Freedom of Speech and Press: Exceptions to the First Amendment
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Mla Style Guide for Bibliographical Citations
American School of Valencia Library MLA STYLE GUIDE FOR BIBLIOGRAPHICAL CITATIONS Used primarily for: Liberal Arts and Humanities. Some general things to know: MLA calls the list of bibliographical citations at the end of a paper the “Works Cited” page, and not a bibliography. Also, like APA, MLA style does not use bibliographical footnotes, favoring instead in-text citations. Footnotes and endnotes are only used for the purposes of authorial commentary. For full entries, titles of books are italicized*, and in-text citations tend to be as brief as possible. See some common examples below. If you don’t see an example that fits the kind of source you have, consult an MLA style guide in the Library, or ask the Librarian. Every line after the first is indented in the full citation. And remember, pay close attention to the examples. Punctuation is very important. * (This reflects a change made in 2009. All information provided in this document is based on the 7th edition of the MLA Handbook for Writers of Research Papers, available in the Library) For all examples below, the information following “Works Cited:” is what goes into your Works Cited page. The information following “In-Text:” is what goes at the end of your sentence that includes a citation. A BOOK: Author’s last name, First name. Title of the book. City: Publisher, year. Medium (Print). (Example) Works Cited: Smith, John G. When citation is almost too much fun. Trenton: Nice People Publications, 2007. Print. In-Text: (Smith 13) or (13) *if it’s obvious in the sentence’s context that you’re talking about Smith+ or (Smith, Citation 9-13) [to differentiate from another book written by the same Smith in your Works Cited] [If a book has more than one author, invert the names of the first author, but keep the remaining author names as they are. -
Literature, the Law of Obscenity, and the Constitution William B
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1954 Literature, the Law of Obscenity, and the Constitution William B. Lockhart Robert C. McClure Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lockhart, William B. and McClure, Robert C., "Literature, the Law of Obscenity, and the Constitution" (1954). Minnesota Law Review. 2546. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/2546 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW Journal of the State Bar Association Volume 38 March, 1954 No. 4 LITERATURE, THE LAW OF OBSCENITY, AND THE CONSTITUTION WILLIAm B. LOCKHART* AND ROBERT C. MCCLURE** Early in 1946 when Doubleday & Company, Inc., an old and very large and reputable publishing house,1 published Edmund Wilson's Memoirs of Hecate County, book reviewers and critics had a field day; for Edmund Wilson was then as now the nation's most distinguished literary critic, and this was his first book of fiction since I Was a Daisy, published in 1929.2 To Virgilia Peter- son in Commonweal the Memoirs was "a pathological joke," "a string of satiric stories which, in their aimlessly offensive vulgarity (aimless, unless the aim was in fact to offend) defy description." 3 Others went to the opposite extreme: Ralph Bates in the New York Times called it "a good, a distinguished book,"'4 and Time magazine said that "it was the first event of the year which can be described as 'literary,' " and that it was "pretty certainly the best contempor- ary chronicle, so far, of its place and period." 5 Most reviewers, *Professor of Law, University of Minnesota. -
Ideological Contributions of Celtic Freedom and Individualism to Human Rights
chapter 4 Ideological Contributions of Celtic Freedom and Individualism to Human Rights This chapter emphasizes the importance of the often-overlooked contribu- tions of indigenous European cultures to the development of human rights. Attention is given to the ancient Celtic culture, the ideas of Celtic freedom and individualism, the distinctive role of the Scottish theologian, John Dunn Scotus and the Scottish Arbroath Declaration of Freedom (1320).1 It is from the Scottish Enlightenment and its subsequent influence on the late 18th century revolutions that we see an affirmative declaration of the Rights of Man, which is a precursor to the development of modern human rights. The importance of the Celtic-Irish-Scottish contribution to human rights is that it was the foun- dation for individual liberty and dignity in Western civilization. Indigenous Celtic culture staked an original and critical claim to the ideal of universal hu- man dignity. This is an important insight because it broadens the ideals that promote human rights, including within them those ideals of the indigenous cultures of the world, whose voices are oftentimes forgotten. It strengthens the universality of human rights. i The Intellectual and Philosophical Origins of International Law and Human Rights The intellectual and philosophical origins of human rights rhetoric and law, democracy, freedom and ideas supporting “consent of the governed” are in- tertwined in this composite explanation that attempts to explain all of these themes with the historical themes of Roman natural law, Athenian democracy and later the modern political philosophy of John Locke and his followers. The absence of a medieval connection between the alleged ancient Roman and Greek sources and the modern developments of human rights indicates that this perspective is faulty. -
Constitutional Law Mnemonics
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW MNEMONICS 1) PEG a violation of the Establishment Clause: P – The state statute or activity must have a primarily secular PURPOSE as opposed to the purpose of advancing or inhibiting religion E – The law’s primary or inevitable EFFECT must neither disapprove of nor endorse religion AND G – The law or conduct can’t foster excessive GOVERNMENTAL religious entanglement 2) A content-neutral regulation must be a reasonable SON of the First Amendment: S – The restriction must be justified by a SIGNIFICANT governmental interest O – The regulation must leave OPEN ample alternative channels of communication AND N – The regulation must be NARROWLY tailored to further the government’s goal, but doesn’t have to be least restrictive means of doing so 3) All commercial speech restrictions with STAN are valid: S – Government must have a SUBSTANTIAL INTEREST to restrict the speech T – Advertisements must be TRUTHFUL and concern lawful products and services A – Governmental restrictions must directly and materially ADVANCE the government’s “substantial interest” in enacting the law (and there must be “reasonable fit” between the state’s goal and means used to achieve that goal) N – The regulation must be NARROWLY-DRAWN and must not be more extensive than necessary to achieve the government’s substantial interest 4) The statute’s primary purpose must be a secular (non-religious) purpose, as opposed to a DOE purpose of Disapproving Or Endorsing religion 5) SLAP POP’S PAW is simply obscene, and is not constitutionally protected: SLAP – -
Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World
Boston College Law Review Volume 60 Issue 7 Article 6 10-30-2019 Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World Lauren E. Beausoleil Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Lauren E. Beausoleil, Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World, 60 B.C.L. Rev. 2100 (2019), https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol60/iss7/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREE, HATEFUL, AND POSTED: RETHINKING FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION OF HATE SPEECH IN A SOCIAL MEDIA WORLD Abstract: Speech is meant to be heard, and social media allows for exaggeration of that fact by providing a powerful means of dissemination of speech while also dis- torting one’s perception of the reach and acceptance of that speech. Engagement in online “hate speech” can interact with the unique characteristics of the Internet to influence users’ psychological processing in ways that promote violence and rein- force hateful sentiments. Because hate speech does not squarely fall within any of the categories excluded from First Amendment protection, the United States’ stance on hate speech is unique in that it protects it. -
A Global Alliance for Open Society
INTRODUCTION A Global Alliance for Open Society The goal of the Soros foundations network throughout the world is to transform closed societies into open ones and to protect and expand the values of existing open societies. In pursuit of this mission, the Open Society Institute (OSI) and the foundations established and supported by George Soros seek to strengthen open society principles and practices against authoritarian regimes and the negative consequences of globalization. The Soros network supports efforts in civil society, education, media, public health, and human and women’s rights, as well as social, legal, and economic reform. 6 SOROS FOUNDATIONS NETWORK | 2001 REPORT Our foundations and programs operate in more than national government aid agencies, including the 50 countries in Central and Eastern Europe, the former United States Agency for International Soviet Union, Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Development (USAID), Britain’s Department for the United States. International Development (DFID), the Swedish The Soros foundations network supports the concept International Development Cooperation Agency of open society, which, at its most fundamental level, is (SIDA), the Canadian International Development based on the recognition that people act on imperfect Agency (CIDA), the Dutch MATRA program, the knowledge and that no one is in possession of the ultimate Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation truth. In practice, an open society is characterized by the (SDC), the German Foreign Ministry, and a num- rule of law; respect for human rights, minorities, and ber of Austrian government agencies, including minority opinions; democratically elected governments; a the ministries of education and foreign affairs, market economy in which business and government are that operate bilaterally; separate; and a thriving civil society. -
Age and Sexual Consent
Per Se or Power? Age and Sexual Consent Joseph J. Fischel* ABSTRACT: Legal theorists, liberal philosophers, and feminist scholars have written extensively on questions surrounding consent and sexual consent, with particular attention paid to the sorts of conditions that validate or vitiate consent, and to whether or not consent is an adequate metric to determine ethical and legal conduct. So too, many have written on the historical construction of childhood, and how this concept has influenced contemporary legal culture and more broadly informed civil society and its social divisions. Far less has been written, however, on a potent point of contact between these two fields: age of consent laws governing sexual activity. Partially on account of this under-theorization, such statutes are often taken for granted as reflecting rather than creating distinctions between adults and youth, between consensual competency and incapacity, and between the time for innocence and the time for sex. In this Article, I argue for relatively modest reforms to contemporary age of consent statutes but propose a theoretic reconstruction of the principles that inform them. After briefly historicizing age of consent statutes in the United States (Part I), I assert that the concept of sexual autonomy ought to govern legal regulations concerning age, age difference, and sexual activity (Part II). A commitment to sexual autonomy portends a lowered age of sexual consent, decriminalization of sex between minors, heightened legal supervision focusing on age difference and relations of dependence, more robust standards of consent for sex between minors and between minors and adults, and greater attention to the ways concerns about age, age difference, and sex both reflect and displace more normatively apt questions around gender, gendered power and submission, and queer sexuality (Part III). -
Why Miller V. California╎s Local Community
Liberty University Law Review Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 7 December 2012 The “Virtual” Network: Why Miller v. California’s Local Community Standard Should Remain Unchanged in the Wake of the Ninth Circuit’s Kilbride Decision Tim K. Boone Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/lu_law_review Recommended Citation Boone, Tim K. (2012) "The “Virtual” Network: Why Miller v. California’s Local Community Standard Should Remain Unchanged in the Wake of the Ninth Circuit’s Kilbride Decision," Liberty University Law Review: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/lu_law_review/vol6/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Liberty University School of Law at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Liberty University Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMMENT THE "VIRTUAL" NETWORK: WHY MILLER V. CALIFORNIA'S LOCAL COMMUNITY STANDARD SHOULD REMAIN UNCHANGED IN THE WAKE OF THE NINTH CIRCUIT'S KILBRIDE DECISION Tim K. Boonet I. INTRODUCTION "I know it when I see it."' The famous words of Justice Potter Stewart continue to carry significant meaning in the context of obscenity law. His position on obscenity aptly described many Supreme Court Justices' views on the topic in the 1960s and sums up the problems that obscenity law still encounters today. The Court developed a somewhat vague, but workable, standard in the landmark 1973 case of Miller v. California.' In Miller, the Court developed a three-pronged test to determine whether material was obscene and thus unprotected by the First Amendment.' An important aspect of this test called for juries to determine whether material was obscene using a local community standard-that is, juries considered whether their local community would find particular material obscene. -
US Constitution First Amendment: an Overview
US Constitution first amendment: an overview The First Amendment of the United States Constitution protects the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression from government interference. See U.S. Const. amend. I. Freedom of expression consists of the rights to freedom of speech, press, assembly and to petition the government for a redress of grievances, and the implied rights of association and belief. The Supreme Court interprets the extent of the protection afforded to these rights. The First Amendment has been interpreted by the Court as applying to the entire federal government even though it is only expressly applicable to Congress. Furthermore, the Court has interpreted, the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment as protecting the rights in the First Amendment from interference by state governments. See U.S. Const. amend. XIV. Two clauses in the First Amendment guarantee freedom of religion. The establishment clause prohibits the government from passing legislation to establish an official religion or preferring one religion over another. It enforces the "separation of church and state." Some governmental activity related to religion has been declared constitutional by the Supreme Court. For example, providing bus transportation for parochial school students and the enforcement of "blue laws" is not prohibited. The free exercise clause prohibits the government, in most instances, from interfering with a person's practice of their religion. The most basic component of freedom of expression is the right of freedom of speech. The right to freedom of speech allows individuals to express themselves without interference or constraint by the government. The Supreme Court requires the government to provide substantial justification for the interference with the right of free speech where it attempts to regulate the content of the speech. -
Full Article
467 O'NEIL 2/28/2013 3:54 PM HATE SPEECH, FIGHTING WORDS, AND BEYOND—WHY AMERICAN LAW IS UNIQUE Robert M. O‘Neil* During the waning days of the turbulent presidential campaign of 2012, the issue of free speech was bound to emerge. President Barack Obama chose this moment to declare to the United Nations General Assembly his abiding commitment to the uniquely American value of unfettered expression.1 In a diverse society, he reaffirmed, ―efforts to restrict speech can become a tool to silence critics, or oppress minorities.‖2 The catalyst for this declaration was the appearance of ―a crude and disgusting video‖3 caricaturing the Prophet Muhammad which had triggered violent protests in more than twenty nations, mainly in the Middle East.4 President Obama made clear both his disdain for the video and his unswerving faith in the singularly American insistence on free expression.5 Curiously (or some would say paradoxically) the Obama Administration only weeks earlier had actively supported passage of a resolution in the United Nations Human Rights Council to create an international standard restricting some anti-religious speech; the Egyptian ambassador to the United Nations had lauded this measure by recognizing that ―‗freedom of expression has been sometimes misused‘ to insult religion.‖6 Secretary of State Hilary Clinton had added her view that speech or protest resulting in the destruction of religious sites was not, she noted, ―fair game.‖7 In a recent and expansive analysis of these contrasting events, * University of Virginia and Association of Governing Boards, Albany Law Review Symposium, September, 2012. -
Secrecy in an Open Society Nicholas A
Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2011 Secrecy in an Open Society Nicholas A. Poli Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Poli, Nicholas A., "Secrecy in an Open Society" (2011). Honors Theses. 1045. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/1045 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Secrecy in an Open Society By Nick Poli ********* Submitted in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for Honors in the Departments of Political Science and Philosophy UNION COLLEGE June, 2011 i Abstract POLI, NICK Secrecy in an Open Society. Departments of Political Science and Philosophy, June 2011 Advisors: Tom Lobe and Leo Zaibert This thesis explores the difficult task of finding a balance of secrecy and openness in America. The common notion is that America is an open society; however, with an intelligence community predicated upon secrecy, an imbalance of power between the Executive and Congress, a media which does not always report objective news, and a complacent American public, openness ultimately becomes more difficult to maintain. To find a balance, I propose a hypothetical spectrum of openness in which there is a straight line with two endpoints- one endpoint representing complete secrecy, the other complete openness. I argue that both ends of the spectrum are extreme and undesirable and that America’s goal should be to err on the side of more openness while maintaining responsible secrecy. -
Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Self-Expression, and Kant's Public
Diametros 54 (2017): 118–137 doi: 10.13153/diam.54.2017.1136 FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF SELF-EXPRESSION, AND KANT’S PUBLIC USE OF REASON – Geert Van Eekert – Abstract. This article turns to early modern and Enlightenment advocates of tolerance (Locke, Spi- noza, John Stuart Mill) to discover and lay bare the line of argument that has informed their com- mitment to free speech. This line of argument will subsequently be used to assess the shift from free speech to the contemporary ideal of free self-expression. In order to take this assessment one step further, this article will finally turn to Immanuel Kant’s famous defense of the public use of reason. In the wake of Katerina Deligiorgi’s readings of Kant, it will show that the idea of free speech requires a specific disposition on behalf of speakers and writers that is in danger of being neglected in the contemporary prevailing conception of free speech as freedom of self-expression. Keywords: John Locke, Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, freedom of speech, free- dom of self-expression, public use of reason, Enlightenment. Contemporary debates about free speech or freedom of speech primarily deal with the question how free speech should be (in the sense of both “How free should speech be?” and “How should free speech be?”), and not (or at least not mainly) with the question why speech should be free.1 Admittedly, there seems to be no reason to urge the latter question: it is rather generally agreed upon today (at least in liberal democratic societies) that freedom of speech should be both es- teemed and categorically defended because it is both a fundamental human right and a key pillar of democracy and of the (scientific) quest for knowledge.