only on the WVU campus but also in state and regional identity.

The socially-constructed imagery, symbols, iconography, and mascot of the West Virginia State

University Mountaineers serve to reinforce a certain representation the institution chooses to align itself with, as well as informing American cultural beliefs and regional narratives related to history and identity.540

Tantamount to a sacred icon, the importance not only in myth, but also in celebrating identity at WVU remains paramount. The image of the totem—in this case the roughhewn image of the independent and noble frontiersman—holds a prominent place in the mindset and the daily life of students, alumni, and fans of the University. 541 For WVU’s purposes, the

539 Doherty, West Virginia University , 60, 185, 189-190. 540 Sherene H. Razack, “When Place Becomes Race” in Race, Space, and the Law: Unmapping a White Settler Society , ed., Sherene H. Razack, (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2002), 1-20. 541 Giovanni Paoletti, “The Cult of Images of The Elementary Forms ” in On Durkheim’s Sociology of Religion , ed., N. J. Allen, (London: Routledge, 1998), 78-91. 123

Mountaineer functions as the clan’s totem—a heroic backwoods individual who represents the society or group itself. To West Virginians, the mascot represents the determination and the individualistic frontier spirit of America.542 The Mountaineer, like the yeoman farmer, remained a virtuous figure—a maverick and a laborer of the land—a noble profession in a wide open pastoral setting such as America.543

The vanguard of civilization to some, yet its antithesis to others, the image of the frontiersman remains a complicated figure. While revered at WVU however, the symbol remains controversial at some other American colleges and universities.544 As a case in point, the University of Denver’s mascot, Denver Boone—a comically exaggerated representation of a bearded, white frontiersman donning a coonskin cap and regaled in buckskin—which appeared in the postwar era, recently came under fire from student groups opposed to such chauvinistic, racist depictions which foster a cycle of oppression. Boone, the University’s symbol from 1968 to 1999, stems from an animation created by Disney cartoonists in 1968. 545 A student write-in

542 Matthew M. Polka, “Mountaineer Pride,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette , January 13, 2006, F2. Elisabeth Evans Wray, The West Virginia Adventure , (Layton: Gibbs Smith Publishing, 2003), 101. 543 Randall Gene Lawrence, Appalachian Metamorphisms: Industrializing Society on the Central Appalachian Plateau, 1860-1913 , (Durham: Duke University, 1983). 544 Mike Chambers, “Boone-Doggle Erupts in Mascot Brouhaha,” Denver Post , June 5, 2013, 6B. 545 Staff, “Effort to Identify New ‘Pioneer’ Symbol Kicks Off,” University of Denver Magazine , November 7, 2008. Founded as a Methodist seminary in 1864, local sportswriters called the school’s earliest teams “the Ministers” and “the Fighting Pastors.” DU students chose the nickname “Pioneers” along with the mascot “Pioneer Pete” in the 1920s before adopting Denver Boone in 1968. Anonymous, “Boone’s History at DU,” Denver Clarion , October 2, 1986, 1. In 1910, DU adopted the name Pioneers and its first mascot, Pioneer Pete, in an effort to boost the appeal of its newly-formed football team. By the beginning of the 1960s, DU’s football program fell on hard times. With its elimination, Pioneer Pete, too, was terminated. However, hockey became very popular during the same time and the search for a mascot began. But it was basketball coach Stan Albeck who derived his inspiration for the new mascot from Disney cartoon characters. After contacting Disney studios, its artists came up with the animated character. 124 determined the outcome. 546 Boone appeared regularly throughout the 1970s and 1980s at a variety of team sports.

Following a strongly worded statement from school officials in 1984, where some questioned Boone’s legitimacy, the situation became clear that the administration likely would not tolerate the symbol much longer. In 1998, coinciding with the opening of the new Ritchie

Ice Center, officials introduced a new mascot.547 Despite the well-meaning effort, unfortunately,

Boone’s replacement, a red-tailed hawk named Ruckus, never caught on with students. 548

Determining that the cartoon pioneer “does not reflect the broad diversity of the DU community and is not an image that many of today’s women, persons of color, international students and faculty, and others can easily relate to as defining the pioneering spirit,” college administrators, holding fast to their stance, decreed: “[the University] cannot adopt an official mascot that has a divisive rather than unifying influence on our community.” 549

While some students detest the use of a mascot as troublesome as Boone, others point to the symbol as a tool of group solidarity. Editorialists’ opinions in the student newspaper differed. Whereas some found the school’s mascot “offensive to individuals on our campus,” others remarked: “Boone enables them to feel a sense of unity that not only connects them to

546 Staff, “Boone’s History at DU,” 1. In a 1968 naming contest, junior Steve Kiley submitted the winning bid of the name “Denver Boone.” 547 Katie Niekerk, University of Denver: Off the Record , (Pittsburgh: College Prowler, 2005), 77. 548 Steve Fisher, a Brief History of South Denver and University Park, (Charleston: History Press, 2012). 549 Valerie Richardson, Washington Times , “Denver Axes Mascot ‘Boone’ in Diversity Drive,” December 27, 2008, 4. Anonymous, “‘Divisive’ Mascot of DU Won’t Rise Again,” Denver Post , October 21, 2008, 2. 125 other students, but to the DU alumni and fans.” 550 A 2013 resolution passed by Undergraduate

Student Government (USG) decreed: “We as a student task force are here because there is no mascot around which students can rally that accurately reflects the University of Denver and its identities, beliefs, traditions and what it means to be a pioneer. We shall facilitate the selection of a mascot that empowers, inspires and celebrates the diversity of the University of Denver community. Remembering our history, while pioneering our future, the new mascot will be implemented by a rebranding of University of Denver merchandise and marketing.” 551

Although suppressed by school administrators, recent polls indicate students overwhelmingly prefer the incarnation of Denver Boone; as opposed to other proposed school mascots, such as a mountaineer, elk, mustang, hiker, jackalope, golden retriever, or robot. 552

Efforts in recent years by some students and alumni to reinstate Boone have resulted in an unofficial mascot not recognized by administration officials. Referring to the booster and alumni-backed initiative to revive the maligned mascot, supporters such as former Boone mascot

Zeke Perez, who wore the costume for three years and believes Boone to be a major component of school identity, says, “it’s definitely a way for them to identify with DU”; the former mascot views the situation otherwise, arguing: “I don’t know how much it [the resolution] would really do, because the alumni have really done a great job of funding Boone.” 553 While the once hotly-

550 Lindsey LaRocque, “Senate Ponders Boone’s Future,” Denver Clarion , September 29, 2008, 1. Meg McIntyre, “Boone’s Status as Unofficial Mascot Unknown to Many,” Denver Clarion , May 18, 2015, 1. 551 Sarah Ford, Denver Clarion , “Boone’s Final Stand?” February 26, 2013, 1. 552 Richardson, “Denver Axes Mascot ‘Boone’ in Diversity Drive,” Washington Times , December 27, 2008, 5. Mike Chambers, “Denver Boone Wins Suppressed Mascot Poll at DU,” Denver Post , June 7, 2013, 6. Former editor-in-chief of the Denver Clarion , Anita Balakrishnan, did not publish the results from the May 16, 2016 poll. According to the final tally of the student survey, Boone led all mascot choices with 96 votes; the mountaineer came in second with 62; and the elk finished third with 31. 553 Ford, “Boone’s Final Stand?” February 26, 2013, 1. 126 contested issue remains tepid at the time of this writing, administration officials stand by their initial ruling. Although to stakeholders Boone is merely an innocuous animated caricature designed to foster solidarity, symbolizing nothing more than the mythical white American frontier hero; nonetheless, to others in the University’s diverse and pluralistic community, the image of the frontier pioneer remains an inimical and troublesome figure based on white

Eurocentrism, lording over the genocidal and environmental conquest of a continent in the name of democracy and freedom.554 Similar to the heated controversy over the continued use of indigenous people’s imagery as oppressive yet languishing tools of colonization, debates over hotly-contested figures, such as the symbol of the mythical frontiersman of the American landscape, relate to issues of identity.555 So, whereas at the West Virginia University, while students revere, herald, and hold the image of the frontiersman—the Mountaineer—as sacrosanct; quite the opposite holds true at the University of Denver, where the figure of the pioneer remains disparaged and reviled.

Finally, because of its obsequious position in American culture, primarily due to media dissemination, imagery of the heroic, backwoods individual permeates mainstream ideology.

Often times, whether at the institutions discussed or any other American colleges and universities utilizing symbols of the frontier—namely frontiersmen, pioneers, and, mountaineers—these images serve as tools of domination which not only foster institutional racism but also promote a

554 Carroll P. Kakel, The American West and the Nazi East: A Comparative and Interpretive Perspective , (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 183. Mark Levene, “Empires, Native Peoples, and Genocide” in A. Dirk Moses, ed., Empire, Colony, Genocide, Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History , (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008), 183-204. Fisher, Brief History of South Denver and University Park . 555 Phil Chidester, “Farewell to the Chief: Fan Identification and the Sports Mascot as Postmodern Image” in Sports Fans, Identity, and Socialization: Exploring the Fandemonium , ed., Adam C. Earnheard, (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012), 49-62. Kenneth Thompson, “Durkheim and Sacred Identity” in On Durkheim’s Sociology of Religion , ed., N. J. Allen, (London: Routledge, 1998), 92-104. 127 hegemonic narrative. So, whereas WVU venerates the state’s history of rugged individualism and white paternalism, choosing to surround the institution with iconography denoting frontier authenticity; conversely, other colleges and universities, such as exemplified by DU contemporaries, disown their former mascot, which, from their point-of-view, continues a legacy and pattern of western oppression. For better or worse however, the striking figure of the frontiersman of the American landscape—partly based on historical actors, along with mythic, patriotic crusaders—above all, remains a controversial symbol and mascot; an image alternately symbolizing continental exploitation on the grandest scale, which encompassed subduing a

“howling wilderness,” as well as entailed vanquishing nature in all its forms, racially exploiting labor, marginalizing women, and extermination of indigenous culture.

128

CHAPTER 5

AMERICAN BALD EAGLE: SYMBOL OF A NATION

In the 1920s, attempting to cement their patriotism as Americans, as well as to downplay otherness, Irish Catholic stakeholders at Boston College adopted the American bald eagle as the school’s symbol and mascot. The choice of the eagle, which during this era began to be thought of as less as a nuisance, additionally highlights Americans’ changing attitude towards raptors and birds of prey as more than pests but as an important part of the environment. In this fashion, the campaign to install the bald eagle at Boston College not only utilized a well-known patriotic symbol but also a uniquely American species to counter rampant anti-Catholic prejudice.

Soaring majestically aloft, the qualities embodied by the bird—independence, bravery, strength, and exemplary vision—encompass the traits coveted and exploited by a wide variety of amateur and professional sports teams, American colleges and universities notwithstanding. 556

As such, fifty-seven American colleges and universities use the eagle as their symbol and mascot. 557 One such institution: Boston College, a school founded by Irish Jesuits and the first

American college or university to employ the symbol of the eagle, presents an interesting case of ethnic inclusion into American society through the use of potent national symbols, as well as one that parallels the mercurial environmental saga of the white-headed raptor throughout the

556 Andrew Solway, Eagles and Other Birds , (Chicago: Reed Elsevier, 2007), 15. From the skies above, the American bald eagle can see something the size of a rabbit from a distance of three miles. For professional American teams utilizing eagle, see Ray Didinger and Robert S. Lyons, The Eagles Encyclopedia , (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005), 4-5. Formed in 1933, the Philadelphia Eagles of the National Football League grew out of the remnants of the Frankford Yellow Jackets, a colorful Philadelphia neighborhood team which played in the league from 1924 finishing third or better four times until the club’s demise midway through the 1931 season. 557 Sarah and Harry Choron, College in a Can , (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2014), 29. Jody Veenker, “Eagles, Crusaders, and Trolls—Oh My! Christian Colleges Rethink Sports Mascots,” Christianity Today , June 12, 2000, 18. The eagle is the most popular choice for a mascot at all Christian-affiliated colleges and universities in the United States, regardless of denomination. 129 twentieth century. Informed by a wide array of cultural symbolism from national iconography— perpetuated from antiquity and influenced by white Eurocentric beliefs along with Native

American mythology—to changing societal conceptions of the raptor’s place in the ecosystem,

Boston College’s use of the eagle establishes a decidedly American identity by equating and aligning Irish-Catholicism with the dominant beliefs and values of the United States. 558 In this manner, through the crucible of nationalism, exploiting a symbol endowed with specific

American principles and ideals, college stakeholders enmeshed the city’s Gaelic community further into the fabric of American society; leaving no doubt to Protestant naysayers about

Boston’s Hibernian citizens’ allegiance.

New England boasts a long history of higher education. Puritans, who stressed the paramount importance of education, founded Harvard in 1636. 559 Yale began admitting students in 1701. 560 Banned and persecuted by Puritans; not accorded religious freedom until 1788,

Massachusetts’s Catholics gained minor acceptance by the early nineteenth century. 561

However, in the wake of the Irish potato famine in the 1830s and 1840s, waves of immigration swelled the newcomers’ ranks considerably; leading to varying degrees of anti-Catholic nativism in the years preceding the Civil War. 562 In turn, anti-Catholic political parties like the Order of

558 John E. Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 68. 559 George H. Williams, Divinings: Religion at Harvard from its Origins in New England Ecclesiastical History to the 175 th Anniversary , (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2014). Samuel Eliot Morison, Founding of Harvard College , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935). 560 Rosalind D’Eugenio, “Yale University Celebrates 300 Years of Academic History,” History Today , 51, no. 10, (October 2001): 6-7. Brooks Mather Kelley, Yale: A History , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 3. 561 Maura Jane Farrelly, Anti-Catholicism in America, 1620-1860 , (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 110. 562 Thomas H. O’Connor, Boston Catholics: A History of the Church and its People , (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998). John D. Brewer and Gareth I. Higgins, Anti-Catholicism 130 the Star-Spangled Banner, which formed in 1849 before developing into the Know-Nothings, flourished in the North, particularly Massachusetts where the influx of Irish greatly perturbed

Protestant society. 563

As Boston historian Thomas H. O’Connor notes, met with scorn, derision, and hatred from white, Anglo-Saxon Bostonians upon their arrival, Irish newcomers quickly found

Protestants “dominated virtually the whole range of the city’s civic, cultural, and educational institutions.” 564 Anathema to the Protestant way of life, historian and ethnographer Irene Whelan writes the group framed Irish-Catholics as polar opposites: “disloyal, slovenly, untrustworthy, sexually licentious, and ignorant… unworthy of participation in the public sphere.” 565 However, once Irish-Catholics began to establish themselves politically, economically, and culturally, the

in Northern Ireland, 1600-1998 , (London: Macmillan, 1998). Brewer and Higgins argue Protestants engage in anti-Catholic behavior as a means to protect socio-economic interests. Steven Bruce, “The Sociology of Anti-Catholicism,” Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review , 89, no. 355, (autumn 2000): 205-214. Bruce amends Brewer’s thesis slightly, similarly stressing anti- Catholicism stems from Protestant fears, anxieties, and prejudices related to loss of socio- economic standing but he additionally examines loss of cultural status. On history of anti- Catholicism in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, still an excellent overview; see John Higham , Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 , (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1969), 35-105, 178-194. For anti-Catholicism in the 1920s, see Edward Cuddy, “The Irish Question and the Revival of Anti-Catholicism in the 1920s,” Catholic Historical Review , 67, no. 2, (April 1981): 236-255. 563 On rise of Know-Nothing Party in 1850s, see John L. Mulkern, The Know-Nothing Party in Massachusetts: The Rise and Fall of a People’s Movement , (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1990). Dale Baum, “Know-Nothingism and the Republican Majority in Massachusetts: The Political Realignment of the 1850s,” Journal of American History , 64, no. 4, (March 1978): 959-986. 564 Thomas H. O’Connor, Boston Irish: A Political History , (London: Northeastern University Press, 1995), 63. 565 Irene Whelan, “Religious Rivalry and The Making of Irish-American Identity” in Making the Irish American: History and Heritage of the Irish in the United States , eds., Marion Casey and Joseph Lee, (New York: New York University Press, 2006), 273. 131 community felt a need for its own religiously-affiliated institution.566 While nineteenth century

Ireland witnessed great change in the power of the Catholic Church in primary and secondary education, no Catholic university existed until 1908. 567 Unlike their Gaelic counterparts however, Boston’s Irish-Catholics undertook the initiative earnestly. Staunchly opposed to individualistic thought because of its supposed pernicious effect on morality, nineteenth century

Catholic theology shunned freedom of speech, press, teaching, or conscience.568 In contrast to their secular counterparts, American Catholic universities sought to make faith pivotal in education. 569 This also would remain true in the founding of Boston College.

Founded by the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits), Boston College opened its doors in 1864. 570

Even though many nativists voiced concerns over immigrants’ ability to assimilate to American norms and values, Boston College emphasized patriotism over ethnicity. 571 In the early 20 th century, nationalism and religious identity did not necessarily conflict. 572 Basing research on the second generation’s eclectic mix of devout Catholicism and American popular culture, Tim

Meagher and other scholars find the early 20 th century the most critical era in formation of a

566 For complete history of Catholic primary and secondary education in Boston, see: James W. Sanders, Irish vs. Yankees: A Social History of the Boston Schools , (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018). 567 Senia Paseta, “The Catholic Hierarchy and the Irish University Question, 1880-1908,” History , 85, no. 278, (April 2000): 268-284. 568 Charles E. Curran, “Academic Freedom: The Catholic University and Catholic Theology,” Academe , 66, no. 3, (April 1980): 126-135. Following the changes implemented by the Second Vatican Council in 1961, which recognized religious liberty for all peoples, discussions of what constitutes academic freedom continue. 569 Alasdair McIntyre, God, Philosophy, and Universities: A Selective History of the Catholic Philosophical Tradition , (Lanham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield, 2010). 570 Boston College, “Mission and History,” (Boston: Boston College Library, 2005). 571 Kathleen A. Mahoney, Catholic Higher Education in Protestant America: The Jesuits and Harvard in the Age of the University , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 2003), 50. 572 James M. O’Toole, The Faithful: A History of Catholics in America , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008). 132 strictly Irish-American identity. 573 In light of divided loyalties by Irish-Americans regarding continued home rule of Ireland by Britain following the Great War; and further compounded by the rising nativism reflected by the Red Scare along with the growth of the Second Ku Klux

Klan, which demonized Irish Catholics as anarchists and papists, Protestant America fearing loss of status and identity harbored suspicion.574 Awash in a sea of Protestantism, in an effort to galvanize the college’s patriotism, promoters worked fervently to associate the Catholic school with national symbols, songs, and practices. For instance, other than the adoption of the bald eagle, students regularly sang the national anthem, and engaged in military drills. 575 The school’s focus on nationalism set the stage for upcoming events.

Alarmed by the depiction of a stray cat in a local newspaper, which served to highlight

Boston College’s recent ascension in New England collegiate sports, Reverend Edward J.

McLaughlin suggested the idea of an eagle as the school’s symbol and mascot. He proposed using the national symbol to his fellow Jesuits in the school newspaper, The Heights , dated May

14, 1920. Like other males at the Boston school, he equated felines with the negative connotations associated with feminine attributes. 576 He additionally bristled at the idea of a feral cat; it conveyed the unsophisticatedness of a backstreet alley. McLaughlin queried readers:

“Why not select the Eagle, symbolic of majesty, power, and freedom? Its natural habitat is in the

573 Timothy J. Meagher, Inventing Irish America: Generation, Class, and Ethnic Identity in a New England City, 1880-1928 , (South Bend: Notre Dame University Press, 2001). Marion R. Casey, “Ireland, New York, and the Irish Image in American Popular Culture, 1890-1960,” (Ph. D. Dissertation, New York University, 1998). 574 Cuddy, “The Irish Question and the Revival of Anti-Catholicism in the 1920s,” 236-255. 575 Mahoney, Catholic Higher Education in Protestant America , 50. David Ronan Dunigan, History of Boston College , (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing, 1947), 109. 576 Readers will recall from Chapter 2 where many in American culture during this era (and some still to this day) equated felines with feminine behavior. See, Lynda Birke, “Intimate Familiarities? Feminism and Human-Animal Studies,” Society and Animals , 10, no. 4, (2002): 429-436. Tracey Smith-Harris, “Bringing Animals into Feminist Critiques of Science,” Canadian Woman Studies , 23, no. 1, (fall 2003/winter 2004): 85-89. 133 high places. Proud would the B.C. man feel to see the B.C. Eagle snatching the trophy of victory from old opponents, their tattered banners clutched in his talons, as he flies aloft. Glad would a

Booster be to see his mascot grasping the Yale pup—heading north from the New Haven Bowl, or soaring triumphantly aloft over the Stadium walls, bearing John Harvard’s top-piece to the

Trophy Room at Chestnut Hill. Think this over and send in your suggestions.”577

Notably, McLaughlin’s plea singles out both of America’s two oldest, prestigious, and neighboring Protestant colleges, setting the bar of excellence the Catholic college sought not only to emulate but also surpass—equating Boston College as scholastically, morally, and athletically superior. More so, not only the particular schools but the symbols and mascots of the two rivals earn the priest’s derision as well. 578 Beseeching the competitive sportsmanship of the predominately male readership, he even points to the spoils of victory—the two opposing teams’ well-publicized mascots and treasured symbols of their well-to-do Protestant schools’ identities—as incentives to motivate Boston College undergraduates to adopt the eagle as the

Catholic school’s symbol and mascot.

In contrast to the aforementioned rival mascots’ domesticated natures, the eagle is a wild, top-of-the-food chain predator equipped with a razor sharp beak and talons; it is one of the most formidable symbols of the American landscape. 579 Hence, the reason it is the national symbol— one of power, independence, loftiness, and prescience. 580 McLaughlin offered similar criteria as to why Boston College should select the eagle as its symbol and mascot; insinuating both Yale’s

577 Edward J. McLaughlin, “B.C. Mascot,” Heights , May 14, 1920, 2. 578 For history of mascots at Harvard and Yale respectively, see: Morison, The Founding of Harvard College , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936). See especially Chapter 5, 92- 107. “Handsome Dan: a History of Yale’s Most Famous Dog,” Yale Herald , November 20, 2009, 1. 579 Pete Dunne, Birds of Prey: Hawks, Eagles, Falcons, and Vultures of North America , (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2016), 63. 580 Janine Rogers, Eagle , (London: Reaktion Books, 2015), 77. 134 small, rotund canine and Harvard’s well-mannered dandy bedecked in a top hat seem quite innocuous in comparison. McLaughlin’s entreaty also highlights key words like majesty, power, and freedom, as well as situating the eagle’s domain as high above; this raptor is king of the birds because it flies the highest; powerful rhetorical appeals and romanticized imagery designed to elicit the same sentiment students, alumni, and fans associate with the national symbol. 581

Introduced by a Catholic priest—called “father” by his parishioners—the eagle, long a symbol of patriarchy, too, fits well with the group’s established socio-religious beliefs and cultural norms. 582 Long associated with Christianity, historians of religion, such as Diana Walsh Pasulka assert the eagle symbolizes Christ’s resurrection as well as St. John and John the Baptist.583 By doing this, McLaughlin further syncretizes Irish-Catholicism and customs with nationally revered symbols of American patriotism and power. 584

McLaughlin’s call did not go unheeded. Less than a month following his plea, in a special edition, The Heights published an artist’s rendering of an eagle soaring above the school banner. 585 That autumn, an issue highlighted Boston College’s second victory in as many years over vaunted rival Yale with an artist’s depiction of an eagle perched on a Boston College

581 Michael Ferber, “The Eagles of Romanticism,” Literature Compass , 3, no. 4, (2006): 846- 866. 582 J. E. Cirlot, Dictionary of Symbols , (Dover: New York, 1971), 151. 583 Diana Walsh Pasulka, “The Eagle and the Dove: Constructing Catholic Identity through Word and Image in Nineteenth-Century United States,” Material Religion , 4, no. 3, (2008): 306- 324. 584 Lawrence J. McCaffrey, The Irish-Catholic Diaspora in America , (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1997), 94. 585 J. Robert Brawley, Heights , June 17, 1920, 1. Boston College, “Boston College Eagle Exhibit Summer 2005,” (Boston: Boston College Library, 2005). Heights artist J. Robert Brawley, who drew the eagle depicted in the article, recalled in a 1944 interview, “I was sold on the eagle idea of Father McLaughlin and went to work that night.” 135 football player’s shoulder and taming the New Haven school’s bulldog mascot. 586 In the same issue, a well-placed advertisement reminds readers to “Talk up the Eagle for a Boston College

Mascot.” 587 One month later, an editorialist in The Heights chastised local newspaper cartoonists for their less than dignified illustrations depicting the school’s newfound eagle mascot and questioned whether “our mascot idea has flivvered [sic].” 588 The most audacious depiction of the eagle however appeared following the victory over fellow Catholic school, Holy Cross the same year; showing the eagle knocking a Holy Cross player from the top of Boston College’s

Gasson Hall. 589 Similar to America’s national symbol, the artist renders the Boston College eagle exhibiting magnificence, supremacy, liberty, and independence, while displaying fearlessness, strength, and mastery over its opponents; offering the school’s mostly Irish-

Catholic male fan base a compelling identity and familiar, yet effective totem around which to rally. So, during a time span of a less than seven months, through the efforts of influential school newspaper editorialists, journalists and artists, the selection of the eagle—as not merely the symbol and mascot of Boston College but also a highly-conspicuous marker synonymous with American identity—became a reality.

A deliberate choice indeed on the part of Boston College; its supporters wisely selected a signifier already endowed with a wealth of specific meanings. 590 The bald eagle symbolizes not only the American nation but its beliefs and values as well. Prevalent from Canada to Mexico in

North America—rivaled only by the buffalo as a trademark and icon—the bald eagle, a symbol

586 “Boston College Trounces Yale 21-13 and Clearly Demonstrates Superiority Over the Blue,” Heights , October 15, 1920, 1. 587 “Talk up the Eagle for a Boston College Mascot,” Heights , October 15, 1920, 6. 588 “About That Bird,” Heights , November 12, 1920, 2. 589 John Sullivan, “Boston College Plasters Purple 14-0 in Muddy Melee,” Heights , December 10, 1920, 1. 590 Pamela J. Erwin, Critical Approach to Youth Culture , (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2010), 40. 136 of the nation’s identity, powerful, graceful, and of formidable size, affirms American principles, such as democracy, freedom, independence, and liberty. 591 Additionally, only two national symbols: the flag and the great seal of the United States which features the American bald eagle—one of the most recognized, if not revered, symbols of the American landscape—have been created by law. 592 Furthermore, throughout the United States, numerous applications and advertisements employ the eagle to evoke feelings of patriotism, making it the most pictured bird in the country. 593 According to wildlife expert Alfred Stefferud, whether through economic, political, cultural, or military means, the image of the bald eagle “has been spread to the most remote areas of the world, undoubtedly to a greater extent than that of any other living creature.” 594 So, by aligning its institution and sports teams with the national symbol, an often disparaged ethnicity professing a faith differing from the Protestant majority became more readily able to overcome previous socio-cultural stigmas and prejudices. As historian and ethnographer Noel Ignatiev demonstrates, the Irish affirmed their social and civil status much earlier in the nineteenth century, particularly through membership in national organizations such

591 Kristy A. Brugar and Andrew H. Dickman, “Oh, Say Can You See? Visualizing American Symbols in the Fifth Grade,” Social Studies and the Young Learner , 25, no. 4, (2013): 17-22. Hal Morgan, Symbols of America , (New York: Viking Press, 1986), 28. 592 Elizabeth Atwood, “Symbol of a Nation: The Bald Eagle in American Culture,” Journal of American Culture , 13, no. 1, (1990): 63-69. John Engle, “Political Symbols and American Exceptionalism,” ETC: A Review of General Semantics , 71, no. 4, (October 2014): 324-329. Engle concludes, for Americans, national symbols “hold a deeper significance (325)” than they do for other nations; constructed to not only set America apart from other states but also put it on a “philosophical pedestal (326),” which greatly contributes to American exceptionalism. 593 Anonymous, “Celebrating America’s Freedoms: The American Bald Eagle,” Social Studies , 87, no. 4. (July-August 1996): 148. 594 Alfred Stefferud, ed., Birds in Our Lives , (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, 1966), 113. 137 as the Catholic Church and the Democratic Party, along with the group’s monopolization of local civil service positions in police and fire departments. 595

However, following the incidents of the First Red Scare and the government’s obsession with “100% Americanism” during World War I still resounding in the nation’s collective conscience, Americans of all ethnicities sought to garb themselves in a cloak of red, white, and blue patriotism. 596 Boston’s Irish-Catholics differed little in this aspect. School leaders’ selection of the eagle as a symbol of identity around which to foment solidarity helped reaffirm

Boston College’s commitment to “100% Americanism” while demonstrating unwavering allegiance and patriotism. 597 Still, other choices abounded for a school symbol and mascot. Up until this time, antelope, owl, and llama remained strong contenders for the coveted position. 598

Nonetheless, Boston College—a seminary administered and taught by Jesuits—too, forever associated its institution with American beliefs and values through the use of the bald eagle.

Truly, an “all-American bird,” native to only North America, the bald eagle ranges from northern reaches of Alaska to Mexico. 599 Descendants of eagles date to the beginning of the

595 Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White , (New York: Routledge, 1995), passim. 596 David Goldberg, Discontented America: The United States in the 1920s , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1999), 132. Referring to attacks on the Catholic Church and Irish-Americans in the 1920s by the Ku Klux Klan, Goldberg observes: “The Irish were in no mood to hear some Protestant secret order question their patriotism.” 597 J. Joseph Huthmacher, Massachusetts People and Politics, 1919-1933 , (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960). 598 Staff, “Eagle Finally Settled Upon as College Mascot: Present Bird Succeeds Antelope,” Heights , April 7, 1925, 4. Staff, “Through the Eagle’s Eye,” Heights , October 4, 1933, 6. The reporter notes: “The llama was seriously considered.” 599 Robbyn J. Abbitt and J. Michael Scott, “Examining Differences between Recovered and Declining Endangered Species,” Conservation Biology , 15, no. 5, (2001): 1274-1284. Bald Eagle—Endangered Species Story,” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Interior, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, 1995), 1. Stefferud, Birds in Our Lives , 112. 138

Pleistocene Era. 600 Before conquest, 500,000 bald eagles spanned the North American continent, filling the skies. 601 Researchers additionally estimate 50,000 breeding pairs inhabited the lower

48 states in the pre-colonial era. 602 Before the bird’s association with the United States as its national symbol—empires and other nations heralded eagles in their imagery. 603 Interestingly, the snake, which in this instance represented colonial-wide solidarity, preceded the bald eagle as a national symbol. A segmented snake (common folklore dictated that a “joint snake” could reassemble itself if cut in pieces) first appeared on the masthead of Ben Franklin’s Pennsylvania

Gazette prior to the French and Indian War in 1754. 604 However, from the War of Independence to the Civil War, regular troops commonly fought and died under a blue flag with an eagle, shield, and stars.605 Displayed prominently also on banners carried by George Washington’s

Life Guards during the Revolutionary War, the use of the symbol of the eagle soon surpassed that of the image of the serpent.606 Yet, another important material artifact, the buttons on

600 Blaire Van Valkenburgh and Fritz Hertel, “Predators during the Late Pleistocene,” Quarterly Paleozoology in the Northern Hemisphere , 27, no. 1, (1998): 357-374. Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, “America’s Eagle Heritage,” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, 1968), 1. 601 Charles Enloe, “Once Again, a Land of Eagles,” American Forests , (autumn 2002): 32-37. 602 William Beinart and Peter Coates, “Hunting and Animals: From Game to Wildlife,” Environment and History , (January 2002): 29-45. U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Bald Eagle— Haliaeetus Leucocephelus ,” (Pierre, SD: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, 1993), 1. 603 Perry Dane, “Flags in Context: A Discussion of Design, Genre, and Aesthetics,” Raven: Journal of Vexillology , 15, no. 1, (July 2008): 43-80. “America’s Eagle Heritage,” (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, 1968), 1. The first use of the eagle as a symbol of power dates to 600 B.C.E. in the court of Belshazzar of Babylonia. Heralded prominently in ancient Greece and Rome as well as early Christian imagery; insignia of the Holy Roman Empire and Czars, too; no less than four countries, including: Austria, Germany, Mexico, along with the United States, have adorned their flags with image of the eagle. 604 Ted Levin, America’s Snake: The Rise and Fall of the Timber Rattlesnake , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 16. 605 Bertha K. Whyte, “On Eagles and Flags,” Wisconsin Magazine of History , 35, no. 2, (winter 1952): 123. 606 William Hale, “Flags of the Revolution,” Harper’s Round Table , 17, no. 1, (1896): 1244. 139

Washington’s 1789 inauguration suit were also inlaid with eagle symbols and attest not only to the popularity of neoclassical fashion in eighteenth century America but also highlight the significance of the image as means of national identity.607

Prior to its selection by Congress as the national symbol in 1782, the bald eagle first gained popular acceptance on a variety of currency and stamps. As early as 1776, Massachusetts issued a copper one-cent coin bearing the image of an eagle. By 1795, the first American gold coins in the form of ten dollar “eagles” and the lesser “half eagles” appeared. 608 The first stamps bearing the image of the bald eagle however would not be issued until 1869 by the United States

Post Office. 609 Following the introduction of the Great Seal of the United States in 1782, which incorporated numerous changes implemented under George Dumettiere, the French

Philadelphian chosen by the committee of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin

Franklin to design appropriate heraldry for the young nation; William Barton crafted the familiar image viewers recognize today. Barton’s image (with alterations by Charles Thompson) was the first design of the Great Seal to appear with an eagle—as a “central element of the final seal deign.” 610 Partly tongue in cheek, when he proposed the wild turkey for the symbol of the fledging American nation instead of the bald eagle, fellow committee members frowned on

Benjamin Franklin’s suggestion. For his part, Franklin felt the turkey more respectable, writing,

“I wish the bald eagle had not been chosen as representative of our country; he is a bird of bad

607 Rogers, Eagle , 97-99. 608 Stefferud, Birds in Our Lives , 112. 609 Anonymous. “‘Eagle’ Stamps of 1869,” Epworth Herald , June 2, 1906, 78. Janet Klug, Guide to Stamp Collecting , (New York: Harper Collins, 2008), 14. The United States Post Office released its first postage stamps in 1847; a five cent stamp featuring Benjamin Franklin, the first postmaster, and a ten cent stamp bearing the image of George Washington. Prior to the appearance of the 1869 pictorials, only national leaders had been depicted. 610 Richard S. Patterson and Richardson Dougall, Eagle and the Shield: A History of the Great Seal of the United States , (Washington, D. C.: Department of State, 1978), 64. 140 moral character; he does not get his living honestly.” 611 Despite the Philadelphian’s overtures

(Franklin published two pamphlets in France in 1783, placing a forerunner of the Great Seal replete with the rendering of an eagle prominently on each of the covers; the bald eagle prevailed as the national symbol. 612 In light of the incident, Franklin’s use of the eagle on official publications, historians Richard S. Patterson and Richardson Dougall write: “is evidence that his later expression of preference for the turkey as a symbol of the United States government is not to be taken seriously.” 613 The symbol of the eagle assumed paramount importance in the founding of nation’s capital in 1790. When British troops burned Washington, D. C. in 1814, images and representations of the national bird perished as fire spread throughout noteworthy federal buildings such as the Capitol and the White House. 614 For example, as flames tore through the Capitol Building, they destroyed artist Giuseppe Franzoni’s stone carving of an enormous American bald eagle located on the frieze above a larger-than-life statue of the figure of Liberty sitting on a pedestal; the bird’s wings measured 12 feet by 6 inches. 615

A symbol of democracy throughout the young republic, eagle motifs quickly came to adorn a variety of material artifacts beyond legal tender. Flagpoles, buildings, bridges, other public structures, naval insignia, and the federal watermark were among some of its first applications. Additional modifications occurred in 1841 when the eagle’s conspicuous white

611 Jared Sparks, ed., Works of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. X , (Chicago: Townsend and MacCoun, 1882), 63. 612 Franklin published both Constitutions des Treize États-Unis de l’Amerique and The Definitive Treaty Between Great Britain and the United States of America, Signed at Paris, the 3 rd day of September 1783 . 613 Patterson, Eagle and the Shield , 384. 614 Peter Snow, When Britain Burned the White House: The 1814 Invasion of Washington , (New York: Thomas Dunne, 2013), 114. 615 Anthony S. Pitch, The Burning of Washington: The British Invasion of 1814 , (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1998), 29. 141 head first appeared and later in 1902 when a more cocksure and muscular eagle strutted onto the world stage. 616

Hardly a coincidence, the choice to highlight the color of the bird’s head in the early

1840s parallels the rise of the expansionist mood indicative of the era. This time period marked the ascendancy of Young America; typified by a younger generation comprised chiefly of

Democrats intent on the United States securing its—in the words of its greatest proponent as well as the editor of the influential United States Magazine and Democratic Review , John L.

O’Sullivan, who coined the phrase—“Manifest Destiny.” 617 The American eagle’s white head stands in direct opposition racially, culturally, and politically to that of its southern neighbor,

Mexico, which after gaining independence from Spain in 1821 adopted a golden eagle, noted by its dark-feathered crown, for its national symbol and figures prominently in its flag. 618 Take for example a political cartoon from 1847 in Yankee Doodle , a satirical weekly newspaper, titled

“Plucked,” which depicts Mexico’s national symbol—the eagle—before and after the Mexican-

American War of 1846-1848. 619 The white-headed American eagle of the same era stands tall and resolutely proud; it is a symbol of strength and freedom whereas the artist portrays the

Mexican eagle as a symbol of otherness. Even in the “before” depiction, prior to its denuding, the Mexican eagle’s darker head stands in direct contrast to the white crest of the American bird.

616 James G. King, “The Bald Eagle in American Culture,” (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Interior, U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, 2009), 27. 617 John L. O’ Sullivan, “Annexation,” United States Magazine and Democratic Review , July 1845. O’Sullivan wrote: “The fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions.” 618 Prominent symbols of Mexican nationalism include the eagle and the brown-skinned Virgin of Guadalupe. David Fitzgerald, “Beyond ‘Transnationalism’: Mexican Hometown Politics at an American Labor Union,” Ethnic and Racial Studies , 27, no.2, (2004): 228-247. Due to an erroneous rumor, some Mexican nationals have been led to believe, American citizenship involves stomping and spitting on the Mexican flag. 619 Anonymous, “Plucked or, the Mexican Eagle before the War! The Mexican Eagle after the War!” Yankee Doodle , 2, no. 32, May 15, 1847, 55. 142

However, unlike the “before” picture, the “after” caption does not merely call attention to racial difference but also seeks to boost its own cultural hegemony while simultaneously emasculating the Mexican symbol. Beaming with pride before the war, the Mexican eagle diligently stands erect; its imposing talons grasping another one its nation’s popular indigenous images—the cactus. However, after the hostilities in which America’s southern neighbor relinquished one- third of its former territory, the once prideful bird—its parched tongue hanging from the side of its mouth—now appears forlorn, dejected, and fatigued. Left with only a withered cactus on which to stand, its brow furled in consternation, the previously enduring emblem of strength, looking like the product of a poultry processing plant, wearily accepts its fate as a mere entrée.

By definition, the Mexican national symbol is the antithesis of its superior northern neighbor in every aspect. 620

Interestingly, even though American troops first carried the red, white, and blue flag—the

Stars and Stripes—in the Mexican American War, state regiments continued to march into battle under a variety of eagle banners throughout its duration along as well as into the Civil War. 621

Additionally, although the Stars and Stripes first became the official flag of military artillery brigades in 1834, the infantry did not adopt it until 1841. Even until well into the Civil War, a field of azure with an eagle, shield, and stars denoted national heraldry. 622 Furthermore, during the war, eagle heraldry denoted Union headquarters. Until 1862, the Indian Department additionally bequeathed red, white and blue American flags adorned with an eagle in the upper

620 Mary K. Vaughan and Stephen E. Lewis, “Introduction” in The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in Mexico, 1920-1940 , (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 1, eds., Mary K. Vaughan and Stephen E. Lewis. 621 Mark Leepson, Flag: An American Biography , (New York: MacMillan, 2007), 86. Spencer C. Tucker, ed., Encyclopedia of the Mexican-American War: Political, Social, and Military History , (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2013), 236. 622 Whyte, “On Eagles and Flags,” 123-125. 143 right-hand corner of the azure field (where the stars usually appear) to nations which earned federal protection. 623

Similar to the way the eagle design of mid-nineteenth century glorifies white Anglo-

Saxon intracontinental expansion, the 1902 design heralds the United States’ arrival on the global scene as a major player. The symbol expresses unbridled confidence in not only the nation’s beliefs and values but also its political, socio-economic, cultural, military, and racial superiority. Following the short-lived Spanish-Cuban-Filipino War, which secured American hegemony throughout the Caribbean and further entrenched the nation’s presence in the Pacific, although some expressed concerns over the nation’s new role in foreign affairs; others trumpeted its increased prestige and status on the world stage.624 Indicative of America looking outward during this era, the symbol of eagle came to accentuate hubris and more. For example, the

Philadelphia Press’s 1898 headline which proclaimed American territorial expansion and imperialistic designs through the depiction of an eagle with outstretched wings, routinely equates the bald eagle with American hegemony. 625

Throughout the remainder of the twentieth century, the American bald eagle, the country’s national symbol and one its most recognizable and prominent symbols of the landscape, continued to appear in a variety of contexts; conveying the nation’s beliefs and values. The Boy Scouts, founded in 1910, accord the organization’s highest rating as “Eagle

Scout.” 626 A familiar sight during the Great Depression, the National Recovery Administration

623 New York State Military Museum, “Historic Battle Flags,” (Saratoga Springs: New York State Military Museum). 624 Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). 625 Anonymous, “Ten Thousand Miles from Tip to Tip,” Philadelphia Press , 1898). 626 Alvin Townley, Legacy of Honor: The Values and Influence of America’s Eagle Scouts , (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2007), 12. 144

(NRA) Blue Eagle denoted businesses that earned federal approval. 627 During World War II,

American propagandists simultaneously employed the image of the eagle as the national symbol, likewise discovering that wings could be turned into a “V”—reminiscent of the popular home front slogan: “‘V’ for Victory.” 628 A fierce and ardent defender of freedom and democracy, the symbol of the eagle in advertisements proclaiming “America Calling—Take Your Place in Civil

Defense” helped supply valuable assistance on the home front. 629 During the postwar era, rhetorical appeals aimed at exciting jingoism routinely equated the bald eagle with American beliefs and values. The most powerful instance perhaps includes the immortal words uttered during the United States’ historic moon landing in the summer of 1969 by astronaut Neil

Armstrong: “The Eagle has landed.” 630 Although opponents of colonialism make a valid argument when they deride the image of the bald eagle as a symbol of racist ideology, oppression, and marginalization, they tend to overlook the power and importance of American symbols to the nation’s citizenry and how these representations reinforce the values and beliefs of American exceptionalism. 631 Similarly, as cultural critic Lauren Berlant observes about constructed imagery, Boston College’s choice of such a conspicuous national symbol of

627 “Act to Encourage National Industrial Recovery,” June 16, 1933, Enrolled Acts and Resolutions of Congress, 1789-1996, General Records of the United States, Record Group 11, National Archives. 628 Edward Alden Jewell, “Whitney Museum Shows Sculpture: Eagle Employed in Many Instances as a Motif,” New York Times , June 19, 1942, 26. 629 Herbert Matter, “America Calling—Take Your Place in Civil Defense,” 1941, Washington, D. C., Library of Congress. 630 National Aeronautics and Space Administration, “One Giant Leap for Mankind,” July 14, 2014. 631 Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism , (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998), 96. 145 republicanism further “sutured” Irish-Catholic identity to the collective of American nationalism. 632

Well-known throughout American culture, symbolic representations of the eagle also remain prominent in American Indian imagery; possibly influencing college stakeholders in their adoption of the eagle as the school mascot. Whereas earlier Mississippian iconography highlighted the bald eagle as a symbol of peace and used it in adoption ceremonies, Native

Americans later began to associate the bald eagle with bravery, visual acuity, and strength. 633

Indians highly prized eagle tail feathers not only as a symbol of valor but also one that denoted rank and military prowess. Only the most courageous Plains warriors wore elaborate headdresses adorned with eagle feathers. 634 Writer David Wagoner observes: “A Crow medicine man would crouch in a hole under a dead horse. When an eagle stooped to the feast, he would grapple its legs with his bare hands, suffer whatever the beak could do to him, pluck three sacred feathers, and turn it loose.” 635

Not only identified with valor and a symbol of courage, eagle feathers reflected status and personal achievement. 636 In the eastern woodlands during the French and Indian War, induced by bounties, scalps of British Grenadiers replaced eagle feathers in some tribes. 637

Around the Great Lakes Region, Ojibwa also respected the bird of prey as a symbol of valor and

632 Lauren Berlant, Anatomy of National Fantasy , (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1991), 25. 633 Greg O’Brien, Choctaws in a Revolutionary Age, 1750-1830 , (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002), 58, 6. Hope B. Werness, The Continuum Encyclopedia of Animal Symbolism in Art , (New York: Continuum, 2003), 151. 634 Stefferud, Birds in Our Lives , 281. 635 David Wagoner, “The Eagle,” Western Humanities Review , (winter 2011), 65, no. 1, 105. 636 George Jean, Discoveries: Signs, Symbols, and Ciphers , (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1998), 161. Linea Sundstrom, Storied Stone: Indian Rock Art of the Black Hills Country , (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), 115. 637 “America’s Eagle Heritage,” (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, 1968), 1. 146 called the bald eagle wah-be-shak-wa , which, according to scholar of American literature Robert

E. Nichols, Jr. means “white-headed one”; carved on wooden ceremonial spears, he also notes that eagles further represented “wakefulness of the senses.” 638 In the Southeast, the eagle tail dance remained an integral part of Choctaw diplomacy from the eighteenth to the early nineteenth century. 639 James Adair, a British trader in the early nineteenth century, observed that

“the Indians cannot shew [sic] greater honor to the greatest potentate on earth than to… dance before him with the eagles tails.” 640 According to ethnologist Daniel G. Brinton, “Its feathers comprised the war flag of the Creeks, and its image, carved in wood, or its stuffed skin, surmounted their council lodges. None but an approved warrior dare wear it among the

Cherokees, and the Dakotas allowed such honor only to him [sic] who first touched the corpse of a common foe.” 641

Native tales from the Northwest additionally attribute good fortune in hunting to eagle spirits. 642 Only used by Indians of the Northwest—from southeast Alaska southward to Puget

Sound in Washington—the figures on totem poles, whether the bald eagle (noted by a short beak downturned at the tip), raven, beaver, whale, bear, wolf, hawk, frog, whale, shark, mosquito, halibut, mountain goat, sun, moon, or other symbols, which relate to a group’s social affiliation and status, serve as memory prompts relating to clan identity. 643 According to art historian Hope

638 Robert E. Nichols, Jr., Birds of Algonquin Legend , (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 57, vii. 639 O’Brien, Choctaws in a Revolutionary Age , 57. 640 James Adair, History of American Indians Particularly Those Nations Adjoining the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia , (Johnson City, TN: 1930), 176-7. 641 Stefferud, Birds in Our Lives , 110. 642 Daniel Merkur, “Eagle, the Hunter’s Helper: The Cultic Significance of Inuit Mythological Tales,” History of Religions , 27, no. 2, (November 1987): 171-188. 643 Edward Malin, Totem Poles of the Pacific Northwest Coast , (Portland: Timber Press, 1986), 3. Hilary Stewart, Totem Poles , (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990), 38, 6. Vickie 147

B. Werness, to the Chumash of California, the bald eagle “was associated with death and the afterlife, the place where all the bones of the dead went.” She further notes that the group’s

“funeral rites involved the ritual[istic] strangling of a bald eagle.” In the Southwest, Werness also emphasizes that Hopi adorned kachina dolls, known as Kwa (or Kwahu ), with eagle feathers, “believed to release the soul to soar aloft, carrying the message of Hopi rectitude, duty, and respect.” 644 Still an important part of Native American rites and rituals, since the bald eagle remains protected under federal law, the U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service established the National

Eagle Repository in the early 1970s to provide Indians with eagle feathers for religious purposes. 645 The American Indian contribution to eagle mythology and legend continues to be an important aspect in the construction of mainstream cultural symbolism in the United States. 646

Anthropologists, sociologists, semioticians, cultural critics, and historians have thoroughly assessed and interpreted eagle imagery in a variety of contexts in American culture. However, as for the emblem’s significance, in the rise of professional and amateur American spectator sports and the formation of team identity, more scholarly research on this subject still remains to be done.647

Revered as the nation’s symbol of majesty and freedom; however, long the bane to farmsteads and livestock herders alike, eagles have traditionally held a precarious position in

Jensen, Where the People Gather: Carving a Totem Pole , (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992), 13. 644 Werness, The Continuum Encyclopedia of Animal Symbolism in Art , 151-152. 645 U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, “National Eagle Repository,” (Commerce City, CO: U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, 1998), 3. 646 Kenneth Cohen, Honoring the Medicine: The Essential Guide to Native American Healing , (New York: Ballantine Books, 2003), 56. 647 The following texts barely scratch the surface on the rise of sports mascots: Murry R. Nelson, American Sports: A History of Icons, Idols, and Ideas , (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2013), 787. Roy Yarborough, Mascots: The History of Senior College and University Mascots and Nicknames , (Lynchburg: Bluff University Communications, 1998). 148

American culture. Hence, throughout differing eras, Americans remained somewhat ambivalent towards the species.648 Similar to other raptors, the eagle historically has had a contentious relationship with people; considered by some trouble akin to vermin which mandated eradication. Along with plume hunters, who shamelessly destroyed a variety of avian life to support the millinery trade in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, ranchers and farmers, through their efforts to reduce nuisances and pests, helped to further destroy the eagle population. 649 Not until the near extinction of the bison in the late-nineteenth century did

Americans come to realize the pernicious effects caused by wanton environmental destruction.

The first large-scale bird protection movements swept across the nation in the late- nineteenth century. 650 In the early twentieth century, faced with the genuine possibility of the bird’s extinction, steps taken by private organizations and the federal government averted its demise. The ideas of naturalist George Perkins Marsh, put forth in the mid-to-late-nineteenth century which stressed that the nation’s wildlife and natural resources were not limitless, had

648 Todd E. Katzner and Ruth E. Tingay, “Eagle Diversity, Ecology, and Conservation” in The Eagle Watchers: Observing and Conserving Raptors around the World , eds., Ruth E. Tingay and Todd E. Katzner, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010), 1-25. 649 For history of plume hunters, see Stuart B. McIver, Death in the Everglades: the Murder of Guy Bradley, America’s First Martyr to Environmentalism , (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003). Michael Grunwald, The Swamp: the Everglades, Florida, and the Politics of Paradise , (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006). Linton Weeks, “Hats Off to Women Who Saved the Birds,” National Public Radio , July 15, 2015. For insight into contentious relationship between eagles, agribusiness, and animal husbandry, see Matthew J. Lindstrom, Encyclopedia of the U. S. Government and Environment: History, Policy, and Politics , (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2011), 118. Farmers and ranchers unknowingly killed young bald eagles, believing they were golden eagles. Dorothy Hinshaw Patent, Where the Bald Eagles Gather , (New York: Clarion Books, 1990), 49. Ranchers often believe incorrectly that all eagles pose a grave threat to their livestock. 650 Mark V. Barrow, Jr., Nature’s Ghosts: Confronting Extinction from the Age of Jefferson to the Age of Ecology , (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 100. 149 become widely accepted by this time as well.651 Combined with a new ethical awareness and greater understanding of wildlife—in no small part due to the teachings of preservationists along with the proactive approach taken by activists and officials—public opinion over the role of predatory species changed greatly. 652 Raptors, chief among them—the American bald eagle— would surely benefit from the sea change in attitude. The overwhelming success of earlier protective measures led to the Bald Eagle Protective Act passed by Congress in 1940. 653

Whereas the upsurge of wartime patriotism undoubtedly had much to do with the passing of the legislation, the proliferation of pesticides in the postwar era, while a blessing to a consumer society intent on feeding a rapidly growing population, further obfuscated an already bleak outlook for the national symbol.

Unfortunately, in the postwar war era, the nation’s eagles faced extinction once again. In the 1950s, scientific findings documenting the eagle’s perilous position spelled doom for the future of the species, referring to its unlikely future as “by no means promising” as well as “far from encouraging.” Alarmed at the shocking rate of decline in the eagle population nationwide at mid-century, one ornithologist cryptically announced: “At the present state of decrease, by

651 Richard W. Judd, “George Perkins Marsh: The Times and Their Man,” Environment and History , 10, no. 2, (May 2004): 169-190. T. Gregory Garvey, “The Civic Intent of George Perkins Marsh’s Anthropocentric Environmentalism,” The New England Quarterly , 82, no. 1, (March 2009): 80-111. Donald J. Pisani, “Forests and Conservation, 1865-1890,” Journal of American History , 72, no. 1, (September 1985): 340-359. Char Miller, Gifford Pinchot and the Making of Modern Environmentalism , (Washington, D.C: Island Press, 2001), 55-57. 652 Thomas R. Dunlap, Saving America’s Wildlife , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), passim. 653 U. S. Department of Interior, Bald Eagle Protection Act. Ch. 278, Sec. 54, Stat.250 (1940). The text states: Whoever, within the United States or any place subject to the jurisdiction thereof, except the Territory of Alaska, without being permitted to do so as [provided in sections 668-668d of this title], shall take, possess, sell, purchase, barter, offer to sell, purchase or barter, transport, export, or import, at any time or in any manner, any bald eagle, commonly known as the American eagle, alive or dead, or any part, nest, or egg thereof, shall be fined not more than $500 or imprisoned not more than six months, or both. See also Barrow, Nature’s Ghosts , 234. 150 sometime in the next century, this country’s seal will be carrying the figure of a mythical bird.” 654 By the early 1960s, the clarion call began to resound from the highest levels of the federal government. In a letter to the National Audubon Society in 1961, none other than

President John F. Kennedy, addressing the possibility of a future where the national symbol ceased to exist, echoing similar concerns voiced by birdwatchers and scientists alike, wrote:

“The Founding Fathers made an appropriate choice when they selected the bald eagle as the emblem of the nation. The fierce beauty and proud independence of this great bird aptly symbolizes the strength and freedom of America. But as latter-day citizens we shall fail our trust if we permit the eagle to disappear.” 655

Despite further protective federal legislative efforts which appeared with the Bald and

Golden Eagle Protection Act of 1962, offering golden eagles the same protective measures accorded to bald eagles, more needed to be done. 656 In the case of the demise of the nation’s eagle population, biologist Rachel Carson’s 1963 publication of Silent Spring brought popular attention to scientific findings exposing how insidious use of the pesticide dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) weakened the shells of eagle eggs. 657 Following the banning of DDT in 1972, legislators approved the Endangered Species Act of 1973. 658 Even as

654 “Mount Johnson Island Sanctuary for Bald Eagles,” Baltimore Sunday Sun , June 21, 1959. 655 John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, President John F. Kennedy to Audubon Society, “Celebrating America’s Freedoms—the American Bald Eagle,” July 18, 1961, JFK Presidential Library and Museum. 656 Bald and Golden Eagle Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 87-884, 76 Stat. 1246, (1962). 657 Rachel Carson, Silent Spring , (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1962). 658 U. S. Environmental Protection Agency, Environmental Protection Agency Press Release, December 31, 1972. The text states: The general use of the pesticide DDT will no longer be legal in the United States after today, ending nearly three decades of application during which time the once-popular chemical was used to control insect pests on crop and forest lands, around homes and gardens, and for industrial and commercial purposes. 151 late as the 1973, following myriad legislation, skepticism abounded whether the national bird would survive.

Due to the change in public attitude geared towards a more compassionate approach to the environment and wildlife in the early 1970s, which profoundly reverberated through

American society at this juncture, fewer schools and teams utilized live animals as mascots. 659

Consequently, Boston College would not renew the tradition of having a live eagle at home football games again until 2013. 660 Similar to the mythical bird—the phoenix—ascending from fiery ashes to live miraculously again, the American bald eagle, too, arose from near extinction.

Unlike the legendary fowl however, due to the resounding efforts of protective legislation, as well as a more ethical approach demonstrated on the part of the public, the bald eagle soars again. 661 While the bird of prey’s future prospects looked precarious, as fewer than 400 nesting pairs at best remained in the lower 48 states at the time of the law’s passage, when Congress passed the Endangered Species Act of 1973, by 1995, the eagle population rebounded significantly enough from dangers posed by chemicals, loss of habitat, and hunting to merit downgrading from endangered to threatened status. 662 In 2007, after several years typified by

659 Tamara L. Wandel, “Brand Anthropomorphism: Collegiate Mascots and Social Media” in Driving Customer Appeal through the Use of Emotional Branding , ed., Ruchi Garg et al, (Hershey: IGI Global, 2018), 171-193. Still today, live animal mascots roam the sidelines at many American colleges and universities. The list includes different breeds of dogs, of which the bulldog is the most popular, bears, buffalo, eagles, falcons, gamecocks, goats, mules, owls, steer, and tigers. Live bulldogs are the most popular of all living animal mascots, appearing at nine institutions. 660 Boston College News Release, “Boston College Brings Back Live Bald Eagle Mascot after 47 Years,” September 7, 2013. Eleanor Hildebrandt, “PETA Objects to BC’s Use of Live Bald Eagle at Games,” Heights , September 26, 2013. Animal rights group People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) objects to the use of an eagle, citing possessing, transporting, and disturbing the species as illegal under the Eagle Protection Act. 661 U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, “Bald Eagles: Life History and Conservation Success,” April 20, 2015, Accessed April 27, 2018, https://www.fws.gov/midwest/eagle/recovery/index.html 662 Enloe, “Once Again, a Land of Eagles,”33-37. 152 bureaucratic procedure, the U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service, the federal agency which oversees protective measures for endangered species, removed the American bald eagle from the department’s list.

Today, bald eagle populations remain at all-time highs. 663 At present and in the future, maintaining suitable bald eagle habitats amidst the profits to be realized by avaricious builders may prove detrimental once again to the nation’s living symbol of freedom and independence unless federal, state, and local governments can learn to control development and manage the land ethically. 664 Another pressing concern to the health of the American bald eagle is the predominance of lead shot, which the bird ingests through eating carrion; often comprising a major part of its diet. Although steps have been taken to curtail use of lead ammunition, its predominance still affects the overall health of the bald eagle and remains a source of grief to scientists and ornithologists. 665 In deference to these and other ecological hazards, by the mid-

1970s, Boston College ceased using a live eagle as a mascot. So, in part, due to a significant change in Americans’ attitudes towards environmental issues—brought about largely by a combination of Rachel Carson’s bellwether-sounding about the malicious effects of the widely- used pesticide DDT on the ecosystem and ethical concerns regarding humane treatment of captive animals, the public increasingly frowned on exploitation of wildlife.

663 Bill Sherwonit, “Eagles of Chilkat,” Birders’ World , 12, no. 5, (October 1998): 32. Annually, the largest concentration of bald eagles occurs at Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve in Alaska’s panhandle. Established in 1982, the United States Fish and Wildlife Service counted a record number of 3,988 eagles in 1984; since then, annual highs have ranged from 2,137 to 3,284 birds. 664 Erik Stokstad, “Can the Bald Eagle Still Soar after It Is Delisted? Science , 316, no.1, (June 2007): 1698-1699. 665 Mirjam Nadjafzadeh, Heribert Hofer, and Oliver Krone, “The Link between Feeding Ecology and Lead Poisoning in Eagles,” Journal of Wildlife Management , 77, no. 1, (January 2013): 48- 57. 153

An important component in fomenting group identity and establishing solidarity, Boston

College has long incorporated different eagle mascots. In 1921, the first live mascot, a hawk, sent by an alumnus who mistook the bird for an eagle, made its appearance. 666 In 1924, a bald eagle, jokingly nicknamed “Herpy” after a supposed cure for baldness called herpicide, appeared briefly but did not adjust well to its new environment, so the program met its demise. 667 Boston

College instead relied on a chemically-preserved eagle for the next thirty-seven years. 668 During this time, opposing teams’ fans regularly attempted to deface Boston College’s mascot—whether the stuffed specimen or one of the many such statues adorning campus. 669 For example, a conspicuous target was the four foot high bronze eagle with six foot wings perched atop a 30- foot granite pedestal prominently adorning the campus, donated in 1954 by former United States ambassador to Japan, Lars Anderson.670 Another equally as prominent eagle statue stands outside of Conte Forum, Boston College’s hockey and basketball arena and home to the athletic department. A gift from the Class of 1939, the iconic bronze figure serves as a rallying point for campus assemblies prior to sporting events. 671

Although the figure of the eagle remained well-represented on campus, not until 1961 did interest in bringing a live eagle to campus peak again. Despite enthusiasm, the eagle, named

“Margo” taken from the school’s colors, maroon and gold, languished in Franklin Zoo until its

666 David Raymond, “What Made the Eagle Soar: the Origins of BC’s Mascot,” Heights , December 4, 2006, C3. 667 Staff, “Herpy 1928 Mascot,” Heights , February 3, 1925, 2. 668 Joanne Sloan and Cheryl Watts, College Logos , (Northport, AL: Vision Press, 2015), 34. The same benefactor, John A. Risacher first donated the live eagle and later the stuffed specimen. 669 Anthony J. Kuzniewski, Thy Honored Name: A History of the College of Holy Cross , (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1999), 334. 670 Charles F. Donovan, David R, Dunigan, Paul A. Fitzgerald, History of Boston College: From Beginnings to 1990 , (Chestnut Hill: University Press of Boston College, 1990), 266. 671 Boston College, “Boston College Eagle Exhibit Summer 2005,” (Boston: Boston College Library). 154 death in 1966. 672 Shortly thereafter, Cass, an eagle donated by the now-defunct Ballantine Beer

Company, appeared.673 The bird died of natural causes in 1974 and was replaced by yet another live (albeit ill-tempered) eagle named Butch the very same year. 674 The eagle’s distrustful nature and erratic behavior compounded by changing public perceptions over exploitation of wildlife soon brought the tradition of using a tethered raptor to its demise.

Despite other American colleges and universities’ penchant for making use of a costumed mascot, Boston College did not employ one until 1966 when the first student mascot attired in ill-fitting eagle garb appeared. Other than a recently discovered photograph, which appears in

The Heights dated February 11, 1966 showing the Boston College Eagle mascot (identified only as student John Flynn) at a basketball game, official histories do not make any mention of this fact. 675 Interestingly, the incredible upsurge in the popularity at the time of other American sports mascots and the interest devoted by the media to innocuous characters geared towards attracting families and children, such as Major League Baseball’s Mr. Met, the San Diego

Chicken, and the Phillie Phanatic, led to not only Boston College’s students pursuing another costumed mascot but numerous other American collegiate and professional sports teams following suit as well. 676

672 Jerry Farrell, “Eagle Tagged ‘Margo’ by Two,” Heights , October 21, 1960, 8. Interestingly, in an effort to syncretize Catholicism with nationalism, Boston College adopted the symbol of United States but chose the colors of the Papacy. 673 Victor J. Tremblay, The U. S. Brewing Industry: Data and Economic Analysis , (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 2005), 94-95. Peter Ballantine emigrated from Scotland and opened his first brewery in 1840 in Newark, New Jersey. In 1950, Ballantine, a long-time sponsor of the New York Yankees, ranked third among American brewers before merging with Falstaff in the early 1970s. 674 Lillian Slomkowski and Timothy Walsh, “BC Eagle Passes Away,” Heights , January 28, 1974, 5. 675 Staff, “Fine Feathered Friends,” Heights , February 11, 1966, 9. 676 Jonathan Fraser Light, The Cultural Encyclopedia of Baseball , (Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 2005), 569. The first professional league costumed sports mascot was the New 155

In this charged atmosphere, where excitement for costumed sports mascots ran high, sophomore Michael Burness, a sports fanatic, resurrected the tradition in the fall of 1976. 677

With the help of his dormitory resident assistant, he raised the $25 needed to rent an eagle suit from a costume supply shop; first appearing during a home football victory against Texas that year.678 He received no financial support or formal recognition until his junior year when the school newspaper, The Heights began to offer assistance. While an article in The Heights , dated

March 12, 1979 incorrectly exclaims, “Thanks go to Michael, at BC, “The Eagle Has Landed”; it also notes mascot tryouts will be conducted by the Boston College cheerleaders but only if enough students apply. 679

However, after this date, no mention of another eagle mascot appears until 1981 in either the student-run school newspaper or any other Boston College histories.680 While the historical record remains incomplete, perhaps the required number of students did not apply for the mascot position or possibly no students expressed interest. Either way, the situation appears “Ed the

Eagle,” aptly named for its creator, junior Ed Rovegno, made his debut, filling the vacuum in the fall of 1979 when he unofficially began to attend Boston College athletic events dressed as an

York Mets’ Mr. Met who debuted in 1964. Starting in 1974, the San Diego Chicken made appearances for a San Diego radio station before attending sporting events, which led to and ultimately accounts for the mass acceptance of costumed mascots in the United States and abroad. Prior to the Phillie Phanatic, the Philadelphia Phillies utilized two 18 th century-themed characters named Philadelphia Phil and Phillis from 1971 to 1979. The Pittsburgh Parrot of the Pittsburgh Pirates additionally began in the spring of 1979. Interestingly, however, the Boston Red Sox did not have a costumed mascot until 1997 when Wally the Green Monster first appeared. 677 Michael Rosen, “B. C.’s Eagle is Nearly Shot Down,” Heights , October 3, 1977, 19. 678 Brian Murphy, “Will the Real Mike Burness Please Stand Up,” Heights , April 3, 1978, 17. 679 Eric Shulman, “The $60,000 Question: Who Will Be the Next Eagle?” Heights , March 12, 1979, 21. 680 Tony Stankiewicz, “Our Beloved Mascot,” Heights , March 23, 1981, 16. 156 eagle.681 Rovegno, who commented he knew of no “better way to show appreciation than to be the heart and soul of the symbol of spirit for all levels of the college,” donned a felt costume and wore a foam head complete with trademark beak. 682 Despite his intentions however, the third incarnation of Boston College’s costumed mascot acted more as a cheerleader than as a symbol of school solidarity. Following Rovegno’s graduation however, responding to the students’ acceptance of the character, Boston College’s athletic department began overseeing the program and holding official auditions for the mascots.683

Because as many as five student alternates at any given time may appear as the eagle mascot, since 1980, numerous students have filled the position. Today, according to a representative in the school’s sports marketing department, nine students “bring the Eagle to life.” 684 The first female student outfitted as the eagle, Danielle Forgione, appeared in 1996. 685

The eagle costume like the popularity and the caliber of the mascot’s performance has improved greatly over the years. The latest eagle mascot, a more realistically designed synthetic costume aptly named “Baldwin,” an amalgamation of the words “bald” from bald eagle and “win” from the desire to triumph, first appeared in 2000. 686 Over two inches thick in some areas, much like other mascot costumes currently built to protect the person portraying the character from

681 Jack Falla, ‘Til the Echoes Ring Again: A Pictorial History of Boston College Sports , (Brattleboro: Stephen Greene Press, 1982). 682 Stankiewicz, “Our Beloved Mascot,” Heights , 16. Incidentally, the National Rifle Association’s mascot goes by the name ”Eddie,” which the group has used since 1988 and defends quite litigiously; recently blocking the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s eagle mascot from using the same name. 683 John Conceison, “Action Has Been Off the Field,” Heights, April 19, 1982, 23. 684 Quoted in: Roseanne Palatucci, “Ask Features,” Heights , March 16, 2004, 5. 685 Brian Cohen, “Surprise! Eagle Mascots Unmasked,” Heights , April 28, 1997, 9. 686 Mary C. Daily, “Mascots: Performance and Fetishism in Sports Culture,” Platform , 3, no. 1, (2004): 40-55. Casey O’Connell, “Hasselbeck, Eagles Maul Middies,” Heights , September 26, 2000, B1. James Sheppard, “Eagles Come Home to Thrash Navy,” Heights , September 26, 2000, B6. 157 physical harm, the suit affords little comfort. 687 Presently, Boston College additionally utilizes a

9 ½ feet tall inflatable mascot affectionately named “Baldwin, Jr.” to highlight the college’s identity at a variety of functions. 688 Along these lines, Boston College uses live eagles, statues, taxidermies, costumed mascots, as well as inflatables to fashion a common identity and build group solidarity around commonly-held national symbols which evoke patriotic sentiments. 689

Not merely self-serving however, by using the mascot to support species conservation efforts,

Boston College’s use of what is arguably the greatest as well as most well-known symbol of the

American landscape also helps to not only call attention to bald eagle preservation efforts but to greater overall environmental awareness in general.690

Finally, Boston College’s choice of the bald eagle—the national symbol—as its totem and mascot stems from the need of school founders and stakeholders to instill American nationalism into the student body by equating Irish-Catholicism with the core beliefs and values of the United States while simultaneously recasting patriotic images and practices to highlight similarities; an effective tool in minimizing the group’s otherness and countering claims of disloyalty. Informed by a wide range of representations from classical antiquity to popular culture, partly based on myth and nationalistic sentiment, Boston College stakeholders fashioned

687 James Lucey, “Behind the Mesh: The Secret Life of Baldwin,” Heights , April 10, 2016, 3B. 688 Stephen Linn, The Ultimate Tailgater’s ACC Handbook , (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 13. Frank Bodani, “Penn State Tailgate Tales: Boston College Mascot is One for the Birds,” York Daily Record , December 26, 2014, C1. 689 Bert N. Adams and R. A. Sydie, Classical Sociological Theory , (Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2002), 103. 690 Michael E. Baltz and Mary J. Ratnaswamy, “Mascot Conservation Programs: Using College Animal Mascots to Support Species Conservation Efforts,” Wildlife Society Bulletin , 28, no. 1, (spring 2000): 159-163. Shiloh R. Krupar, “The Bio-Politics of Spectacle: Salvation and Oversight at the Post-Military Nature Range,” in Spectacle , Bruce Magnusson and Zahi Zalloua, eds., (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2016): 116-153. Krupar argues: “Wilderness plays an important role in this: animal bodies such as the American bald eagle have become indicators of survival (127).” 158 a symbol and mascot for its student body to rally behind. Through the selection of the eagle as well as by means of other patriotic songs and practices, Boston College, in an effort to quell long-standing prejudices which questioned Irish-Catholic allegiance, staked its claim to a decidedly American identity. Boston College’s utilization of a variety of different eagle repertoires additionally mirrors the changing attitudes about the role of raptors and their place within the ecosystem held by Americans throughout the twentieth century; effectively paralleling a more ethical approach towards wildlife management and environmental preservation not previously exhibited in American culture. By choosing to align its school with the national symbol of the American bald eagle, college stakeholders at Boston College sought to overcome claims of disloyalty, ameliorate socio-cultural stigma, and downplay religious difference while constructing and framing student identity around long-standing patriotic associations.

159

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

In the fall of 1869, when Princeton met Rutgers on the field in New Brunswick, New

Jersey, more than one tradition began in American college sports history. First, American football came into existence that day. Unrecognizable to most fans today, marked by its dogpile of players and excessive violence, the game resembled more a rugby scrum. More importantly, however, the pageantry surrounding college sports (especially football), including the use of colors to denote differing teams became a reality. 691 Concurrently, other Ivy League schools, such as Yale and Harvard respectively, claimed the distinction of first using colors as a means of differentiating between teams. 692 While fans and scholars can fuss over the chronology, the juggernaut of college pageantry that began on that autumn afternoon and the effect it would have on American culture continues to this day. As testament to the increased media saturation of the era, soon local sportswriters across the nation began referring to the college squads as Indians and tigers. 693 Associating teams with ferocious beasts of prey and the alleged savagery of Native

Americans quickly caught on with readers and fans alike.

Not merely the product of the American college and university system, college symbols related to the American landscape owe their existence to a combination of seemingly unrelated themes and concepts particular to American society during the time period between the Gilded

Age and the 1920s—the heyday of college football. These dramatic social, political, economic,

691 Frederick Rudolph, The American College and University , (Athens: University of Georgia, 1990), 373. 692 Charles H. Pearson and John McCallum, eds., College Football USA , (New York: McGraw- Hill, 1972), 81. Nikhil G. Mathews, “A Mascot for Us,” Harvard Crimson , November 21, 2005. Benjamin G. Rader, American Sports: From the Age of Folk Games to the Age of Televised Sports , (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2004), 99. 693 Sara E. Bush and P. C. Kemeny, “Princeton University: An Architectural and Religious History,” Princeton University Library Chronicle , 60, no.3, (spring 1999): 317-352. 160 and cultural changes—still such a topic of scholarly interest—account for the search for order so well-documented by historians of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. 694 The back-to-nature movement and the fitness craze of the closing decades of the nineteenth century, which advocates hoped would reinvigorate the nation’s patriotic zeitgeist, also proved instrumental in

American colleges and universities’ adoption of symbols related to the landscape. 695 Other cultural trends, such as the popularity of medievalism, which helped calm an anxious society mired in change, played an important part in instilling colors, crests, and heraldry in the collegiate setting. 696

Released in the 1890s, the theatrical play The Mascotte , which became popular with

American college students, remains another important factor in the adoption of college symbols and mascots. 697 The term quickly gained acceptance among white college students. These students immediately seized on the idea of a mascot as a symbol of good luck and as the perfect representation of their schools’ sports teams. 698 The very same fauna, flora, and indigenous peoples previous generations sought to eradicate now became exalted and revered socially- constructed symbols associated with nationalism, gender, and race. Interestingly, white male college students coveted the traits exhibited by the figures of the American landscape, such as tenacity, ferocity, and agility; seeking to associate their teams’ images with them. In some instances, students reinterpreted cultural meanings and former associations; carefully crafting a

694 Michael McGerr, Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870-1917 , (New York: Free Press, 2003). Lewis L. Gould, America in the Progressive Era, 1890-1914 , (London: Routledge, 2001). 695 Harvey Green, Fit for America, (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1986). 696 .T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture 1880-1920 , (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981). 697 Philip Deloria, Playing Indian , (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000). 698 Carol Spindel, Dancing at Halftime: Sports and the Controversy over American Indian Mascots , (New York: New York University Press, 2000). 161 symbol to meet their particular community’s needs. 699 In this manner, white male students began utilizing symbols of the American landscape as a way to preserve the lost vestiges of a once, seemingly inexhaustible frontier. To overcome an excess of cultural anxieties, they additionally projected ideas related to masculinity into such iconography.

In turn, college administrators assented to student demands and helped appropriate imagery from the American landscape without any regard for the preservation or survival of particular species or peoples. All that mattered to them was that they could profit from the particular images financially, culturally, and socially. In several ways, this serendipitous turn of events proved most beneficial to college administrators, who typically were at odds with the student body. Hoping to control a sometimes unruly campus, these symbols helped foment group solidarity and instill common values. As cultural historians of the early decades of the twentieth century, such as Paula Fass, note this was paramount in helping the American college system survive because it ameliorated longstanding divisions between students and administrators. 700

Moreover, using symbols of the American landscape gave universities a marketable device. Throughout the twentieth century the use of mascots related to the American landscape by colleges and universities continued to expand. For example, an upsurge in college pageantry accompanied the aftermath of both world wars and the Korean conflict. While the literature on the increase of postwar college attendance and the effect it had on college sports is well-known to scholars of the twentieth century, not nearly documented well enough is the role college

699 Richard Godbeer, The Overflowing of Friendship: Love between Men and the Creation of the American Public , (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 2009). 700 . Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977). 162 mascots play and the ensuing pageantry surrounding the spectacle of college sport. This remains another area of scholarly interest in need of revision.

As indicated in chapter 5, using symbols associated with the American landscape remained yet another way for groups seeking full inclusion into mainstream society.

Predominately before (but also occurring in) the postwar era, many communities made use of such symbols to downplay otherness and also to showcase their patriotism. Boston College’s utilization of one of the most recognizable symbols of the American landscape readily comes to mind and remains a telling example. However, as readers have deducted from other chapters, colleges, universities, and their students, such as the ones examined in this dissertation, also relied on similar symbols to assimilate to cultural and societal expectations. 701

The use of symbols of the American landscape by colleges and universities in the United

States additionally reflects the roots of its imagined frontier society. Initially, white male college-aged students adopted these symbols to represent their sports teams. They looked to equate their team mascot or symbol with qualities judged inherent in the nation’s wildlife and its inhabitants: ferocity, strength, power, and tenacity. These choices made by stakeholders when adopting symbols and mascots also reflect issues related to modernity, gender, and white male anxiety. Despite a relatively large body of scholars focusing on issues of gender, barring the literature on Native American mascots, few have critically assessed—let alone questioned—the role played by college mascots at all. 702

While American students and college sports fans have been indoctrinated to symbols representing fierceness and determination, an examination of collegiate symbols and mascots in

701 Rosemary V. Hathaway, “From Hillbilly to Frontiersman: The Changing Nature of the WVU Mountaineer,” West Virginia History , 8, no. 2, (fall 2014): 15-45. 702 Jennifer E. Giuliano, “An American Spectacle: College Mascots and the Performance of Tradition,” (Ph. D. dissertation, University of Illinois-Urbana, 2009). 163 other, non-frontier societies reveals an altogether different cast of characters. Depending on the particular culture and history, college mascots differ from one country to another. Rarely, however, will one find college mascots based on ferocious, blood-thirsty predators such as those found in the American pantheon. Several examples will suffice. Looking overseas, Japanese universities utilize mascots based on cultural qualities attributed to flora—particularly flowers.

Instead of regional animals in Europe, possibly due to the eradication of many species long ago, colleges and universities have long used colors, crests, heraldry, as well as the occasional lion or tiger. 703 Interestingly, in Latin America, class and neighborhood dictate the parameters of a college team’s mascot as well as one’s loyalty. So, as one can construe, the use of mascots by colleges and universities in the United States not only differs greatly from the uses in other non- frontier cultures but also remains a peculiar American phenomenon.

Finally, in the late-nineteenth to early part of the twentieth century colleges and universities in the United States began using symbols and mascots related to the American landscape to not only represent their respective institutions but also as a way to commemorate and immortalize the nation’s once abundant but rapidly disappearing wildlife and frontier. In general, white male college-aged stakeholders began the process by introducing mascots; many which are based on the symbols of the American landscape. Hoping to ease tensions that historically existed between students and administration, as well as to make college sports profitable, administrators acquiesced to student demands and quickly adopted suggested symbols and mascots. College symbols and mascots based on the American landscape along with mythic representations not only remain important components of college culture in the United States but also are integral in fomenting group solidarity. While more scholarship remains to be done on

703 Lawrence S. Cunningham and John J. Reich. Culture and Values: A Survey of the Humanities . Vol. 1 . (Boston: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2010). 164 this subject, when examining the introduction of symbols and mascots at American colleges and universities in the late-nineteenth to early part of the twentieth century, one not only gains a sense of myriad change taking place in society but also how students and college officials chose to respond.

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215 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Gary Gennar DeSantis is a college lecturer and independent scholar who holds an MA as well as a BA in American Studies from the University of South Florida. He anticipates receiving a Ph. D. in Twentieth Century American History from Florida State University in the fall of

2018.

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