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												  Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular UprisingsSpecial Report Series Volume No. 2, April 2018 www.nonviolent-conflict.org Nonviolent Resistance and Prevention of Mass Killings During Popular Uprisings Evan Perkoski and Erica Chenoweth Abstract What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent— has nonviolent resistance historically mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of all maximalist popular uprisings against states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Nonviolent uprisings that are free of foreign interference and that manage to gain military defections tend to be the safest. These findings shed1 light on how both dissidents and their foreign allies can work together to reduce the likelihood of violent confrontations. Summary What drives governments to crack down on and kill their own civilians? And how—and to what extent—has nonviolent resistance mitigated the likelihood of mass killings? This special report explores the factors associated with mass killings: when governments intentionally kill 1,000 or more civilian noncombatants. We find that these events are surprisingly common, occurring in just under half of maximalist popular uprisings against the states, yet they are strongly associated with certain types of resistance. Specifically, we find that: • Nonviolent resistance is generally less threatening to the physical well-being of regime elites, lowering the odds of mass killings. This is true even though these campaigns may take place in repressive contexts, demand that political leaders share power or step aside, and are historically quite successful at toppling brutal regimes.
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												  Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation09-Mollin 12/2/03 3:26 PM Page 113 The Limits of Egalitarianism: Radical Pacifism, Civil Rights, and the Journey of Reconciliation Marian Mollin In April 1947, a group of young men posed for a photograph outside of civil rights attorney Spottswood Robinson’s office in Richmond, Virginia. Dressed in suits and ties, their arms held overcoats and overnight bags while their faces carried an air of eager anticipation. They seemed, from the camera’s perspective, ready to embark on an exciting adventure. Certainly, in a nation still divided by race, this visibly interracial group of black and white men would have caused people to stop and take notice. But it was the less visible motivations behind this trip that most notably set these men apart. All of the group’s key organizers and most of its members came from the emerging radical pacifist movement. Opposed to violence in all forms, many had spent much of World War II behind prison walls as conscientious objectors and resisters to war. Committed to social justice, they saw the struggle for peace and the fight for racial equality as inextricably linked. Ardent egalitarians, they tried to live according to what they called the brotherhood principle of equality and mutual respect. As pacifists and as militant activists, they believed that nonviolent action offered the best hope for achieving fundamental social change. Now, in the wake of the Second World War, these men were prepared to embark on a new political jour- ney and to become, as they inscribed in the scrapbook that chronicled their traveling adventures, “courageous” makers of history.1 Radical History Review Issue 88 (winter 2004): 113–38 Copyright 2004 by MARHO: The Radical Historians’ Organization, Inc.
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												  15 Lc 108 0380 Hr15 LC 108 0380 House Resolution 957 By: Representatives Smyre of the 135th, Mosby of the 83rd, and Williams of the 168th A RESOLUTION 1 Honoring the life and memory of Marion Barry; and for other purposes. 2 WHEREAS, the State of Georgia mourns the loss of a great Civil Rights leader and public 3 servant with the passing of Marion Barry; and 4 WHEREAS, Marion Barry was born on March 6, 1936, in Itta Bena, Mississippi; and 5 WHEREAS, he earned a degree in chemistry from LeMoyne College in 1958, and while 6 earning his graduate degree in chemistry at Fisk University he organized a campus chapter 7 of the NAACP; and 8 WHEREAS, he was one of the student leaders who met with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., in 9 1960 to establish the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and he was elected that 10 organization's first national chairman; and 11 WHEREAS, Marion Barry was elected mayor of Washington, D.C., in 1978, 1982, 1986, 12 and 1994, and during his tenure, he transformed that city from a jurisdiction run by the 13 federal government into a self-governing city and a mecca for African American politicians, 14 government administrators, businessmen, and intellectuals; and 15 WHEREAS, he was a dynamic leader, a wonderful friend, and a strategic master who strove 16 to serve the citizens of the District of Columbia to the best of his ability; and 17 WHEREAS, a compassionate and generous man, Marion Barry will long be remembered for 18 his love of the District of Columbia, and this loyal public servant and friend will be missed 19 by all who had the great fortune of knowing him.
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												  Learning from History the Nashville Sit-In Campaign with Joanne SheehanBuilding a Culture of Peace Forum Learning From History The Nashville Sit-In Campaign with Joanne Sheehan Thursday, January 12, 2017 photo: James Garvin Ellis 7 to 9 pm (please arrive by 6:45 pm) Unitarian Universalist Church Free and 274 Pleasant Street, Concord NH 03301 Open to the Public Starting in September, 1959, the Rev. James Lawson began a series of workshops for African American college students and a few allies in Nashville to explore how Gandhian nonviolence could be applied to the struggle against racial segregation. Six months later, when other students in Greensboro, NC began a lunch counter sit-in, the Nashville group was ready. The sit- As the long-time New in movement launched the England Coordinator for Student Nonviolent Coordinating the War Resisters League, and as former Chair of War James Lawson Committee, which then played Photo: Joon Powell Resisters International, crucial roles in campaigns such Joanne Sheehan has decades as the Freedom Rides and Mississippi Freedom Summer. of experience in nonviolence training and education. Among those who attended Lawson nonviolence trainings She is co-author of WRI’s were students who would become significant leaders in the “Handbook for Nonviolent Civil Rights Movement, including Marion Barry, James Bevel, Campaigns.” Bernard Lafayette, John Lewis, Diane Nash, and C. T. Vivian. For more information please Fifty-six years later, Joanne Sheehan uses the Nashville contact LR Berger, 603 496 1056 Campaign to help people learn how to develop and participate in strategic nonviolent campaigns which are more The Building a Culture of Peace Forum is sponsored by Pace e than protests, and which call for different roles and diverse Bene/Campaign Nonviolence, contributions.
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												  What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective During the Civil Rights Movement?NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 5011th Grade Civil Rights Inquiry What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective during the Civil Rights Movement? © Bettmann / © Corbis/AP Images. Supporting Questions 1. What was tHe impact of the Greensboro sit-in protest? 2. What made tHe Montgomery Bus Boycott, BirmingHam campaign, and Selma to Montgomery marcHes effective? 3. How did others use nonviolence effectively during the civil rights movement? THIS WORK IS LICENSED UNDER A CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION- NONCOMMERCIAL- SHAREALIKE 4.0 INTERNATIONAL LICENSE. 1 NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 11th Grade Civil Rights Inquiry What Made Nonviolent Protest Effective during the Civil Rights Movement? 11.10 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE/DOMESTIC ISSUES (1945 – PRESENT): Racial, gender, and New York State socioeconomic inequalities were addressed By individuals, groups, and organizations. Varying political Social Studies philosophies prompted debates over the role of federal government in regulating the economy and providing Framework Key a social safety net. Idea & Practices Gathering, Using, and Interpreting Evidence Chronological Reasoning and Causation Staging the Discuss tHe recent die-in protests and tHe extent to wHicH tHey are an effective form of nonviolent direct- Question action protest. Supporting Question 1 Supporting Question 2 Supporting Question 3 Guided Student Research Independent Student Research What was tHe impact of tHe What made tHe Montgomery Bus How did otHers use nonviolence GreensBoro sit-in protest? boycott, the Birmingham campaign, effectively during tHe civil rights and tHe Selma to Montgomery movement? marcHes effective? Formative Formative Formative Performance Task Performance Task Performance Task Create a cause-and-effect diagram tHat Detail tHe impacts of a range of actors Research the impact of a range of demonstrates the impact of the sit-in and tHe actions tHey took to make tHe actors and tHe effective nonviolent protest by the Greensboro Four.
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												  Viewer's GuideSELMA T H E BRIDGE T O T H E BALLOT TEACHING TOLERANCE A PROJECT OF THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER VIEWER’S GUIDE GRADES 6-12 Selma: The Bridge to the Ballot is the story of a courageous group of Alabama students and teachers who, along with other activists, fought a nonviolent battle to win voting rights for African Americans in the South. Standing in their way: a century of Jim Crow, a resistant and segregationist state, and a federal govern- ment slow to fully embrace equality. By organizing and marching bravely in the face of intimidation, violence, arrest and even murder, these change-makers achieved one of the most significant victories of the civil rights era. The 40-minute film is recommended for students in grades 6 to 12. The Viewer’s Guide supports classroom viewing of Selma with background information, discussion questions and lessons. In Do Something!, a culminating activity, students are encouraged to get involved locally to promote voting and voter registration. For more information and updates, visit tolerance.org/selma-bridge-to-ballot. Send feedback and ideas to [email protected]. Contents How to Use This Guide 4 Part One About the Film and the Selma-to-Montgomery March 6 Part Two Preparing to Teach with Selma: The Bridge to the Ballot 16 Part Three Before Viewing 18 Part Four During Viewing 22 Part Five After Viewing 32 Part Six Do Something! 37 Part Seven Additional Resources 41 Part Eight Answer Keys 45 Acknowledgements 57 teaching tolerance tolerance.org How to Use This Guide Selma: The Bridge to the Ballot is a versatile film that can be used in a variety of courses to spark conversations about civil rights, activism, the proper use of government power and the role of the citizen.
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												  The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’S Fight for Civil RightsDISCUSSION GUIDE The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights PBS.ORG/indePendenTLens/POWERBROKER Table of Contents 1 Using this Guide 2 From the Filmmaker 3 The Film 4 Background Information 5 Biographical Information on Whitney Young 6 The Leaders and Their Organizations 8 From Nonviolence to Black Power 9 How Far Have We Come? 10 Topics and Issues Relevant to The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights 10 Thinking More Deeply 11 Suggestions for Action 12 Resources 13 Credits national center for MEDIA ENGAGEMENT Using this Guide Community Cinema is a rare public forum: a space for people to gather who are connected by a love of stories, and a belief in their power to change the world. This discussion guide is designed as a tool to facilitate dialogue, and deepen understanding of the complex issues in the film The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights. It is also an invitation to not only sit back and enjoy the show — but to step up and take action. This guide is not meant to be a comprehensive primer on a given topic. Rather, it provides important context, and raises thought provoking questions to encourage viewers to think more deeply. We provide suggestions for areas to explore in panel discussions, in the classroom, in communities, and online. We also provide valuable resources, and connections to organizations on the ground that are fighting to make a difference. For information about the program, visit www.communitycinema.org DISCUSSION GUIDE // THE POWERBROKER 1 From the Filmmaker I wanted to make The Powerbroker: Whitney Young’s Fight for Civil Rights because I felt my uncle, Whitney Young, was an important figure in American history, whose ideas were relevant to his generation, but whose pivotal role was largely misunderstood and forgotten.
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												  Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest.
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												  Prophet of Pacifism by Nilesh NathwaniProphet of Pacifism. By Nilesh Nathwani Revolutionary thinkers believe in incessant revolution. They see constant change as a way of life. Initially, Mahatma Gandhi was concerned about creating an environment hospitable to change within a relatively stable political system of colonialism. He wanted a political system in which healthy unrest would work for continuous renewal. Freedom would be continually enlarged and extended, resulting in the upward evolution of a society towards a higher and different power as he described it. This process would start when a political system is created, where people respect minorities. The sense of freedom would then become a national and individual pride. Freedom is gained by vigilance and struggle; it can, however, be lost if society remains indifferent and supine. One has to fight for freedom with the right weapons, though not with guns. The sense of freedom should be from within and not brought about by an outer force. However controversial it sounds, Gandhiji demonstrated this principle in his lifetime. He went behind bars to gain that freedom. He preferred to be behind walls than to suppress his struggle for freedom. When jailed for refusing to pay the salt tax at the end of the Dandi March, he observed that even behind walls of stone and mortar he was freer than those who had jailed him. Gandhiji practised the struggle with his soul spirit and gave the world the principle of Satyagraha. The Encyclopaedia Britannica describes Satyagraha as truth force. I would call it soul force. It is a principle that encourages you not to submit to wrong or to co-operate with it in any way.
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												  Rev. James M. Lawson, JrRev. James M. Lawson, Jr. “Labor, Racism, and Justice in the 21st Century” The 2015 Jerry Wurf Memorial Lecture The Labor and Worklife Program Harvard Law School JERRY WURF MEMORIAL FUND (1982) Harvard Trade Union Program, Harvard Law School The Jerry Wurf Memorial Fund was established in memory of Jerry Wurf, the late President of the American Federation of State, County and Munic- ipal Employees (AFSCME). Its income is used to initiate programs and activities that “reflect Jerry Wurf’s belief in the dignity of work, and his commitment to improving the quality of lives of working people, to free open thought and debate about public policy issues, to informed political action…and to reflect his interests in the quality of management in public service, especially as it assures the ability of workers to do their jobs with maximum effect and efficiency in environments sensitive to their needs and activities.” Jerry Wurf Memorial Lecture February 19, 2015 Rev. James M. Lawson, Jr. “Labor, Racism, and Justice in the 21st Century” Table of Contents Introduction Naomi Walker, 4 Assistant to the President of AFSCME Keynote Address Rev. James M. Lawson, Jr. 7 “Labor, Racism, and Justice in the 21st Century” Questions and Answers 29 Naomi Walker, Assistant to the President of AFSCME Hi, good afternoon. Who’s ready for spring? I am glad to see all of you here today. The Jerry Wurf Memorial Fund, which is sponsoring this forum today, was established in honor of Jerry Wurf, who was one of AFSCME’s presidents from 1964 till 1981. These were really incredibly formative years for our union and also nationally for this nation.
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												  Self-Actualization: Transcendentalist Discourse in the Work of Stuart Saunders SmithSELF-ACTUALIZATION: TRANSCENDENTALIST DISCOURSE IN THE WORK OF STUART SAUNDERS SMITH José Augusto Duarte Lacerda A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS December 2015 Committee: Roger Schupp, Advisor Timothy Messer-Kruse Graduate Faculty Representative Marilyn Shrude Robert Wallace Thomas Rosenkranz © 2015 José Augusto Duarte Lacerda All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Roger Schupp, Advisor Born and raised in Maine, composer Stuart Saunders Smith (1948) grew up immersed in a milieu that still echoed the influence of the nineteenth-century literary movement known as Transcendentalism. The work of key Transcendentalist figures, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, show the movement’s emphasis on autonomy, intuition, pacifism, and social justice. But Transcendentalism also maintains a spiritual focus: a claim that each person is part of a single universal spirit—“Oneness.” However, this “Oneness” does not equate to homogeneity of ideas and individual voices. Rather, each person’s divine worth grants them autonomy of thought and agency. Both the social and spiritual ideas of Transcendentalism have informed Smith’s music, his writings on music compositional process, and his personal life. Amongst the Transcendentalist notions displayed in Smith’s music, pacifism and anti- technologism appear in his use of intricate rhythms. A Thoreauvian anti-materialism can be found in Smith’s limited use of instrumentation and in his concept of “percussion ecology.” Moreover, the Transcendentalist non-teleological stance is reflected in Smith’s tendency to write evening-length pieces that disregard form, his recurring references to New England imagery, and his use of non-sequiturs.
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												  The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi's Critique of Violence for Gandhi, PoliticalCHAPTER ONE The Futility of Violence I. Gandhi’s Critique of Violence For Gandhi, political life was, in a profound and fundamental sense, closely bound to the problem of violence. At the same time, his understanding and critique of violence was multiform and layered; violence’s sources and consequences were at once ontological, moral and ethical, as well as distinctly political. Gandhi held a metaphysical account of the world – one broadly drawn from Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist philosophy – that accepted himsa or violence to be an ever-present and unavoidable fact of human existence. The world, he noted, was “bound in a chain of destruction;” the basic mechanisms for the reproduction of biological and social life necessarily involved continuous injury to living matter. But modern civilization – its economic and political institutions as well as the habits it promoted and legitimated – posed the problem of violence in new and insistent terms. Gandhi famously declared the modern state to represent “violence in a concentrated and organized form;” it was a “soulless machine” that – like industrial capitalism – was premised upon and generated coercive forms of centralization and hierarchy.1 These institutions enforced obedience through the threat of violence, they forced people to labor unequally, they oriented desires towards competitive material pursuits. In his view, civilization was rendering persons increasingly weak, passive, and servile; in impinging upon moral personality, modern life degraded and deformed it. This was the structural violence of modernity, a violence that threatened bodily integrity but also human dignity, individuality, and autonomy. In this respect, Gandhi’s deepest ethical objection to violence was closely tied to a worldview that took violence to inhere in modern modes of politics and modern ways of living.