Zimbabwe News, Vol. 10, No. 2

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Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News, Vol. 10, No. 2

Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Maputo, Mozambique) Date 1978-03-00 - 1978-04-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region), United Kingdom, United States Coverage (temporal) 1978 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.9-10 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorials: The Sinoia Tradition. Why Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau must die. The Party: The state of the party. ZANU needs your help. Comrade Manyika: Manpower and planning for permanent revolution. Comrade Chikaka: ZANU in Lesotho. Political re-education in ZANU: Interview with former Rhodesian policeman. National Affairs: Comrade President Mugabe on Chitepo Day: "Chairman Chi tepo taught us to take up the arms and fight." Comrade President Mugabe: "Sinoia was dour, gruelling and bloody." Comrade Vice-President Simon M'zenda: "Sinoia says to us: We will never surrender." Comrade Secretary-General Edgar Tekere: "Sinoia is the ultimate in sacrifice." Comrade Chairman Mao Tsetung: On the current Anglo-American proposals for a Rhodesian settlement. The War: Consolidation, containment, aggressive initiative and expansion: War Communique No. 16. Comrade Josiah Tungamirai: Towards Conventional War. The mood in ZANLA. Teaching Smith, Sithole and Muzorewa forces a lesson: Comrade Anderson Mhuru on the Battle of Luangwa. Dr. David Owen on the War in Zimbabwe: House of Commons debate. Diplomatic Struggle: Communique

http://www.aluka.org issued by the Dar-es-Salaam Frontline Heads of Stales Conference. Encounter at Kilimanjaro: The Malta II Conference. Patriotic Front Communique. The Anglo-American joint press statement. The puppets' letter to their masters. Patriotic front statement at the preparatory meeting of the International Solidarity Conference. National Enemies: Puppet show in Salisbury. Profile of a traitor: Ndabaningi Sithole. Pieter van der Byl exposes black puppet colleagues. The regime's strategy for perpetuating colonialism in Zimbabwe: government secret papers. Ideological and Revolutionary Education in ZANU Political Commissariat Lectures: Colonialism. Racism. Division of our Nation. War of atrocities. Education as an instrument for social transformation in Zimbabwe. Format extent 68 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org ZIMBABWE NEWS

ZIMBABWE NEWS (Off icial Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union - ZANU - component of I the Patriotic Front) Vol. 10 No. 2 March - April 1978 a.~L. liZ jN~ I '-I .<.w~ -~ - '4 A-' LET US FIGHT AND REBUILD ZIMBABWE T

ZANU FOREIGN MISSIONS NIOZAMI HOt E Hleadquarters /.mbabwNv Alrican Natioinal Union C. P. 743 Maputo People's Republic tt Motambiqcuc EAST AFRICA The ( hicf Reprcsentiti\, Zimbibwc African National Union P.O. Box 2 It7 o2 Dar c., Salaam United Republic ,I Tanzania /ANIBIA The Chict Rcprcxcntati\e /irnhab..c African National Uniwi, I.0. Box 23 31 Luxatka Re.public f Zaintia NORTH AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST The Chief Rcprexeniattie Zimbabwc African National Lniiin 3 Ahmed Hixhmil Street /amalek Cair, Aritb Rc1;cblic of E,.pI t Br i S\\ ANA The Chiet Rcprexentatie P.O. Bo\ N13 Firancitmn Bot,\\ jnal \EST \FRI(-A The Reprecniatie Zinhabwe .\lrican Nati ial 'nin 4 Bilcv\a Hall L niverxit\ Hall Unikersit, of lbadai Nigeria UNITED KINGDOM The Acting Rcprccntit\c Zinibab.c African National Union N Grange Rd. \Vest Mites Surre United Kingdom CANADA The Chief Repreentaive Zimbihn,,e \lrican NationA U'nion P.O. Bo\ 415' (,ic dc, Ncigcx Station Montreal H3S 2S7 C. ndLi Al STRALIA AND FAR EAST The Rcprcxentatie Zimbbiih\c \tritin National Uniiin 51 Itcddi.n ANenuc 0,l% tin Nctiiirii A,tralia SCANDINAVI'A The Chict Riprcxnt;iti\c Zimbahxe African Nail, nal Union Tulcgatan 4i) P.O. B, x t t5 53 it 432 Stockholn S;n e'den L:NITI D STA I FS i)F A.MFRICA The (Chiel Rcprcxcntiti\'e /imbahb\ib African Natiomi Union ' I I East 43rd sirccl 9012 Ne". 'York. N ). 100t17 United ,ats,. of A\mcricai ROMA ANIA Th. Reprcentati.c Zinhahc :\trictin Naliiinil U nioin Sect hrtil Fhiircxc Sti. A\. Proloplpescu Nr. It Apartmntl 24 3 tIcLi reti Roiania .ltHiY \ The Rcprcscntati'c Zimb ch\ t African National I ni,in Bix 44 91 Tripidi Lih\'a .\rath taniahiri\a Contents 1. Editorials 2. The Part', 3 National AfIairs 4. The \Vat 5. Diplomatic Struggle 6. Natitnal I-nemics 7. Idcioilietical and Rex itlutitnar\ IEducation in /.ANL Iolitical I"onilmisxriit I, ctures ZIMBABWE NEWS Vol. 10 No. 2 March-April 1978 I .... The Sinoia Tradition I . Wh Sitholc. Muzore\\a and Chirat must dic 2 .... The stale (it the part% SZANt.1 needs your help 5 Comrade Manyika: Manpower and planning for permanent rex olutiin 5 .... Comrade Chikaka: ZANU in Lesotho b .... Political re-education in ZAN: Ititcr\ic\ \%ith forncr Rhodesian policeman 1) .... Comrade President Mugabe on Chitcpo Day: ('hairman Chitcptittught utotake upthc armxand fight" Il ... Ciriradc President Nlugabc: "'Sinoia xxas dour, gruelling and blood'" 15 .... Cimradc Vice-Prcsidcnt Sinon M'/enda: "Sinoia sa', to us: We \ill nex er surrender" Is .... Comrade Secrctary-Generil Edgar Tekcre: _'S1101 a is the ultimate in sacritice 1lt .... Comrade Chairman Mai Tsetung: On the current Anglo-Amcrican prop,,,,als Im a RhidCSian ,,ettlement 24 .... Consoilidation, containment. aggrcxsi\c inititix C and cxpansion: War COmuniqut No. Ith 32 COmrade .h0iiah 1 ungamirai: Towards C(on. ntional War 34 .... The mood in ZANLA 36 . Teaching Smith. Sithole and Mluzorc\ a torcex a lesxon: Comrade Andcrxin Mhuru on the Battle il Luang\\a .... Dr. David )wen un the War in Zimbahuc: House uIt Common, debate 3S . ... (rmunique3 issued b\ the Dar-cs-Salaam Frontlinc Head-; of Statex ('tnfercncc 3i L) EIounter at Kilimanjaro: The Malta 11 Conference 41 .... Patriotic Iritnt Communiq ti 41 .... -l'he .\ngli-.NXnicrican joint press statement 42 .... The puppetx tetter to their riasters 43 .... Patriotic I runt statement at the preparator mecting t the International Solidarit Cineerence 45 .... Puppet slhowx in Salixbur\ 47 ... rotile iii t traitor: Ndtbianingi Sithole 45 .... Picier \.in dcr B\I c\pocs black puppet colleaguCs 4ii .... The rcg time' str:teg h ir peipetuating colnialtim in Zinlhilbc: (o\crnmrnct secret papers 5 ..toho ialismn .... Racism 5.... Di\ ixin of our Nation 5t X ... War it atiocities .... Edulcation i an in trunlcillt for social transformiation in zill-thabiwk ZIMBABWE NEWS is tie OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATION A I. I 'NI N ZAN I'), comlonct of the Patriotic Front, and ix produced on the authriti of the Ccntral Cmniit cc hv the Department of Information and Publicity. ZANI. Headquartrs. C aixa P. Ixtal 743 NIaputo. Peoples Republic of Mvambitluc. I 1978 - World ('ipxright. (cntral Commitcc. ZANt VOICE OF ZIMBABWE VOICE OF ZIMBABWE is a special programme presented b\ the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) from Maputo on behalf of the Patriotic Front and the Zimbabwe People's Army. The broadcast is aired everv night starting at 8 o'clock on 25. 31, 41, 49, 60 and 90 metres on short wave and 407 metres on medium wave. Listen to your programme - VOICE OF ZIMBABWE.

Editorial Zimbabwe News Vol. 10 No. 2 The Sinoia Tradition Andrew Young, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, has universally become notorious for saying things other more practised diplomats have long learned to shun. Recently, he was at it again. Confiding to a friend, he said, "the trouble with Robert Mugabe is that he is thoroughly and completely incorruptible". Now, that is a very naughty thing to say indeed. Ambassador Young will, sooner or later, have to learn that in imperialist societies certain truths, like children, are to be seen but never heard. His black free spirit must, with deliberate speed, be tamed so it can, in turn, tame his tongue. That is the sterner stuff of which statesmen are made! The Robert Mugabe about whom he speaks is, fortunately, not a world statesman. He has not those ambitions. The Zimbabwe he seeks to liberate is only 151,000 square miles and has 7 million people. Although by African Standards Zimbabwe is fairly well-off in natural resources, 88 years of capitalist subjugation has left its population divided along racial lines, poor, uneducated, angry and frustrated. Only the poor, oppressed, dispossessed, colonized and exploited know that these man-created afflictions are most undiplomatic indeed. The true leader, in these circumstances, must tell it like it is. The truth may not be sterner stuff of which statesmen are made, but it is the bed-rock upon which all subjugated and poor peoples can stand, solidly on their two feet, and cry-out to the world, "I am ... I am... So, I will be." The truth may, by itself, unaccompanied by armed hostility, not free a colony, but it is the armour which a plundered, colonized and oppressed people need to wear as they march forward, gun and bazooka in hand, to smash their historical enemy: Imperialism. Zimbabweans have no apologies to make for comrade President Robert Mugabe's unashamed proclamation that ZANU is inspired by Marxist-Leninist-Mao-Tsetung Thought. We are aware that this statement has given tummy-aches to Rhodesian racist settlers, sent imperialists (capital and social) helter-skelter into caucusses in their smoke-filled rooms, exited friends and supporters; frightened the Zimbabwean black petit- bourgeois clique; and inspired the more progressive forces of the world. That is always the impact of truth. We welcome it. Why has ZANU suddenly become controversial? The answer is: ZANU has over the long years of adversity, developed and distilled a line, an ideological weapon that is impregnable. That is why ZANU says, in the Words of the Report of the Political Committee of the Communist Party of China to the 1Oth Congress: "What ever the differences in the political conditions of the third world countries, they cannot change the fundamental contradiction between imperialism and hegemonism on the one hand and the countries and the people of the third world on the other. Nor can these differences change the irresistable historical trend that countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution." Here, and on this, ZANU stands. Let history judge us with compassion. For although Premier Chou En-lai has articulated it more precisely than anyone else, he did not invent it. It is a universal, natural trend. In Zimbabwe history, our country has always wanted independence. The Munhumutapas and the Rozvis waged bitter armed struggles throughout the 17th and 18th centuries in resistance to Portuguese aggressions from the east coast. The Zimbabwean nation has always sought and cherished independence. The 1893 uprising in western Zimbabwe, the 1896 - 97 revolution throughout Zimbabwe, both against the British colonizers, are matters of public record. The Zimbabwean people have always wanted revolution - not reform, not the removal of racial discrimination, not inspiring anyone's confidence to remain in the country on preferred terms. That is why the Sinoia Seven fell. That is why we have been at armed struggle for 12 years and are sworn to so remain for as long as it takes to win. The Sinoia tradition lives on. They were seven, we are now an entire armed population. It is in accordance with the "irresistable trend that countries want independence (not, it should be emphasized, mere majority rule, with a mere flag and a mere national anthemn), nations want liberation (i.e. total overthrow of the imperialist yoke, and not, as Sithole-Muzorewa-Chirau propose, a mere collaboration and co-existence with the colonizers) and thepeople want revolution (not cosmetic white-washing of the imperialist sepulchres, but the total overthrow of the imperialist system)." Corrupt leadership is leadership on sale. It compromises the country's independence, settles for less than true national liberation and seeks for the people only evolution. You can tell a corrupt leader by the friends he keeps. The Sinoia Tradition which Comrade Robert Mugabe symbolizes, stands for total and permanent struggle. It calls for honesty, for dedication, for resolution. It permits no compromise of principle. It spurns co-existence with Imperialism or with its puppets. It has no room for cowards. It keeps no company with opportunists. It accepts death when it comes rather than abandon or impede the march of history. Long live the Battle of Sinoia! Pamberi ne Chimurenga! Why Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau must die Before these three stooges signed the "Bill of Sale" that is the so-called "internal settlement", we of ZANU and ZAPU, which together comprise the Patrotic Front did all we could to warn them of the dangers of their doing so. We reminded Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau that Ian Smith and his racist settler clique are tricksters who could not be trusted to concede easily genuine independence. We reminded them that what had made the settlers to shout "majority rule", "one man one vote" was not on account of a change of heart. It was pain. It had taken bazookas, sub-machine guns, landmines etc. to bring them into the 20th Century. But they still needed more pounding before they could fully repent. Many more of them would have to die before they could shout, with feeling "Zimbabwe now", "No racial representation in parliament now", "No Zimbabwe News 1 racial privilege and discrimination now", "All land to the tillers", "Socialism now"! You have to hit a racist settler in the groin and skull hard; very hard; very, very hard before you can get him to scream those words. That is what we proposed; that is what we have been doing and that is what we will continue to do till final victory. But Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau, smelling the 22,000 Dollars annual salaries to be had, would not listen. They quickly signed the "Articles of Auction" - selling the seven million Zimbabweans to settler agents of imperialism and multi-national corporations. From the moment their greedy hands signed the "Judas Contract", they became antagonistic enemies of the People of Zimbabwe. Their signatures ratified each and every past, present and future crime of the white-minority regime. They ratified every racist, fascist and unjust law on the regime's Statute Book. The implications of their joining the Smith regime are horrendous. The crimes Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau committed by signing the treacherous covenant are so dastardly, they cry to heaven for revenge. Whether at Shona/Ndebele law, Roman Dutch Law or English law, these criminals will hang as many times as Smith, DuPont, Van der Byl, Wrathal and their other desperadoes will, which is to say innumerable times over. By joining this minority alien regime - even for one second even with the best of intentions - they ratified the seizure of our country by British agents on September 12, 1890. This is High Treason however defined! By their act they at least approved of the killings of our people during the uprisings of 1893 and 1896-97. They endorsed the British South Africa Company attrocities and massacres between 1890 and 1923, conceded the legitimacy of the 1923 Constitution, supported the robbery of our Peoples lands under the Land Apportionment Act 1930 as amended and later incorporated into The Land Tenure Act 1969. They became party to all dispossessive, suppressive, oppressive and unjust law enacted since 1890 up to the moment they signed the wretched document. In particular, they endorsed Smith's U.D.I. and assumed responsibility for all political executions since U.D.I. They hanged Mlambo, Dhlamini, Bhebhe and hundreds of others without just cause. They murdered Mashawira, fought against the people at Sinoia, Wankie and the North East; placed over a million of Zimbabwean people in so-called Protected Villages or "Keeps"; massacred Zimbabweans at Nyadzonya, Chimoio, Tembue and in several other areas. Had Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau not joined the illegal regime, Smith would not have continued the war. They have allcowed him to claim that he has 'broadened' his regime when in substance and truth he has not. He now sends them to the U.S., U.K., South Africa and elsewhere - as messengers, in defence of the criminal minority rule. Smith and his allies will now use them as shields, spears and bullets against their own people. They have not realized that the regime will continue to mount aggressions against Mozambique and Zambia. Ignorant or not, every Zambian or Mozambiquean or Zimbabwean, who gets killed by the Smith troops will be their direct responsibility. This is why we firmly hold to the view that Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau will have to die. We have the duty to protect Zimbabweans and to safeguard their future. No one Zimbabwean should be allowed - be he cleric or chief or humble citizen - to pray upon his people in this way. The wages of sin are well known. The peoples' hand is long; their memories are wrought in blood and their punishment is certain. So it is written, so let it be done. The Party The State of the Party The internal health of the party is excellent. Let us make sure that it remains . so forever. A revolutionary, liberation : movement such as ZANU poses a clear ' and present danger to all kinds of capi- -,; talist and imperialist vermin. Capitalist ' exploiters will constantly seek to spread disease in the party's body politic. They will stop at nothing to undermine the health of the revolution. They will sometimes try to use tribalist bacteria. At other times, they will market individual power-hunger germs; left-wing adventurist capsules, bureaucratization poisoned sweets etc. Let us exercise extreme vigilance during this crucial phase of the armed struggle. A revolutionary liberation movement is a living organism. Its health, just as the health of its individual members is a function of hygiene, food and exercise. "The war has welded Health is a collective enterprise. Com- class, which comprise rade President Mugabe has fumigated, sons and daughters oj sanitized and sterilized the revolution- other words, the ward ary environment of the party. Reaction- the context of a demo ary mosquitos, tribalist flies, the ene- formation we envisag ZANU Affairs together the peasantry who constitute nearly 6 million people; the worker s over 600,000 people; the intellectuals, the students - themselves mainly the peasantry and the proletariat - and the African petty-bourgeoisie. In has become a People's war for the attainment of national independence in cratic State, which offers the necessarypreconditionsforthesocialtrans'e." Comrade Mugabe 2 Zimbabwe News The Party my's collaborationist bacteria, powerhungry roaches and all kinds of disease carrying political vermin have been eliminated. But, make no mistake, some have a capacity to survive in exile for a long time to await new opportunities. The capitalists continue to incubate counter-revolutionary, disease-carrying germs in their laboratories in London, Washington, Bonn and Paris. Let us make sure they eat them themselves. It is now up to each and every Party Department to intensify efforts to ensure sounder health within the Party. The Chief physician is the Chief political Commissariat. Their function is preventive medicine. By intensifying ideological education throughout the party, they make political re-education unnecessary. The Health Department cures the physically ill and injured. The two departments complement one another. The Administration, under the Secretary General must tighten the screws so the wheels of the party remain firm. They are the engine, ensuring that the whole machine moves. The Defence Department is the People's mailed fist. It is central during this National Democratic phase of our revolution. They should ensure that the punches on the enemy are more accurate, more devastating, more deadly. To achieve this, the bodies must be fed, the minds of the comrades constantly nourished ideologically and the habits of all more disciplined. Every department - Finance, Education, Transport, Publicity, Production, Security, Women's League etc., must intensify their programmes. The next many months are crucial indeed. In these columns, below, we publish segments from the Finance Department and from Manpower and Planning. Comrade Kadungure, Secretary for Finance, has made an appeal which is important indeed. Let all our members and supporters respond to it. Similarly, we hope every member and supporter will assist all other party departments to become more and more effective. humanitarian help, as this is an international duty to all progressive forces the world over. Food In December we used Dollars 9,750,000.00 which is equivalent to US-Dollars 301,391.03 for the purchase of food for two (2) months. Now with 70,000 people the money is much more. The daily ration of food per person is: Individual daily Commodity Ration (in grammes) maize meal (possibly white) ...... 400 pulses ...... 30 dried skimmed milk ...... 20 vegetable oil ...... 30 fish/meat (canned/uncanned) ...... 30 510 ZANU needs your help In the Zimbabwe News Vol. 9 Nos. 5 and 6 of July - December 1977 in the appeal made by our President Comrade Robert Mugabe to all progressive mankind, he gave a detailed analysis of the situation that was prevailing among the Zimbabwean people in Mozambique up to December 1977. The situation, in terms of lack of food and material, has not changed, exept that we have now got more camps and other small ccntres here in Mozambique than we had at December 1977. Due to the daily influx of our people from Zimbabwe to Mozambique, because of the brutalities, murders, and arrests that are meted to them by the terrorist Rhodesian army, police force and government, we now have more than 70,000 people in Mozambique, and the burden of feeding, clothing, educating and curing them, which falls monthly on the Party, is becoming more and more difficult due to insufficient funds. As President Mugabe said, that we very much want to increase the production of food for our people and thus improve on our self- reliance projects of production and small scale industries such as building, carpentry, motor-mechanics, water purification and tele-communications, what hampers us most is the lack of materials and funds. I would like to take this opportunity to convey our sincere gratitude and deep appreciation to all our progressive friends, organisations and all friendly governments for all the help they have so far given to us in response to our appeal, both materially and financially. It is through their revolutionary and humanitarian efforts that we are where we are now, and we urge them to continue helping us until we are free, so that we can also join them in helping others who will be needing revolutionary as well as A guerrilla army, unlike its imperialist counterpart, moves on its feet. Zimbabwe News 3 The Party (a) Malze meal: One person eats 400 grins. per day In I year he eats 400 x 365 : 1,000 kgs. 70,000 people in I year eat 164 x 70,000 Cost of 1 kg of maize meal Cost of 10,220,000 kgs. - 10,220,000 x 6.50 (b) Pubes: One person eats 30 grins. per day In I year he eats 30 x 365 : 1,000 kgs. 70,000 people in I year eat 10.95 x 70,000 Cost of 1 kg. pulse Cost of 766,500 kgs. - 766,500 x 30.00 (c) Dried skimmed milk: One person drinks 20 grms. per day In 1 year he takes 20 x 365 : 1,000 kgs. 70,000 people in 1 year take 7.3 x 70,000 Cost of I kg. of milk Cost of 510,000 kgs. - 510,000 x 32.35 (d) Vegetable oil: One person eats 30 grins. per day In I year he eats 30 x 365 : 1,000 kgs. 70,000 people in I year eat 10.95 x 70,000 Cost of I kg. of vegetable oil Cost of 766,500 kgs. - 766,500 1.20 (e) Meat / Fish: One person eats 30 grins. of meat per day In I year he eats 30 x 365 : 1,000 kgs. 70,000 people in I year eat 10.95 x 70,000 Cost of I kg. meat/fish Cost of 766,500 kgs. - 766,500 x 78.00 146 kgs. 10,220,000 kgs. 6.505 66,430,000.00 S or 2,013,030.30 S US 10.95 kgs. 766,500 kgs. 30.005 22,995,000.00 S or 696,818.18 S US 7.3 kgs. 510,000 kgs. 32.35 S 16,498,500.00 S or 499,954.54 S US 10.95 kgs. 766,500 kgs. 1.20 S 919,800.00 S or 27,872.72 S US 10.95 kgs. 766,500 kgs. 78.00S 59,787,000.00 S or 1,811,727.20 S US The body that wields the gun must be fed - if you support ZANLA's war - help to feed it. Self-reliance is the cornerstone of our revolution. However, the hazards of war are ever present. As you can see from the above calculations, we need 166,630,000.00 Escudos or 5,049,402.80 US-Dollars to purchase maize meal, pulses, skimmed milk, vegetable oil and fish/meat to feed 70,000 people in our camps for one year. Over and above this, we also require sugar and salt. All these food stuffs can be obtained locally and it is cheaper to buy the food locally than to have it shipped from other countries that are far away, because that would entail paying for the shipping charges. So if we could have all our progressive friends to send us some funds, they would save many lives of our people who are threatened with hunger, etc. As President Mugabe stated in his above mentioned appeal, we are at present able to produce our own maize and vegetables but not in sufficient quantities to meet our needs because of lack of agricultural equipment, seeds, and all the things required for successful agricultural projects. Clothes and Blankets We are now in the coldest period of the year, but we still have not got enough blankets and clothes for our people. We are in great need of the kind "The struggle against imperialism, colonialism and capitalism is as much a national strugglefor us thepeople of Zimbabwe as it is an international struggle for us together with the progressive forces opposed to imperialism and capitalism, either because of their own historical experiences which are identical or comparable to ours or because of their ideological commitment to the same objectives as ourselves or because on purely humanitarian basis they expose the cause of human freedom and justice. These forces are willing allies and must be mobilized in full." Cde. Mugabe of clothes mentioned in the President's appeal, as well as blankets which we can buy locally too. Medidnes In addition to what the President said in his appeal, the number of comrades who are disabled has now risen drastically, because of the Chimoio and Tembwe massacres. So we would appreciate any help for facilities to rehabilitate them. The above appeal by President Robert Mugabe to all progressive mankind made in December still stands as reproduced in this issue, and we appeal to all our friends to heed it any way they think possible. Forward with the Revolution! Pamberi ne Chimurenga! E.R. Kadungure Secretary for Finance 4 Zimbabwe News The Party Manpower and Planning for permanent Revolution by Comrade Robson Manyika, Deputy Secretary for Manpower, Planning and Labour The revolutionary war of national liberation we are waging aims at the total liberation of the people of Zimbabwe through the establishment of a people's power- a people's dictatorship in a free, democratic Zimbabwe. However, the creation of such a people's power, having routed the Smith reactionary forces, remains a mere dream unless the party controls both the politics and the national economy. In this context the partly capitalistic and partly feudalistic economy in our country must be replaced by a radically different people's economy which will be consistant with the demands of our national democratic revolution and controlled by the workers and peasants. Such radical change will indeed meet with serious difficulties as result of history. Problems created by Colonialism and the War The situation obtaining today in Zimbabwe will present enormous problems in independent Zimbabwe. The whole colonial development of the country has concentrated in the urban areas and European agriculture, leaving the countryside, where the vast majority of the Zimbabweans live, extremely underdeveloped. This lopsided development in favour of the cities has created difficulties for us. One of these is the system of labour migration from the country to the cities. In spite of high rates of unemployment and slave wages paid to the African workers, the land-city migration has accelerated in time because a false impression, of "a good life in the cities" has been created. A typical example of this is the domestic workers, an army of 130,000 in the country. Though receiving the lowest wage, their number has kept on increasing. In a liberated Zimbabwe this large number of unproductive workers must be given an alternative in the productive sector where they can truly make their contribution in the national liberation and development. On the other hand both the industrial and agricultural workers, besides suffering the exploitation of the low racially fixed wages, are also purposely denied technical traiThe Party ning. In short, by denying the African education, the colonial regimes have effectively maintained a cheap labour force so as to boost capitalist profit. Even more serious are the effects of the present war on the Zimbabwe population particularly in the countryside. The creation of the concentration camps, the so called "keeps" by the fascist Smith regime has not only deprived the masses of their agriculture, but has also led to serious erosion on the people's morals and led to most dangerous health conditions. All these problems will have to be solved by the people's government. It is, therefore, to be appreciated that the drive to systematically plan manpower and lay the foundation of a political conscious labour movement in Zimbabwe initiated by ZANU is an important development and a result of the on going Chimurenga in our country. The current planning of manpower and labour will serve as a springboard from which to launch.the planning of the national economy in a free, democraticZimbabwe. It is only through the system of economic planning guided by revolutionary politics that the people of Zimbabwe could effectively liberate themselves from the shackles and plunder of colonialism, capitalism. In a word, the struggle to liberate the people of Zimbabwe from colonialism and its effects will have to be systematic in theory and practice. The Tasks Before the Department of Manpower Planning and Labour The task before the Department of Manpower Planning and Labour is enormous. The beginning is weak: At the moment the Department must operate with the scanty data that it can have also depending on the ingenuity of its personnel. A few Zimbabweans have received higher technical education. Problems of this nature must be resolved not by a single effort of one Department such as the Manpower Planning and Labour but the collective effort of all the party organs. It is the resolute determination of the Department of Manpower Planning and Labour to get the required information and cooperate with all others in the party. It is this effort as we see it which will be decisive in surmounting our problems. ZANU in Lesotho The General Meeting of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Lesotho Branch) held on the 12th of March 1978 adopted the following Statement which is released for public information: Statement For some time now there are certain things which have been happening here at the University relating to ZANU and to the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe. ZANU (Lesotho Branch) has so far not reacted officially, but now we cannot be silent any more. The ZANU (Lesotho Branch) is, therefore, releasing the following Statement for the benefit of the public and all those concerned. 1. ZANU (Lesotho Branch) is a branch of a well established internationally recognized and grassroot movement which is spearheading the national democratic revolution in Zimbabwe. 2. The Lesotho Branch of ZANU is not a Campus organization. It is a branch for all ZANU comrades in Les- otho and should not be confused or be given the same status with organizations that exist locally in Roma such as SASSAC or the Lumumba Society. These are answerable to nobody but their immediate memberships. ZANU (Lesotho Branch) is answerable to the ZANU Central Committee and to the People of Zimbabwe. ZANU comrades in Lesotho are members of a well disciplined Party, and the Executive of the Lesotho Branch of ZANU cannot, therefore, take matters into its own hands - especially matters of Party Policy. Where such matters of Party Policy are concerned the Executive of the Lesotho Branch will not and cannot act without directives from the Central Committee. 3. ZANU's policy on National Unity is based on "a common struggle against a common enemy to build a free democratic and socialist Zimbabwe and to fight exploiters and imperialists of whatever colour or race and their agents." (Policy Statement, Item 12 refers). It is for this reason that ZANU entered into the Zimbabwe Patriotic Zimbabwe'News 5 Front Alliance with ZAPU. As is well known, discussions on the Unity of the two Parties and of ZIPA, the military wing of the Patriotic Front, are still going on. In the meantime, however, ZANU and ZAPU are two distinct organs within the Patriotic Front. The impression created by certain groups and individuals on the Campus is that ZANU and ZAPU have already merged into a single political Party. This is incorrect and is calculated to harm the good relationships between the two Parties and to jeopardize the unity talks. 4. It should be noted, therefore, that there is no Patriotic Front representative in Lesotho or on the Campus. If and when there is one the ZANU Central Committee will let the Lesotho Branch of ZANU know. 5. Decisions relating to the exact nature of the Patriotic Front and to the activities which the two Parties carry out together as the Patriotic Front are taken at higher levels, not at branch levels. Question: What is your name? Answer: My name is Rough Pezeka Moto. Question: What was your responsibility before you joined the liberation war? Answer: I was with the enemy terrorist police force. Friendly and progressive organizations on the Campus, which want and expect our participation in progressive activities should, therefore, recognize, the fact that we exist as the Lesotho Branch of ZANU and not as the Patriotic Front. 6. The Lesotho Branch of ZANU wishes to impress upon the Roma community that it should not be confused and misled by the activities of those who seek to distort facts on the Zimbabwe political scene today. The Branch is also aware of attempts and efforts to destroy the image of our revolutionary Party and the Branch wants to warn those who belong to organizations which have friendly relations with ZANU not to be involved in activities calculated to endanger the good relations between ZANU and their organizations. 7. The Lesotho Branch of ZANU wants to emphasize that the political problems of Zimbabwe are solved by Zimbabweans with the help of genuinly progressive forces in the international Question: In what part of Zimbabwe were you working? Answer: I was at Plumtree. Question: What was your rank in the police force? Answer: I was a constable and later I was promoted to a sergeant. Comrade Mayor Vurimbo, Chief Political Commissar, giving the line: It's the only way to resolve contradictions among the people. community. Any attempt by outside bodies to interfere in the affairs of Zimbabwe is unwarranted and reactionary, and we call upon those who have been meddling in our politics to decist. This warning is not directed to our genuine supporters whose support, in whatever form, we appreciate and will continue to welcome. The practice among our genuine and well established supporters is to act in collaboration with us, to seek our. advice before acting, not to dictate terms and directions to us. 8. This Statement is released so that those groups and individuals who are genuinely interested in the Zimbabwe cause may understand our position, *what to. expect from us and how to approach us. Pamberi ne Chimurenga! Pamberi ne Hondo! A Luta Continua! Chikaka D.W. Secretary, ZANU (Lesotho Branch) Question: What was your number in the police force? Answer: 23943. Question: Where were you stationed? Answer: At first I was at Tomlison Depot and from there I went to Bulawayo at Mzilikazi camp after which I went to Plumtree. From there I went to Mpowens after which I went to Mibodore in Plumtree again. Question: What were your other activities? Answer: My activities were general patrols and curfew patrols. Question: Were you also taking part in the operational areas? Answer: No, not actually. I was only taking part in the curfew patrols. Question: As a member of the enemy police force, I hope you have witnessed a series of atrocities which are being perpetrated by the enemy forces together with the police force, can you recite any of them? Answer: There-is one man called sergeant Albert Ncube. He is at Mibodore police station. He is now the acting sergeant major. By this time I believe he is now a major. He is a devil and is very cruel. His actions are just like Smith's. He forgets that he is an African. Whenever he is Working with his fellow Africans he always takes sides with Europeans. Question: You said he is a devil and very cruel, is he also cruel to the broad masses or the local masses, and if so can you recite one of the incidents? 6 Zimbabwe News Political Re-education in ZANU Interview with a Police desertee ThePart

Answer: Oh yes, I still remember one time when he visited Chief Bango's area where the freedom-fighters had come in through Botswana. As a member of the G.C. (Ground Coverage) he went to the Chief's area. Arriving there, he started to investigate, after that he clapped the masses. He did not end there, he went on to hit and torture people indefinetely and detained them without food and clothes to put on. He then took a vehicle and ran over the property of the masses including goats. He does not care what is along the road, he just smashes. He takes part in most of the Europeans' activities wherever they are. Question: Where was this by the way? Answer: This was in Plumtree. Question: What made you join the liberation forces? Answer: Because I knew that ZANU is the only Party that can lead the people of Zimbabwe. By the time ZANU liberates Zimbabwe, everybody will be in a free atmosphere, not as what people are in Zimbabwe. They are still under the capitalist society under which Ncube and others are serving. They do not know where they are and what they are doing and where they are going. My analysis and my listening to radio Mozambique made me to discover that I was astray. My listening to this radio gave me an idea to leave my job, to leave Smith and to come and join the liberation forces. Well, first it happened that I was once arrested in the police force. They gave harsh punishments for minor mistakes. We blacks were poorly paid and hence our living conditions were very bad. Our salaries were always deducted, but those for the whites were not. We used to go to patrols together, and in some cases we had the same way the educational qualifications, but the salaries were based on colour. Question: As you are now in the ZANLA forces, what difference would you say is there between the ZANLA forces and the enemy police force together with the enemy army? Answer: The terrorist forces are fighting for the interests of the minority. ZANLA forces are fighting for the interests of the broad masses of Zimbabwe. ZANLA forces have got freedom of speech while Smith's terrorist forces are not even allowed to pronounce a word. People of the different ranks are treated in the same way in the people's liberation forces while no element of democracy is enjoyed by the settler forces. Comrade Josiah Tungamirai, Political Commissar for the army and Deputy National Commissar emphasizes ideological rehabilitation of captured enemies. Question: I understand that it is general opinion to those people who are still serving in the rebel army that if you decide to join ZANLA forces, you will either be killed or detained, did you ever meet with such a plight? Answer: No! No! No! There is nothing like that. I also heard it at home that if you join ZANU you will be arrested or killed, but this is not true. When I came to join the ranks of ZANLA I was welcomed and given clothes, some food to eat and a place to sleep and stay; politics and training in various types of weapons including heavy machine guns. Question: Finally, what special message or special warning would you like to give to those who are still serving in the enemy's terrorist forces? Answer: I advise them to leave the terrorist forces and come and join the liberation forces as I have done. I am now free here in Mozambique. There are many ways of leaving. You can ask for leave, and as soon as you go home you will meet the freedom-fighters. They are not terrorists as you think, but you are the ones who are terrorists. Explain to them your position and they will understand you if you do not cheat them. Explain to them how you joined the terrorist army and that you would like to join the liberation forces. They will advise you and tell you where you can meet them. Be confident that they will get you to Mozambique and they will give you the correct political line. If you want to continue serving the enemy you will see where you will be, in the coming days. You shall suffer, we will not suffer. Question: Can you mention some of the names of the members of the rebel police force with whom you were working during your stay in the rebel police force? Answer: Oh, yes! Question: Can you mention only those you think were evil and are still evil to the local masses? Answer: Sergeant Ncube at Mibodore, Mangena, sergeant Benjamin Ndodana Sibanda and Savimbi the big eater, constable Shongana and Kachidza. Question: Can you kindly tell them your true name? Answer: I am constable Elias Nyakwina of rank number 23943, and I am here now with the ZANLA forces. Former enemy converted by bullets One of ZANU's most successful programmes is the re-education of enemies and former enemies into becoming revolutionary Comrades. When a Smith-Sithole-Muzorewa mercenary soldier surrenders to or is captured by ZANLA forces, he or she is usually convinced that he or she will be put to death without delay. Most of them will have participated in massacres or other atrocities on the civilian African population. All of them testify to the fact that whenever a ZANLA comrade is captured - the Smith barbarians promptly put him to death after spells of tortures and other barbarities. Hence they all invariably expect similar treatment at the hands of ZANLA forces. Zimbabwe News 7 The Party

We now have in our custody a large number of enemies and former enemies captured in the process of war. There are Selous Scouts, regular British South Africa Policemen, mercenary and Rhodesian soldiers, agents of Sithole or Muzorewa captured in the process of subverting the armed struggle in the rural areas, security agents and numerous other notorious types. All of them testify to being stunned and pleasantly surprised at the human treatment they receive from ZANLA once they have been captured. ZANU's political re-education programme is based on the party's firm belief that a genuine revolution has to have, as its main task, the conservation and preservation of human life. ZANU believes that capitalism is a contagious disease which poisons human minds, pollutes the bodies and strangles and stunts human potentialities for healthy development. A capitalist society eventually produces sick and poisoned people in dire need of therapy. Any Liberation Movement such as ZANU, inspired by Marxist-LeninistMao- Tsetung Theory, believes that political and ideological education is the indispensable medicine to recovery and health. Even Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau, who suffer from malnutrition termed "ideological Kwashiokor" by ZANU's Political Commissariat Department, could be rehabilitated if they were to undergo the same training programme. It is a pity that, on account of the extreme danger they have exposed the whole nation to, they may have to be put to sleep to prevent them from further predations on the African people. In order to discover how the re-education programme is transforming per- sons, the Zimbabwe News Staff recently interviewed a former enemy (now a comrade). Comrade Masango Asiyana was a constable in the notorious British South African Police. Question: Comrade, if I may interrupt your work, may I know your name? Answer: I am comrade Tambaoga Masango Asiyana. Question: That's an interesting name. Before you came to the struggle, where were you working? Answer: I had been working under government. Question: Under government, which department? Answer: A constable in the BSAP Police Department. Question: A constable, what was your force number? Answer: My force number was 24010. Question: And where were you stationed? Answer: I was stationed at Nyamapanda. Question: When you joined the revolution, you must have had feelings that ZANLA forces would ill-treat you; did you have that type of experience? Answer: No, not at all. I was surprised by the way I was treated. I had been told that ZANLA forces murder people but discovered that this was a blatant lie. Question: What has inspired you to join the revolutionary struggle which ZANLA is fighting? Answer: The war which we were forced to fight against ZANLA forces in the operational areas was tough. Besides we were fighting for a cause which we did not understand, let alone believe in. Question: Can you describe a battle fought against the enemy forces by ZANLA in which you took part during your service with the enemy? Answer: On August 15, 1976, ZANLA forces launched a suprise attack from 10.00 p.m. to 2.00 a.m. We were at support meeting Party and we were all drunk. Many died and several others were injured. Most of the injured died in hospital. Question: Why then did you decide to join the armed struggle after witnessing such an attack? Answer: What annoyed me most was that for most of the time we were disarmed. I was transferred to Mazoe for training in investigation. After that, I wassent back to the operational areas. Most of the time we harrassed the masses. We were forced to hunt down guerillas. Question: During your time in the operational zones, can you state some of the atrocities which were committed by the enemy forces? Answer: The enemy forces have been beating the masses, arrest masses for no case. Arrested people were taken to jail. Question: Can you tell me a particular place they harrassed the masses, and committed atrocities? Answer: It was Nyamusuwe High School at Charira Kraal. Question: What happened? Answer: Smith forces came to the masses who were at the river and asked where they had seen "Magandanga". But the masses denied having seen any. The security forces harrassed the small children and they ran away. The security forces started to shoot the children. Question: How many did they kill? Answer: One boy and injured another; a girl. Question: When did this happen? Answer: In October 1976. Question: What message do you have for those still serving in the rebel Police force? Answer: I would like to tell them what will happen to them when Zimbabwe will be in the hands of the people. I want them to know that they are lost because they think that ZANLA forces murder people. They could see for themselves how people in the Revolution are handled. I again want to tell them that they are completely mistaken. Question: Can you name some who are in the rebel police force? Answer: Yes, very many. I remember people like Masunda, Mavere and many others, whose names I have now forgotten. I warn them that what they are doing is evil. Stop it; come and join the Revolution! 8 Zimbabwe News ThePart

National Affairs Chitepo Day: 1978 "Chairman Chitepo taught us to take up arms and fight" Comrade President Mugabe The late Comrade Herbert Chitepo: He taught us to take up the arms and fight. Members of the Central Committee, the General Staff and ZANLA Forces present here tonight. For the third year, we again gather to remember the death of our beloved Chairman, Herbert Chitepo. As we commemorate his death we also remember the death of comrade Shamiso who died with him on the same occasion. Today, is heroes day. We don't only remember Chairman Chitepo and Shamiso, but also those hundreds or thousands of our ZANLA forces who have shed their blood in the struggle to liberate Zimbabwe from colonialism and imperialism. This is the only one of the several heroes days we observe. On June 15th, we will all have to pause, in similar fashion, to honour our Vice President: Leopold Takawira, who died on that day. The life of comrade Herbert Chitepo has been elaborated upon by so many people. We know that he was a very highly educated Zimbabwean. We know thai he was a brilliant lawyer. We also know that he was a revolutionary leader of outstanding quality and genius. Comrade Vice President, Simon M'zenda has talked at length of comrade Chitepo's life. I shall not dwell on that today. What we have heard is about Comrade Chitepo's life. I want to talk to you about the essence of his death and his legacy to us all. It is true, Herbert Chitepo was a highly learned man. Yes, he was a brilliant lawyer. But, most important of allas your song tonight makes clear, he was the one who taught us to pick-up guns and liberate ourselves. But in the end, it dawned him that it was futile to seek to defend the oppressed in the imperialist court before imperialist judges. The judges' father made the law, his brother interpreted it and his young brother enforced it. He saw that as thousands and thousands of the downtrodden were being herded into the jail for their resistance to oppression - it was not much use trying to defend them in courts by word of mouth. It was useless being a lawyer in those circumstances. He saw clearly that what 4 made the oppressed to be arrested, to be unemployed, to fail even to improve their lives even though they may be educated, was because of their subjugation by imperialism. He immediately concluded, on the evidence, that lack of the state power in the hands of the oppressed was the primary cause. He prescribed the medicine for all the ills. He called upon the Zimbabwean masses to take up arms in order to achieve independence and freedom. Once free, education, unemployment and other ills get cured in due course, Without political power firmly in the hands of the people, without jobs and food and other necessaries of life, there can be pretty little anyone can do to help the oppressed who are being terrorised by imperialism in its courts and before its judges. This naturally led him to leading the armed struggle. We spent long years in restriction and detention from the day ZANU was born. We were imprisoned at Whawha, Sikombela and Salisbury Prison after ZANU had been banned in 1964. On the trail: the Sinoia tradition Zimbabwe News 9 National Affairs

Comrade President Mugabe and Comrade Defence Secretary Josiah Tongogara: Making the year of the people a reality. At our first congress in 1964, months before the ban of ZANU and our imprisonment, the Central Committee was, by resolution, commanded us to wage the armed struggle against the enemy. We immediately embarked upon a programme to send as many comrades outside the country as circumstances would allow. We wanted them to undergo military training in order to confront imperialism fairly and squarely. Those we sent for training that year included Comrade Ndangana who is well known to you. We sent some to the Republic of China. However, when they returned, we had not set-up adequate machinery outside our borders for utilising fully, their skills and talent. We carefully analysed the situation and concluded that those few members of the Central Committee, who were outside should create a structure for the prosecution of the armed struggle. This was when we as members of the Central Committee, in restriction wrote to Comrade Herbert Chitepo who was in Tanzania at that time, charging him with the task of leading the armed struggle from outside. We commanded Comrade Herbert Chitepo to quit his legal profession, gather other Central Committee members together who were outside Zimbabwe and constitute a revolutionary council in order to lead the war. We pointed out to Comrade Chitepo that the Gwelo Congress of May 22 - 23, 1964, at which he had been elected Chairman of the Party, had specifically mandated the Central Committee to lead a revolutionary war against settlers and imperialism. When our Sikombela letter reached Comrade Chitepo, he promptly resi- gned his job as Director of Public Prosecutions in Tanzania and moved to Lusaka, Zambia, to set-up the Revolutionary Council and lead our war effort. Comrade Chitepo then became the chairman of the Revolutionary Council which had been set up. This was in line with a decision taken by the Central Committee, that the armed struggle should be intensified. Indeed our armed struggle started with the battle in Sinoia in April 1966. After this battle, there was further training of more cadres. It was, however, difficult for ZANLA Forces to be increased until 1972. Members of the Revolutionary Council also received training. Further more, more cadres were sent to China and Tanzania for training so that our armed struggle would be intensified. What line was our armed struggle to take? Which ideology were we to follow up? From 1966 to 1969, our armed struggle had not intensified until members of the Central Committee and the Military High Command decided to lay down concrete and specific guidelines for the serious start of the armed struggle. This planning took place going along with Frelimo Soldiers into the Tete Province of Mozambique. Then in December 1972 our armed struggle began in the North East of Zimbabwe. The armed struggle started on the lines that guerilla warfare should follow: getting the support of the masses because without the support of the masses, guns will achieve nothing. Then our guerillas infiltrated Zimbabwe, they worked among the people, sought their support and got it. Then the actual fighting started. But it should be noted that these were difficult days be- cause not all the people supported the armed struggle. Not all African States supported the armed struggle. In 1974, we had many enemies within the Party. There were rebels within our High Command. We lost many lives following the activities of the above mentioned rebels. More rebellious activities were stopped by Comrade Chitepo. Comrade Chitepo called for the intensification of our armed struggle. Comrade Chitepo condemned the spirit of tribalism and regionalism; Comrade Chitepo stood firm against leadership based on tribal or regional inclinations. Comrade Chitepo also refused to stop the war because of the so-called settlement talks that were going on in 1974 in Zambia. The detente exercise which involved us, Smith and Vorster, almost confused and sabotaged our armed struggle. But we refused to stop the war. Comrade Chitepo and us stood firm on the issue that the war should not stop. Those leaders who were involved in the detente exercise wanted the war to stop while talks were going on, but we refused because once the war was stopped it would be difficult to restart it. This would also give the enemy a chance to re- organize his forces. The enemy would also occupy areas which our forces would have occupied. Our insistance that the war should continue received strong opposition as a result of the d6tente exercise. A new suggestion came up during the period 1974 - 1975 that all Zimbabwe liberation groups should unite under one umbrella. Our Party was not opposed to this proposed unity set-up. What we opposed was to stop the war. What we proposed was a type of unity to intensify the armed struggle. However, we were bull-dozed into this unity under the organization called the African National Council (A.N. C.). We were aware that getting into this unity would eventually stop our armed struggle. 1975 saw a serious set-back in our armed struggle, which had been built since 1972. Our Central Committee was convinced that working in the ANC led by Muzorewa would be counterproductive as far as the armed struggle was concerned. We therefore decided to keep our identity as a Party even under this unity and pledged that the war would continue. Sithole was present when we made this pledge. When we were released from the detention we pledged ourselves to continue the war and intensify our recruitment of the cadres for military training. 10 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

During the three months when the dtente exercise was going on, we went around the country and recruited many more cadres. We knew that if the ddtente exercise failed, Smith would arrest and detain us. Our members who lived outside Zimbabwe, led by Comrade Chitepo, vowed that they would continue the armed struggle. Indeed when Smith saw that the war was not stopping, some ZANLA supporters inside Zimbabwe were rounded up in February 1975. Then on March 18, news came of the death of Comrade Chitepo. That was not all. Our members of the Central Committee, High Command and cadres who were in Zambia were rounded up by the Zambian government. Inside Zimbabwe our members such as Morris Myagumbo, Lazarus Machichi and John Mutasa who had been recruiting cadres for military training were arrested. After all these developments available members of the Central Committee met in Highfields, Zimbabwe and decided that I and Comrade Tekere would leave Zimbabwe and regroup and reorganise Party members outside the country. So, on the 4th April, we left Zimbabwe. We had agreed that the armed struggle should be taken up where Comrade Chitepo had left. The armed struggle then continued once again as our Central Committee had decided and pledged. We were surprised to hear that the leadership of the ANC which we had been forced to join was denouncing ZANU. We tried to enter into negotiations with it in an attempt to bridge our differences, but all was in vain. It set up its own offices, designed its own propaganda machinery and denounced ZANU, everywhere. But, we stuck to our point that the armed struggle would continue. But now our Party is stronger and will continue to become stronger. Some died in the revolutionary struggle, others were crippled. Could there be any justification then to sabotage the armed struggle? What will those who died, have died for? Comrade Chitepo and others did not stop the war because others had dropped out. The war must continue. We must bring the masses in the revolutionary struggle which our comrades have died for. This is not the time to retreat. If we did this then we will have destroyed all that Comrade Chitepo and others stood for. What then did they die for? Are we independent yet? Should we lay down our arms? We have not won our independence, that is why we are in the bush. We must liberate our country. It will indeed be liberated by the gun. We have whole-heartedly dedicated ourselves to this cause. The war to which we are dedicated, transforms us. It revives us, it inspires us. We have our aspirations, that of liberating our country. If we are bound together as one people with one desire, then no one will divide us. Our war must teach us to forget our tribal affiliations. If it fails in this regard, it will have achieved nothing. Pamberi ne Hondo! The Sinoia Tradition "Sinoia was dour, ruelling and bloody" Comrade President Muga be Revolutionary Greetings, Today exactly twelve years ago, seven gallant ZANLA fighters, Simon Chimbodza, Christopher Chatambudza, Nathan Charumuka, Godwin Manyerenyere, Peter, Ephram Shenjere, David Guzuzu, who in pursuance of the Party's Chimurenga programme, had entered the country and camped just outside Sinoia, fought a dour, gruelling and bloody battle against a massive enemy ground force supported by helicopter gunships and bombers. The battle lasted over twelve hours during which the enemy suffered many casualties and had several of his aircraft downed. Having run out of ammunition our gallant seven fell. It was a heroes' death. The Battle of Sinoia has a marked revolutionary importance to the Party and the people of Zimbabwe. Its significance lies in the following a) It was an acceptance by ZANU and by the people of Zimbabwe that the methods of non-violence which had been tried again and again by the nationalist movement were ineffective against an imperialist and colonialist National Affairs enemy using his whole military, political and economic machinery in defence of his acquired position. The Sinoia Battle was therefore an expression of our total commitment to armed struggle as the principal form of struggle against imperialism and colonialism. It marked a stage of transformation in the means of struggle, from the innoucuous and less violent, to the violent basing itself on the The ZANU flag casts a long shadow over Zimbabwe: Here Comrade President Mugabe emphasizes the Sinoia tradition. Zimbabwe News 11

Sionia day was celebrated in every bush, mountain, cave, throughout the liberated areas. gun as the main violent weapon. Whereas the main instrument of violence in 1896 was the spear, now it is the gun. b) The Battle of Sinoia is the connecting link between the First Liberation War (Chimurenga Chokutanga) fought by our ancestors in 1896 and 1897 and the Second Liberation War (Chimurenga Chechipiri) which we are now fighting. It symbolizes the continuity of our struggle since the beginning of white settlerism, whilst it also underlines the continuity of the negative forces of oppression, suppression and capitalist exploitation against which our progressive and revolutionary forces are pitted. The continuance of colonialist oppression can only be effectively fought by a continuance of the oppressed masses' open and armed hostility. c) The Battle of Sinoia was an expression of the new courage and bravery that had emerged with the formation of ZANU as a revolutionary Party from its very inception. At the May (1964) Congress in Gwelo, the Central Committee which had just been elected was given an unrestricted mandate to wage the struggle for the Liberation of the country. The Sinoia Battle was the Party's response to the people's call at Gwelo for effective cburageous action to overthrow the colonialist and settlerist system and restore the power of the masses. d) The Battle of Sinoia was not only a demonstration of courage and bravery, but of the spirit of sacrifice which alone is the product of a deep sense of political awareness, absolute loyalty, and full commitment to the people's cause. The sacrifice and heroic determination of the Seven ZANLA fighters exemplified a new revolutionary Spirit that was soon to infuse the masses. ZANU had not only evolved a new approach to the struggle, but had also evolved a new psychological condition necessary in all of us who regard ourselves as freedom fighters. Political consiousness and ideological commitment constitute a necessary mental and emotional condition upon which the effectiveness of our physical firing skill depends. Indeed it is the awareness, of our political goals and our commitment to their attainment which spurs us to action. Our guns, thus become revolutionary guns whose trajectory points towards the political objectives to which we aspire. e) The Battle of Sinoia also teaches us a good lesson in revolutionary history, that in order for the vast oppressed masses to be fully mobilised and revolu- 12 Zimbabwe News National Affairs tionised there is need for a vanguard group or organisation which must first pioneer the way. ZANU was this revolutionary vanguard. In April 1966, at Sinoia we established this principle. In 1972, in the north-east, we re-established it and expanded it. In 1976, we firmly consolidated it as we opened new fronts in the east, south-east and south. And looking at the situation now in April, 1978, we all feel extremely gratified by the transformation we have brought in the individual Zimbabwean and in the people as a whole. f) The Battle of Sinoia also exploded one myth, which had acquired a strong hold upon our people, namely that the white settlers are invincible. Their death at Sinoia destroyed their "immortality" and created in our people military selfconfidence and for that matter a superiority complex, which is the inexhaustible source of morale and hope for sure victory. Since then we have continued to demonstrate that the oppressed black man can, in quest of his freedom, kill his white oppressor, and the slave his slave-master. Today, the white settler forces are falling in battle in countless numbers at the hands of our invincible forces - the sons and daughters of the oppressed poor peasants arnd exploited workers. Twelve years have gone by since Sinoia. As we look over the years we are thrilled at the victories we have successively scored over the enemy. Our success should, however, not be measured merely by the series of battles we have won by the overall situation our war has created in the country. Let me, therefore, assess its effectiveness over the years, firstly in respect of us - the struggling people; secondly in respect of the enemy and thirdly in respect of the political, social and economic situation in the country, and fourthly in respect of the international community: 1. The Struggling Masses The war has welded together the peasantry who constitute nearly 6 million people, the working class which comprises over 600,000 people, the intellectuals, the students, themselves mainly sons and daughters of the peasantry and the proletariat and the African petty-bourgeoisie. In other words, the war has become a people's war for the attainment of national independence in the context of a democratic state, which offers the necessary preconditions for the social transformation we envisage. Everywhere, in the rural areas of Zimbabwe, arms are presented to Comrade commander-inchief, Robert Mugabe. Through the war, we have submerged whatever minor contradictions have existed Amongst us and we have done so out of our recognition of the need to completely destroy the common principal enemy in pursuance of our immediate common objective - the establishment of a national democratic state. This also explains why we have linked ourselves in a common front with ZAPU which we call the Patriotic Front. Through the instrumentality of our war, we have created a collective revolutionary awareness in the masses of the guiding principles of our revolution, the objectives of that revolution and the surest means for their attainment. Thus, the masses have been purposefully mobilised through revolutionary motivation. Today the masses fight alongside our ZANLA forces, feed them, supply them with useful security and intelligence reports and information; nurse our wounded; carry out self-reliance productive projects in liberated zones; administer their own areas; and generally cooperate in disrupting civil administration and the oppressor's economy. Before 1966, we Zimbabweans were despised as people who cannot fight. Today everybody including the enemy himself, recognises us as good, tough and unyielding fighters. 2. The enemy The enemy has undergone a negative transformation as a result of the effectiveness of our war. Once he regarded himself as invincible. Today, he is a defeatist on the verge of surrendering. Pounded heavily from all cardinal points and in his major military bases and sanctuaries, he is ever retreating as we ever advance towards him in order to, demolish him. Over 2,000 settlers are running away every month whilst hundreds more have perished in battle, only since the beginning of this year. His army is over-stretched, that is why South Africa has been sending troops under one guise or another to Rhodesia. The enemy situation is desperate. Our situation is most favourable. There can only be one loser - the settlers and their unashamed stooges - Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. There can only be one victor - the people as led by us, for the people can never lose. 3. The political social and economic situation Comrades, as you are aware, the economic situation has, because of our armed struggle, badly deteriorated. The settler regime is fully aware of this, for there is lack of foreign currency; the railways are not fully functional because we have been hitting at them hard and regularly; businesses are closing down; there is great unemployment and a flight of skills; there is hardly any investment of capital, either generated within the country or coming from abroad. And yet the regime continues to spend as much as 1.2 million dollars a day on defence from the taxes forcibly extracted from the oppressed people. Because of the serious military position and the deteriorating economy, the settler regime feeling threatened, has tried to modify its political strategy so as to bring into its orbit unprincipled and completely naive stooge leaders, whom Zimbabwe News 13 National Affairs

Smith has found easy to manipulate by luring them with salaries and beautiful homes in the whites' only suburban areas. Smith thinks he can, by using stooges as shadows of the real power resting in the hands of the whites, deceive the toiling masses into accepting his regime as a democratic one. The people of Zimbabwe have not been fighting for 12 years, because they detest the white looks of Ian Smith and his colleagues. Of course not. The addition of black faces does not amount to any democratic change in the oppressive system. Our twelve-year old war aims at the complete overthrow of the entire colonialist politico-socio-economic system and its replacement by a truly democratic one vesting political and economic power in the people. It is, therefore, not just the change in or modification of the content, but change in both the form and content of the entire system. That is the objective of our struggle. 4. The International Community The armed struggle -we are waging is not only inspired by the struggle and victories of other peoples and countries, but receives support and acclamation from the whole progressive international community and progressive organizations in capitalist countries. It is accordingly necessary, that if we are to promote our revolution and the attainment of its goals, our struggle should be placed in the context of identical struggles, and our national front should be strengthened by an international alliance with our allies and friends in the international community. The struggle against imperialism, co-. lonialism and capitalism is as much a national struggle for us the people of Zimbabwe as it is an international struggle for us together with the progressive forces opposed to imperialism, colonialism and capitalism, either because of their own historical experiences, which are identical or comparable to ours or because of their ideological commitment to the same objectives as ourselves or because on purely humanitarian bases they espouse the cause of human freedom and justice. These forces are willing allies and must be mobilised in full. Our joy over the last twelve years has, therefore, been the growth in the international dimension of our unity with those forces. Through them and from them we have succeeded in obtaining substantial material, diplomatic, political and moral aid that has played an important role in our endeavours to reinforce our war effort and consolidate our gains in the battlefield as well as in the political and diplomatic spheres. We are gratified that the international community has refused to be drawn into recognising the naked treachery of the professed stooges and quislings - Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau - who have decided, for reasons of personal material comfort and benefit, to side with and support the enemy against the people and their cause. Is there any greater betrayal than that of fighting against your own freedom and the freedom of your own people? Our twelve-year old revolutionary war has been a period of profound experiences, the nature of which has trans- formed both the individual and society, orientating all of us towards commitment to principles that defy expediency and opportunism. And as long as we continue to stand firm on principle, opportunism will founder on the rock-bed of such hallowed principle. It is principle which defines traitors, renegades and reactionaries. It is principle which condemns them. It is principle which rejects them. The unyielding principles of our revolution have caused us to gain acceptance in the international community. They mirror the quality of men and women and expose treachery. In our struggle against imperialism and colonialism we have to vigilantly guard our revolution against the forces of reaction that resist and contradict it. The principal enemy employs both open and insidious tactics in his strategy. Thus, while the British openly and publicly declare full commitment to the process for the transference of power, they at the same time strive to build into that process disguised mechanism, whose effect will be to retain that power. As they pay lip- service to the principle of immediate independence, they are at the same time contriving methods of neutralizing the nature and quality of that indepencfnce. This underlines the principle that imperialism cannot in all sincerity be expected to wind itself up. It must be hammered to total defeat, and total liquidation. During the last twelve years we have also learnt the character of the British and their settler kith and kin and we have come to only one conclusion that they can only be driven out of our country by the gun. Let us, therefore, continue to uphold our revolutionary principles as pronounced by our Congress at Gwelo in May 1964. Let us also derive inspiration and courage, loyalty and commitment from the Battle of Sinoia and its seven heroes and continue to adhere to the Party line as the only correct line for all of US. Let us be inspired by the heroes of the First War of Liberation, (Chimurenga Chokutanga), Mkwati, Kaguvi, Nehanda, Mashayamombe, Makoni and others with whom we are linked not only in blood, but equally in revolutionary spirit, and let us zed he has not yet been knocked out, and let us thus never forget that only a dead imperialist is a good one. Let us thank and never forget our allies, especially, the Frontline States and the socialist countries and progressive organisations. Let us continually bear in mind the people's untold suffering and be inspired by such suffering into fighting harder; let us make our war the people's war. Let us for ever despise and abhor the traitors, renegades and quislings who have chosen to uphold the white settlers' cause remember that our war of Liberation is a continuation of the and to work against the people's cause. Let us make their fate first war. identical with the fate of the settlers. Let us restudy our experiences from 1966 to 1978 and iden- Let us with revolutionary zeal and in spirit, word and deed tify the areas of our gains and setbacks and thereby, be able to correct our mistakes and build on our corrections. Let us take pride in our war and our countless gains but never become complacent for although the enemy is battered and da- 14 Zimbabwe News say ever more thunderously Pamberi neChimurenga! A Luta Continua! National Affairs

Sinoia says to us: We will never surrender Comrade Vice President S. Mzenda Sinoia Restored Bravery . To Our People: Comrade Vice President S.V. M'zenda ; Comrade Vice President Simon V. M'zenda delivered a major address on the 12th Chimurenga Day Festivities in Maputo, Mozambique, Addressing members of the Central Committee present, the High Command, the General Staff and ZANLA Forces, he recreated the battle of Sinoia so it can live in the hearts and minds of all future generations. Here follows the text. Our distinguished visitors, and fellow comrades of the ZANLA forces. We are all here today to try and remember a few of our gallant fighters, who fought the Battle of Sinoia. I am going to try and recall what the battle of Sinoia is or was and then suggest to you its significance. But while we remember our heroes who fought and fell at Sinoia, we must constantly bear in mind that these seven comrades are only a few of the thousands and thousands of our fellow Zimbabwean comrades, who have fallen in battle during the last twelve years. But tonight, we remember especially the Sinoiaseven. Why do we single them out? It is because their legacy is so important to our revolution that all Zimbabweans, present and yet-to-be-born must never forget the Battle of Sinoia. In doing so, however, it does not mean that we are forgetting all our other martyrs and heroes. They are to us, and to future generations, just as sacred. But what is the singular significance of the seven? This is the question I want to address tonight. Let us remember that in 1965, a few months before Ian Smith declared his U.D.I., Ian Smith had boasted to the World that Zimbabweans were "non-starters". He meant that, should he declare U.D.I., nothing would happen as Zimbabwean Africans could not, and would not fight. Soon after, on the l1th November, 1965, Ian Smith declared his U.D.I. He was sure we would never fight. 1966 came. In early April, our comrades came across from Zambia to inaugurate armed struggle. One group, a section of seven ZANLA-fighters were under orders to concentrate on Sinoia. Comrade Vice-President Simon Mzenda: "We will never surrender." They got to Sinoia during the third week of April with instructions to contact members of ZANU in the area. It would be the duty of these local party members to look after them. At this early stage, however, arrangements between our military Headquarters in Lusaka and our local members as regards Operations had not been made well. It was not possible to give comrades Rhodesian currency in Zambia for food and maintanance. So, money had first to be sent into the country. In this particular case, operational funds had been sent to a doctor, who I shall not name here because he is still in the country. He had been instructed to keep Party funds and to distribute it to comrades when they came into the country to wage the armed struggle. When the comrades got to Sinoia, the first thing they did was to contact Comrade Chivende who was our Chinhoyi Branch official. They got to his house and having introduced themselves said, "Now look, you get to Salisbury, get to this doctor, get the money. We want to use the money. We have come to fight. It means death. We may have to die. We will never surrender." Comrade Chivende rushed to Salisbury accompanied by one comrade, Mpofu. When they got to Salisbury they started to search for the doctor. When they got to him, they said, "Well, Doctor, we have been sent. We want some money." But, before they reached the doctor's house, they had to ask so many people about the whereabouts of the doctor, for they did not know where he lived. Zimbabwe News 15 National Affairs

Of one stranger they had inquired: "Do you know where Doctor so and so lives? We want to get money from him." Unknown to them the man was a police informer, a security agent. He was pleased to oblige -: "You want Doctor so and so? Yes, you wait, you will get the money. You can go back to Sinoia. We are following with Doctor so and so." There upon this agent went and reported to the regimes' Security Headquarters. Some other men did in fact show these men where the doctor lived. Given six to seven hundred pounds, the comrades returned to Sinoia. Meanwhile, Salisbury Special Branch of the B.S.A.P. dispatched hordes of reinforcements to the area. The Seven Sinoia Heroes sent some of their number to Chinoia township one night to find out if the doctor had sent the money. Unknown to them, Security agents had already occupied the house of this Senior ZANU man. The door was closed, the owner of the house already been arrested. The comrades, being suspicious, did not open the door, simply deposited a letter by the side of the door at night. Fortunately, the Security men never saw it. A massive hunt was on for the Heroic Seven. The army, in combination with police and police-dogs combed the mountain of Sinoia as well as the surrounding forests. The Rhodesian airforce using spotter-planes also joined the hunt. This was on the 27th April 1966. On the 28th April, the fascist forces intensified their hunt. Our comrades saw all these planes but were not wor- ried until one of them saw in a plane below, about 30 racist soldiers advancing on them. It was time for decision. Together they held consultations. "There are 30 soldiers coming to attack us. What can we do? Are we going ro retreat or to run away? Do we surrender and save our own lives?" They were unanimous in their answer. They said: "We will never surrender." You will all remember that as we began this meeting we all stood and looked to Zimbabwe singing one of ZANLA's most sacred songs. The song is in Shona. Let me attempt an English translation of it. It says: I have given myself to liberate Zimbabwe. I am going to finish the work left incomplete By our great grand-parents. I shall never retreat till my sword has taken Over Zimbabwe. I shall sleep in the mountains and in the streams Till Zimbabwe is free. This self-dedication pledge is indeed a great commitment, comrades. Their commitment was to fight to the finish even if they might all perish in the process. So they fought. They fought a pitched running battle, which lasted one and a half days. Not even one surrendered. They all fell, but they had in flicted upon the enemy many more casualties than their own number. Are we observing this day because an these comrades died? No! We celebrate here today the spirit of gallantry and bravery - in its most pure form. Even From the masses to the masses, in the Year of the People. the enemy had to admit on this occasion that they had fought the bravest of men. We observe and remember bravery. They were the first cadres to wage a campaign as a company, as a section. I remember a young combatant who was tried in the High Court in Salisbury in 1969, three years after Sinoia. His name was Comrade Masuku. Evidence was that his unit having been dispersed, he had fought on his own, courageously until he died and the police report stated, "No, we have met few braver men than this man." Many thousands of our people have perished - fighting the white men. They fought a heroic battle and killed 10 % of the white population during 1896- 1897. But they were ultimately overpowered. Following defeat a reign of terror had descended on the people to the extent that fear of the white men filled their hearts. This fear was to survive for over 70 years. Now, when the Sinoia Seven fought, they removed the fear we had. Before 1966, whenever Africans saw a white man, he shivered. He felt helpless. A little boy who was white could assault you at will and you were, on account of fear, unable to do anything. You never answered back. Now, when these comrades died, they brought our people's ancient courage. The heavy casualties suffered by the enemy became the focal point of the mass debate. Many asked, "Is it true the Sinoia Seven had fought white men? Is it true that the white man can eventually run away from us?" Courage had come back. Some remembered what Nehanda had said, when following 1896/97 defeat of our people and when she was facing execution. Missionaries and others begged her to denounce the armed struggle and save her neck from the gallows. "If you can only say a few words of contrition we will let you go. If you can say I was wrong, we will let you go", they said. Her refusal to retract to her execution at the place where the present Railway Avenue Police Station stands. She had courage, she was brave. Her spirit is the one manifested and demonstrated by the Sinoia Seven. Capitalist imperialism is vicious in the extreme. For 88 years now, settlers, as agents of imperialism have been busy looting in our country. Today, there is not even one African pilot, although they have more planes than Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia put together. We all know that after a few years of independence both Zambia and Tanzania are now self sufficient in this re- 16 Zimbabwe News National Affairs gard and that Mozambique will soon reach that goal. The same mess exist in all other fields; - plumping, engineering, medicine etc. The 88 years of colonialism have produced next to nothing in these areas. There is only one medicine to cure all this. it is the gun, it is armed struggle, it is revolution. We must fight in the spirit of Sinoia to redeem our lost heritage. If you comrades decide to abandon the armed struggle you should be able to live with yourselves in conscience. Before you allow Sithole and Muzorewa to get away with their imperialist masters, you should answer these questions: How are you going to bring back Herbert Chitepo? How are you going to bring back Jason Moyo? Have you asked Nehanda if you can betray the revolution? Where are you going to get the seven comrades who died at Sinoia? I wonder what Takawira, Parirenyatwa, Mlambo, Mpofu and all others who have fallen, would say if we were to leave this revolution unfinished. Remember the comrades massacred at Chimoio, Tembwe and Mboroma. Remember the hundreds of comrades massacred throughout Zimbabwe by imperialism. You bear on your shoulders the sacred duty to fulfil their dreams. This revolution must be carried through to the end. You can not compromise with imperialism. You have to liquidate it by arms. We have no alternative. Once upon a time, there were two friends - Hippopotamus and fire. The two used to spend a lot of time with each other in the forest. Everyday, hippopotamus sat by his friend, the fire, and talked into the late night before he would depart for his own home. One day, hippopotamus said to his friend, "Look, I have been visiting you all the time. Why don't you return my visits too? Friends should visit each other. It is a two way street." Fire replied, "My friend, it is better if you alone visit me. If I return your visits, it will be the end of our friendship." Hippopotamus replied, "Well, you have to visit me too in my own house." Fire decided that, since hippopotamus insisted, he would oblidge. He decided that he should visit him. As he walked through the forest, huge fire broke out burning and destroying everything in sight. Hippopotamus had to flee his friend and in desperation, jumped into the lake. He has made it his home ever since. Revolution is fire. It burns the grass, purifies and rejuvenates. New grass grows afterwards - lush and greener National Affairs Bravery restored by Sinoia to entire people. than the old. Imperialism like hippopotamus invites fire. It invites revolution. We were reluctant to embark on this war before we acquired a correct revolutionary vision. Our eyes opened and we saw tomorrow. The curtain that shields tomorrow from today can only be torn assunder by the bayonet, L.M.G., H.M.G., bazooka and landmine. Without resort to these, we will not see tomorrow. Let us remember forever, the names of those who fell at the battle of Sinoia. These seven comrades are: 1. Simon Chimbodza 2. Nathan Charumuka 3. Peter 4. Christopher Chatambudza 5. Godwin Manyenyere 6. Ephraim Chinyere 7. David Guzuzu. Let all future generations remember that these Seven waged the first real armed encounter with imperialism in our country during the 20th century. As I am speaking to you today there are celebrations all over the bushes and mountains of Zimbabwe in their honour. The fire lit on Sinoia Hill on this day, twelve years ago will last forever. It has burned many settlers. It will keep on burning until capitalism is reduced to ashes. Sinoia removed fear from us all! So comrades, fight on!! We can not be the first after Nehanda, Mukwati, Kaguvi and many others killed, to abandon the armed struggle. We as ZANU are pledged to create a new country - a new people. A socialist Zimbabwe is no longer a vain dream. It is certain as long as we never compromise with imperialism. Muzorewa, Si- thole, Chirau and Smith must be crushed - not because its pleasant to crush them, it is a nasty business. They have got to be crushed, because it is necessary for our people to survive and to live. Long live the Battle of Sinoia! Long live Comrade President Mugabe! Long live the Central Committee! Long live the General Staff members! Long live the ZANLA forces! Pamberi ne CHIMURENGA!! Zimbabwe News 17 "Smith thinks he can, by using stooges as shadows of the real power resting in the hands of the whites, deceive the toiling masses into accepting his regime as a democratic one. The people of Zimbabwe have not been fighting for 12 years because they detest the white looks for Ian Smith and his colleagues. Of course not! The addition of black faces does not amount to any democratic change in the oppressive system. Our twelveyear old war aims at the complete overthrow of the entire colonialist politico-socio-economic system and its replacement by a truly democratic one vesting political and economic power in the people. It is, therefore, not just the change in or modification of the content, but change in both form and content of the entire system. That is the objective of our struggle." Cde. Mugabe

"Sinoia is the ultimate in sacrifice" Comrade Secretary-General Edgar Tekere During the 12th Chimurenga Day Celebrations held in Maputo on the 28th - 29th April, 1978, Comrade Tekere delievered a speech in which he saw the Battle of Sinoia's message as central to our war effort in the Year of the people. Addressing ZANLA forces including amuptees and other war veterans he said: We observe the Battle of Sinoia today - as one of ZANU's most important days - because it marks and represents the resurrection of our People's struggle in modern times. I speak not of the battle itself, Comrade President will dwell on that. I speak of the ultimate in sacrifice which the Battle of Sinoia represents. When a man or woman goes forth with both eyes open to fight the enemy, quite aware that he or she might die in the process, but that fact notwithstanding proceeds and either dies or lives, we have sacrifice in its purest form. But when he does so in order to liberate his people from bondage, then the sacrifice is not only in its purest form, it transforms and becomes sacred. These seven comrades bound themselves to live or perish in order that the millions of Zimbabwe can retrieve their stolen sovereignty, seize state power in their hands and rebuild from the ashes a brand new society. They did not allow themselves to survive and none of them allowed himself to survive. So, they all perished. Secretary-General Edgar Tekere: Sinoia calls us to sacrifice. Was it recklessness or adventurism that propelled them to take their stand? Am I being reckless when I extoll a determination and preparedness to die so that the nation can live? I do not think so. Man chooses life but man has always been confronted with circumstances. He has prefered to die if he could not change the circumstances. Man will always try. The nobler the ideal, the more inspiring the sacrifice of life and the more lasting the sacrifice. Some of the Sinoia Seven could have lived to 50 or 75 even hundred years. They threw that away. It is not indivi- dual security they sought, they sought the security and safety of a people. No one can tell how long Zimbabwe will live or how long its people. Our people and country have been around a very very long time indeed. 50 or 75 or 100 years is nothing in the history of a country or people. The important thing to bear in mind is that we are heirs, proud heirs to a historical process. The course of the universe and man in it cannot be reversed or short-circuited. We carry the burden of history on our shoulders. If we do not discharge that historical duty, our sons and daughters or their sons and daughters will just have to fight on. Contradictions in the capitalist system will continue to rock the capitalist world, until the twin swords of ideology and armed struggle lay them rest. We as ZANU have come a long way to this event tonight. In the recent past, we have just returned from the Dar-esSalaam meeting. There, the British imperialists supported by their American masters demonstrated, once again that although they read history, they never learn. In fact they appear determined never to learn. They accused Comrade President Mugabe of stubbornness, because he was steadfast in his refusal to betray the seven million people of Zimbabwe for whose liberty the Sinoia Seven had shed their blood. Of course the British and 18 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

Americans could not understand our position because we were comimg from the massacres and brutalities perpetrated by th British on our grand-parents during 1896 - 97. We were coming from Sinoia, from Nyadzonya, from Mboroma, from Chimoio, from Tembwe and fromeverywhere, where our people had paid in blood for the right to self-determination and liberty. We met the British and the Americans after Comrade President Mugabe had already told us: "Let us go home in this year of the People." He did not mean we just go home as we are here tonight. He meant, "Let us battle it across the borders and settle back home." There is a statement, I have just been circulating, which Comrade Mugabe has just picked-up from the British Embassy. It is a message from Smith. It says you should all come back home peacefully. On the other hand Comrade Mugabe, as Commander-in-Chief, says to you, let us go home with our guns blasting and blazing with fire. He says guns should be fired at imperialists and colo- nialists resolutely and incessently. Which course should we choose? Surrender and cowardice are the denial of the Spirit of Sinoia. Armed struggle right through to the end is what is consistent with the spirit of Sinoia. The blood of our Seven Comrades, shed at Sinoia has guaranteed the growth of our party. In 1966 we had 50 ZANLA forces. Seven of these died at Sinoia. That was one seventh of our army. But what is our total strength now? As we all know, we have as many comrades as we need. Our big boast is that ZANU has no manpower problem at all. Tens of thousands have poured accross Zimbabwean borders since 1966. The revolution has been assured. We have enough manpower to overwhelm Smith and his black stooges. We must speedly conclude this war by achieving total victory. We will do that by ensuring that comrade President Robert Mugabe's call for all able-bodied ZANLA soldiers to go home this year is implemented. To make this a successful Year of the People, all Party Departments will have to work very very hard. To Comrade Mayor Vuiimbo, our Chief Political Commissar and his deputy, Josiah Tungamirai will have to intensify their political education programme to effectively negate the Gang of Four: Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau. Because we want to go home, Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, our Secretary for Defence and his deputy, the Chief of Operations, Comrade Rex Nhongo will have to tighten their belts. We want every inch of Zimbabwe to be turned into a battlefield. Our base areas must be strengthened and consolidated. We must transform every ZANLA fighter into a People's soldier. We have no alternative. We should pursue the enemy everywhere, in every hide-out, in every surburb. Time has come for us to complete the task left to us by our comrades who died at Sinoia. Pamberi ne Hondo! Pamberi ne ZANU! Pamberi ne Chimurenga! Mao Tsetung on current Anglo-American Proposals for Rhodesian settlement Note: As you read the following segment of Chairman Mao's essay: "Carry the Revolution Through to the End" (see Selected Works, Vol. IV., pp. 299-307) please make the necessary substitutions to make the material applicable to the contemporary situation in Zimbabwe. (Our emphasize) Mao Tsetung: Carry the Revolution through to the End December 30, 1948 The Chinese people will win final victory in the great War of Liberation. Even our enemy no longer doubts the outcome. The war has followed a tortuous course. When the reactionary Kuomintang government started the counterrevolutionary war, it had approximately three and a half times as many troops as the People's Liberation Army; the equipment, manpower and material resources of its army were far superior to those of the People's Liberation Army; it had modern industries and modern means of communication, which the People's Liberation Army lacked; it had received large-scale military and economic aid from U.S. imperialism and had made long preparations. Therefore, during the first year of the war (July 1946- June 1947) the Kuomintang was on the offensive and the People's Liberation Army on the defensive. In 1946 in the Northeast, the Kuomintang occupied Shenyang, Szepingkai, Changchun, Kirin, Antung and other cities and most of Liaoning, Liaopei and Antung Provinces( 1); south of the Yellow River, it occupied the cities of Huaiyin and Hotse and most of the Hupeh-Honan-Anwhei, Kiangsu-Anhwei, Honan-Anhwei-Kiangsu and Southwestern Shantung Liberated Areas; and north of the Great Wall, it occupied the cities of Chengteh, Chining and Changchiakou and most of Jehol, Suiyuan and Chahar Provinces. The Kuomintang blustered and swaggered like a conquering hero. The People's Liberation Army adopted the correct strategy, which had as its main objective to wipe out the Kuomintang's effective strength rather than to hold territory, and in each month destroyed an average of some eight brigades of the Kuomintang regular troops (the equivalent of eight present-day divisions). As a result, the Kuomintang was finally compelled to abandon its plan for the over- all offensive and by the first half of 1947 it had to limit the major (1) Following the Japanese surrender in 1945, the Kuomintang government divided the three northeastern provinces of Lianoning, Kirin and Heilungkiang into nine provinces, Liaoning, Liaopei, Antung, Kirin, Hokiang, Sungkiang, Heilungkiang, Nunkiang and Hsingan. In 1949 our Northeast Administrative Commission redivided the area into five provinces, Liaotung, Liaoshi, Kirin, Heilungkiang and Sungkiang. Together with Jehol, these provinces were then referred to as the six northeastern provinces. In 1954 the Central People's Government Council merged the two provinces of Liaotung and Liaoshi into the one province of Lianoning and the two provinces of Sungkiang and Heilungkiang into the one province of Heilungkiang, while Kirin remained unchanged. In 1955 Jehol Province was abolished and the area previously under its jurisdiction was divided and incorporated into the provinces of Hopei and Liaoning and the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region. Zimbabwe News 19 National Affairs

Late Chairman Mao Tsetung: Carry the revolution through to the end. ZANU says, Pamberi neChirmurenga. targets of its attack to the two wings of the southern front, i.e., Shantung and northern Shensi. In the second year (July 1947- June 1948) a fundamental change took place in the war. Having wiped out large numbers of Kuomintang regulars, the People's Liberation Army went over from the defensive to the offensive on the southern and northern fronts, while the Kuomintang had to turn from the offensive to the defensive. The People's Liberation Army not only recovered most of the territories lost in northeastern China, Shantung and northern Shensi but also extended the battle front into the Kuomintang areas north of the Yangtse and Weishui Rivers. Moreover, in the course of attacking and capturing Shihchiachuang, Yuncheng, Szepingkai, Loyang, Yichuan, Paoki, Weihsien, Linfen and Kaifeng, our army mastered the tactics of storming heavily fortified points.(2) The People's Liberation Army formed its own artillery and engineer corps. Don't forget that the People's Liberation Army had neither aircraft nor tanks, but once it had formed an artillery and an engineer corps superior to those of the Kuomintang army, the defensive system of the Kuomintang, with all its aircraft and tanks, appeared negligible by contrast. The People's Liberation Army was already able to conduct not only mobile warfare but positional warfare as well. In the first half of the third year of the war (July - December 1948), another fundamental change has occured. The People's Liberation Army, so long out- numbered, has gained numerical superiority. It has been able not only to capture the Kuomintang's heavily fortified cities but also to surround and destroy strong formations of Kuomintang crack troops, a hundred thousand or several hundred thousand at a time. The rate at which the People's Liberation Army is wiping out Kuomintang troops has become much faster. Look at the statistics on the number of Kuomintang regular units of battalion level and above which we have destroyed (including enemy troops who have revolted and come over to our side). In the first year, 97 brigades, including 46 brigades entirely wiped out; in the second year 94 brigades, including 50 brigades entirely wiped out; and in the first half of the third year, according to incomplete figures, 147 divisions, including 111 divisions entirely wiped out. (3) In these six months, the number of enemy divisions entirely wiped out was 15 more than the grand total for the previous two years. The enemy front as a whole has completely crumbled. The enemy troops in the Northeast have been entirely wiped out; those in northern China will soon be entirely wiped out, and in eastern China (2) The dates of the taking of these key points were: Shichiachuang, November 12, 1947; Yuncheng, December 28, 1947; Szepingkai, March 13, 1948; Loyang, first on March 14, 1948, and again on April 5, 1948; Yichuan, March 3,1948; Paoki, April 26,1948; Weihsien, April 27, 1948; Linfen, May 17, 1948; and Kaifeng, June 22, 1948. All these cities were fortified with many groups of blockhouses, and some had high, thick city walls; also, they all had auxiliary defence works, including multiple lines of trenches, barbed-wire entanglements and abatis. Our army at the time had neither planes nor tanks, and little or no artillery. In attacking and taking these cities, our army learned a complete set of tactics for taking strong fortifications. These tactics were: 1) successive demolition - using explosives to demolish the enemy's different defence instanations in succession; 2) tunnel operations - secretly digging tunnels to and under the enemy's blockhouses or city walls, then blowing them up with explosives and following up with fierce attacks; 3) approach trench operations - digging trenches towards the enemy's fortifications, then approaching under cover to make sudden attacks; 4) explosive package projectors - shooting packages of explosives from missile- projectors or mortars to destroy the enemy's defences; 5) "sharp knife" tactics - concentrating manpower and firepower to effect a breakthrough and to cut up the enemy forces. (3) The brigades mentioned here were those designated as brigades after the reorganization of the Kuomintang army, while the divisions were pre- reorganization divisions (which were practically the same as the reorganized brigades). 20 Zimbabwe News National Affairs and the Central Plains only a few enemy forces are left. The annihilation of the Kuomintang's main forces north of the Yangtse River greatly facilitates the forthcoming crossing of the Yangtse by the People's Liberation Army and its southward drive to liberate all China. Simultaneously with victory on the military front, the Chinese people have scored tremendous victories on the political and economic fronts. For this reason public oppinion the world over, including the entire imperialist press, no longer disputes the certainty of the country-wide victory of the Chinese People's War of Liberation. The enemy will not perish of himself. Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor the aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism in China will step down from the stage of history of their own accord. Precisely because they realize that the country-wide victory of the Chinese People's War of Liberation can no longer be prevented by purely military struggle, they are placing more and more importance each day on political struggle. On the one hand, the Chinese reactionaries and the U.S. aggressors are using the existing Kuomintang government for their "peace" plot; on the other hand, they are scheming to use certain persons who have connections both with them and with the revolutionary camp, inciting and instigating these persons to work artifully, strive to infiltrate the revolutionary camp and form a so- called opposition faction with it. The purpose is to preserve the reactionary forces and undermine the revolutionary forces. According to reliable information, the U.S. government has decided on this scheme and begun to carry it out in China. The U.S. government has changed its policy of simply backing the Kuomintang's counter-revolutionary war to a policy embracing two forms of struggle: 1. Organizing the remnants of the Kuomintang's armed forces and the socalled local forces to continue to resist the People's Liberation Army south of the Yangtse River and in the remote border provinces, and 2. Organizing an opposition faction within the revolutionary camp to strive with might and main to halt the revolution where it is or, if it must advance, to moderate it and prevent it from encroaching too far on the interests of the imperialists and their running dogs. The British and French imperialists support this U.S. policy. Many people do not yet see this situation clearly, but it probably will not be long before they do. The question now facing the Chinese people, al democratic parties and all people's organizations is whether to carry the revolution through to the end or to abandon it half-way. If the revolution is to be carried through to the end, we must use the revolutionary method to wipe out all the forces of reaction resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely; we must unswervingly persist in overthrowing imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism; and we must overthrow the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang on a country-wide scale and set up a republic that is a people's democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the proletariat and with the worker-peasant alliance as its main body. In this way, the Chinese nation will completely throw off the oppressor; the country will be transformed from a semi-colony into a genuinely independent state; the Chinese people will be fully emancipated, overthrowing once and for all both feudal oppression and oppression by bureaucrat-capital (Chinese monopoly capital) and will thus achieve unity, democracy and peace, create the prerequisites for transformIng China from an agricultural into an industrial country and make It possible for her to develop from a society with exploitation of man by man into a sodalist society. If the revolution is abandoned half-way, it will mean going against the will of the people, bowing to the will of the foreign aggressors and Chinese reactionaries and giving the Kuomintang a chance to heal its wounds, so that one day it may pounce suddenly to strangle the revolution and again plunge the whole country into darkness. That is how clearly and sharply the question is now posed. Which of these two roads to choose? Every democratic party, every people's organization in China must consider this question, must choose its road and clarify its stand. Whether China's democratic parties and people's organizations can sincerely co-operate without parting company half-way depends on whether they are agreed on this question and take unanimous action to overthrow the common enemy of the Chinese people. What is needed here is unanimity and co-operation, not the setting up of any "opposition faction" or the pursuit of any "middle road". (4) In the long period of more than twenty years form the counter-revolutionary coup d'6tat of April 12, 1927 (5) to this day, have the Chinese reactionaries headed by Chiang Kai-shek and his ilk not given proof enough that they are a gang of blood- stained executioners, who slaughter people without blinking? Have they not given proof enough that they are a band of professional traitors and the running dogs of imperialism? Think it over, everybody! How magnanimous the Chinese people have been towards this gang of bandits in the hope of achieving internal peace with them, since the Sian Incident of December 1936, since the Chungking negotiations of October 1945 and since the Political Consultative Conference of January 1946! But has all this goodwill changed their class nature by one jot or tittle? In their history not a single one of these bandits can be separated from U.S. imperialism. Relying on U.S. imperialism, they have plunged 475 million of our compatriots into a huge civil war of unprecedented brutality and slaughtered millions upon millions of men and women, young and old, with bombers, fighter planes, guns, tanks, rocket-launchers, automatic rifles, gasoline bombs, gas projectiles and other weapons, all supplied by U.S. imperialism. And relying on these criminals, U.S. imperialism on its part has seized China's sovereign rights over her own territory, waters and air space, seized inland navigation rights and special commercial privileges, seized special privileges in China's domestic and foreign affairs and even seized the privilege of killing people, beating them up, driving cars over them and raping women, all with impunity. Can it be said that the Chinese people, who have been compelled to fight such a long and bloody war should still show affection and tenderness towards these most vicious enemies and should not completely destroy or expel them? Only by completely destroying the Chinese reactionaries and expelling the aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism can China gain independence, democracy and peace. Isn't this truth clear enough by now? What deserves attention is that all of a sudden the enemies of the Chinese people are doing their best to assume a harmless and even a pitiable look (readers, please remember that in the future they will try to look pitiable again). Didn't Sun Fo, who has now become president of the Kuomintang)s Executive Yuan, state in June last year that a (4) The "middle road" was also called the "third road". See "The Present Situation and Our Tasks", Note 9, p. 176, Mao Tsetung, Selected Works Vol. IV, Peking 1969. (5) See "The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan", Note 8, p. 23, Mao Tsetung, Selected Works Vol. IV, Peking 1969. Zimbabwe News 21 National Affairs

"settlement will finally come, provided militarily we fight to the end"? But this time, the moment he took office.he talked glibly about an "honourable peace" and said that "the Government has been striving for peace and only resorted to fighting because peace could not be realized, but the ultimate objective of fighting is still to restore peace". Immediately afterwards, on December 21, a United Press dispatch from Shanghai predicted that Sun Fo's statement would meet with widespread approval in U.S. official quarters and among the Kuomintang liberals. At present, U.S. officals have not only become deeply interested in "peace" in China but also repeatedly assert that ever since the Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United States and Britain in December 1945, the United States has adhered to a "policy of noninterference in China's internal affairs". How are we to deal with these worthies from the "Land of Gentlemen"? Here, it is fitting to quote an ancient Greek fable. One winter's day, a farmhand found a snake frozen by the cold. Moved by compassion, he picked it up and put it in his bosom. The snake was revived by the warmth, ist natural instincts returned, and it gave its benefactor a fatal bite. The dying farmhand said, "I've got what I deserve for taking pity on an evil creature."(6) Venomous snakes, foreign and Chinese, hope that the Chinese people will die like the farmhand, that like him the Chinese Communist Party and all Chinese revolutionary democrats will be kind-hearted to them. But the Chinese people, the Chinese Communist Party and the genuine revolutionary democrats of China have heard the labourer's dying words and will well remember them. Moreover, the serpents infesting most of China, big or small, black or white, baring their poisonous fangs or assuming the guise of beautiful girls, are not yet frozen by the cold, although they already sense the threat of winter. The Chinese people will never take pity on snake-like scoundrels, and they honestly believe that no one is their true friend who guilefully says that pity should be shown these scoundrels and says that anything else would be out of keeping with China's traditions, fall short of greatness, etc. Why should one take pity on snake-like scoundrels? What worker, what peasant, what soldier, says that such scoundrels should be pitied? True, there are "Kuomintang liberals" or non- Kuomintang "liberals" who advise the Chinese people to accept Comrade President Samora Machel of Mozambique: FRELIMO carried the war through to the end. the "peace" offered by the United States and the Kuomintang, that is, to enshrine and worship the remnants of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism so that these treasures shall not become extinct on earth. But they are decidedly not workers, peasants or soldiers, nor are they the friends of workers, peasants and soldiers. We hold that the Chinese people's revolutionary camp must be expanded and must embrace all who are willing to join the revolutionary cause at the present stage. The Chinese people's revolution needs a main force and also needs allies, for an army without allies cannot defeat the enemy. The Chinese people, now at the high tide of revolution, need friends and they should remember their friends and not forget them. In China there are undoubtedly many friends faithful to the people's revolutionary cause, who try to protect the people's interests, and undoubtedly non of these friends should be forgotten or coldshouldered. Also, we hold that we must consolidate the Chinese people's revolutionary camp and not allow bad elements to sneak in or wrong views to prevail. Besides keeping their friends in mind, the Chinese people, now at the high tide of revolution, should also keep their enemies and the friends of their enemies firmly in mind. As we said above, since the enemy is cunningly using the method of "peace" and the method of sneaking into the revolutionary camp to preserve and strengthen his position, whereas the fundamental interests of (6) "Evil for Good" in Aesop's Fables. 22 Zimbabwe News National Affairs the people demand that all reactionary forces be destroyed thoroughly and that the aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism be driven out of China, those who advise the people to take pity on the enemy and preserve the forces of reaction are not friends of the people, but friends of the enemy. The raging tide of China's revolution is forcing all social strata to decide their attitude. A new change is taking place in the balance of class forces in China. Multitudes of people are breaking away from Kuomintag influence and control and coming over to the revolutionary camp; and the Chinese reactionaries have fallen into hopeless straits, isolated and abandoned. As the People's War of Liberation draws closer and closer to final victory, all the revolutionary people and all the friends of the people will unite more solidly and, led by the Communist Party of China, resolutely demand the complete destruction of the reactionary forces and the thoroughgoing development of the revolutionary forces until a people's democratic republic on a country-wide scale is founded and a peace based on unity and democracy is achieved. The U.S. imperialists, the Chinese reactionaries and their friends, on the contrary, are incapable of uniting solidly and will indulge in endless squabbles, mutual abuse, recrimination and betrayal. On one point, however, they will co-operate - in striving by every means to undermine the revolutionary forces and preserve the reactionary forces. They will use every means, open and secret, direct and indirect. But it can definitely be stated that their political intrigues will meet with the same defeats as' their military attacks. Having had plenty of experience, the Chinese people and their general staff, the Communists Party of China, are certain to smash the enemy's political intrigues, just as they have shattered his military attacks, and to carry the great People's War of Liberation through to. the end. In 1949, the Chinese People's Liberation Army will advance south of the Yangtse River and will win even greater victories than in 1948. In 1949, on the economic front we shall achieve even greater successes than in 1948. Our agricultural and industrial production will rise to a higher level than before, and rail and highway traffic will be completely restored. In their operations the main formations of the People's Liberation Army will discard certain survivals of guerrilla habits and reach a higher level of regularization. In 1949, the Political Consultative Conference, with no reactionaries participating and having as its aim the fulfilment of the tasks of the people's revolution, will be convened, the People's Republic of China will be proclaimed, and the Central Government of the Republic will be established. This government will be a democratic coalition government under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, with the participation of appropriate persons representing the democratic parties and people's organizations. These are the main concrete tasks which the Chinese people, the Communist Party of China and all the democratic parties and people's organizations in China should strive to fulfil in 1949. We shall brave all difficulties and unite as one to fulfil these tasks. In our struggle we shall overthrow once and for all the feudal oppression of thousands of years and the imperialist oppression of a hundred years. The year 1949 will be a year of tremendous importance. We should redouble our efforts. The War Consolidation, Containment, Aggressive Initiative and Expansion You have to hit a racist settler in the groin and skull hard, very hard, very very hard before you can get him to shout, "Power to the people"... The months of March and April were months of consolidation and containment on the one hand and aggressive initiative and expansion on the other in all the operational areas - old and new. Throughout Zimbabwe, the areas under ZANLA control witnessed a new consolidative and containment intensification in the political, ideological and supportive sectors of the war effort. The Comrade President's command to establish People's power in order to secure every gain made on the ground finally became fully operative. Guerrillas hold meetings everywhere with the broad masses of Zimbabwe to discuss in democratic groups the various political and military issues. Aggressive initiative was retained in the initiation of new offensives in order to extend and expand People's power, both territorially and in population. New areas have now been effectively Zimbabwe News 23 National Affairs penetrated and political education is being organized on more systematic and scientific basis. In some instances, the penetration process proved so porous that the Defence Department's Operations division was quite surprised. "It's been like 'hacking butter with an axe", remarked one comrade in the logistics and planning division of ZANLA. Another- tempered by military campaigns since 1972 - said, "Look, I don't like this at all. It is hard to think it can be this easy. They must be planning something soon." But, no retaliations have come. It is obvious the nerve and will to fight in the regime's forces is fast evapourating. As we promised in Zimbabwe News (vol. 10, No. 1 January-February 1978 at p. 13) the data for the Southern Province (hitherto called Gaza) has now become availabe. It covers the period January 1st to the middle of March. All the incidents occuring in January and February in this province should therefore be regarded as forming part of War Communiqut No. 15. This fact has, to some extent, to be borne in mind when studying the War Communique Summary, which appears elsewhere in this section. A Note on Data for the North-Eastern (Hitherto known as Manica) Province (N.B. Please note that materials covered in War CommuniqWd No. 15 for this province covered the period October 13th, 1977 to December 31st, 1977, with only one incident singled out for January 1978. Detailed data has now become available for the period commencing January 1st, 1978. We are therefore delighted to give our readers a fuller picture for the entire first quarter 1978 (January - March). It will become immediately obvious that, read together with the war effort in the Southern Province, our struggle during the first quarter of 1978 represents a significant escalation of the armed struggle. Editor.) The War in the Southern (hitherto Gaza) Province January - April 1978 Introduction During the first quarter of 1978, the Southern Province has been transformed into a vast war zone. The geography of the Province should be constantly borne in mind, when following the escalation of the war outlined below. It is the "frontier" province bordering the Republic of South Africa. The Limpopo forms the Southern boundary. The Northern boundary of this province is an irregular line that just misses Umtali, goes in the westerly direction to include the entire Zaka, Gutu, Victoria, Shabani, and thence towards Botswana engulfing Bulawayo and Plumtree. Everything south of this imaginary line lies in the Southern Province. The Province itself is for military purposes divided into four sectors. The war during this period has shaken the regime, since Rhodesia's sole life-line is the Fort Victoria - Beit Bridge Road. The "Action Calendar" recounted for this Province as for all others is strictly chronological without regard to sector. New Year's Day New Year 1978 ZANLA's attacking force had one the war ball in the Southern Province by launching a series of combat actions. 24 Zimbabwce News ZIMBABWE MA POOL. MO AMBIQUE SAME, K R ESIERVE" / T. ..o' ScaleWadCIVR A.. .- GAME RESERVE '% ZA N LA 's O pte ,dtional D esignations: Karni ku Northern Province - 1 .a ,aroo #s!' Central Province - 2 B. ITADuNA R.. ing2ra ' '. ','; Ou Ou llan j Southern Province - 3 SOACV A T I E AN& U FAT PA &W. A. iving tifne ligo -CNIZARIRA SotALISBURY WGAMENATIONAL PARRE V sAt AlA *NATIONAL PARKS BOTsuAN "E"--,, ,hio *WAKLANAIOAL AR --PAKN ATuIOaNA VUI * UGFRS Al m vum A K ARK "ANAL A LS Faco AS t as ATIONAL PARK 11 2 ssauna NAT. PAR RAINLCAIS g NAATIONAP Souw Trts' AlE A4 Route [PARK wand h oW(~ L ~d IR C nd 1MOC AMBTQ UE ASm. Mat Fort lAia i.cStripa . A RESERVE - Gravelled ..- . *rdRL" Copyright Reserved. IaN. National Parks f Game Reserves . S SOUT IARICAS n Prdue IM I. Spr oins ( . Ltd. The War UE

Prominent among the series were two special engagements. First, a ZANLA commando unit launched a surprise attack destroying an enemy camp around Tongwe area, 17 km from Beit Bridge during the night of the 1st January. The camp accomodated over 50 enemy troops. At exactly 3.00 a.m. the attack began and the camp was completely destroyed. Over 30 enemy troops were killed and several others fled to their HQ at Beit Bridge. Secondly, during the same day, a ZANLA combatant unit encountered 20 enemy troops at Dzimati Kraal near Shabani African Township at 3.30 p.m. 'killing 10 enemy troops and wounding several others. In revenge, the enemy burnt down houses in Dzimati Village and harrassed the masses there in a vain attempt to check ZANLA activities in the area. Action at Musungwa dip-tank The following day, the 2nd January, at 9.20 p.m. another gallant ZANLA unit ran into squads of Selous Scouts near Musungwa dip-tank in the Chibi Tribal Trust Land. Although the Scouts opened fire first, ZANLA promptly silenced the fire, killing and wounding an unknown number of these traitors. Running battle on the Mrerengwa road near Beit Bridge The success of the ZANLA unit in the Tongwe area on the 1st January inspired another unit in the same sector to stage an ambush on traffic headed for the Beit- Bridge. In the ensuing battle ZANLA returned heavy fire from both ground and air. The enemy had reinforced with four helicopters and one vampire jet. One helicopter was short down. All 16 racist troops aboard were killed. The battle scene was on the Mrerengwa road, 17 km from Beit Bridge. No rest for colonizers On January 13th, a unit of ZANLA forces operating in sector I successfully launched a surprise attack on enemy troops ,who had camped on a Highland near Mabazule School in Fushu area, Shabani. It was assumed that all enemy troops had been killed as there was completely no sign of life at the camp after the attack. Bodies were scattered all over the camp. Peasants reported later, that the regime had sent a large contingent to collect corpses two days afterwards. ZANLA visits Shiku On the 22nd January, in the same sec- tor I, ZANLA guerrillas active in the Shiku area engaged a superior enemy force killing 15 regime troops. On the 16th, the enemy brought in reinforcements for hot-pursuit. ZANLA forces mined the road along which reinforcing troops were travelling in three Bedford trucks. The leading truck detonated a mine, exploded and engulfed two other trucks in a huge ball of fire. In no time, the three trucks were one huge burning wreckage. It is not known how many enemy forces perished, but local mass supporters later testified to seing several coffins being loaded into a helicopter from the scene on the 17th. The same unit trecked to Beingwe. where on the 19th it ambushed an enemy troop scouting the area. The engagement occured near Rusunga Village. Enemy reinforcements of four helicopters and one vampire jet failed to locate the vigillant ZANLA combatants. They had vanished into the generous thickets and forests. ZANLA action in Selukwe district On the 25th January, a ZANLA commando unit operating north of Pakame Mission in the Selukwe District launched a surprise attack on a squad of enemy troops killing 8 enemy forces and wounding 3 others. Two hours later, the enemy sent in reinforcement from Selukwe in a Land Rover accompanied by a mine detector. The two vehicles were ambushed successfully near Banga's Village. The Land Rover was completely destroyed. Several troops were killed or injured. Protected Village attacked On February 2nd, a ZANLA combatant unit operating in Chironga area attacked a "Protected Village" i.e. a Concentration Camp named "Chironga 'Keep", 12 km from Chiredzi. That day about 12 enemy trucks had arrived at that Concentration Camp to reinforce the armed squad which was already there. There were approximately 250 enemy troops and police at the time ZANLA opened fire. During the battle, 148 Zimbabwean masses were freed and relocated by ZANLA. It is estimated that about 25 enemy soldiers were either killed or wounded. Sector two Detachment one On January 20th, two sections of the ZANLA forces ambushed two enemy trucks on the Binya road. Each truck had about 30 soldiers. We used mortar, bombs, bazooka R.P.G. 7 and S.M.G.'s. No fire was returned. On January 23rd, a ZANLA detachment attacked a Muzamani "Keep" 20 km from Chiredzi. Before the attack the enemy fired at a different direction and the ZANLA forces opened fire with Mortar 82. After some few minutes we fired about 5 boozes of R.R. We used I.R.R., 1 Mortar 82, 2 Mortar 60, 3 R.P.G. 7 and the rest S.M.G.'s. The enemy reinforced the following morning, but they did not see anything except the dead bodies of their security forces. Planning and leading the war of the People. Here Comrade President Mugabe addresses a rally in the bush. Zimbabwe News 25 The War

Comrade Josiah Tongogara, Secretary for Defence, and Comrade Josiah Tungamirai, Commissar for the ZANLA forces chart the course of the war. Chikombedzi In the Nuanetsi district in the Chikombedzi area (Chayenga), the presence of the enemy was reported to ZANLA combatants on January 21st. Two well armed sections started the hunt and on their way found out that the enemy had passed just near where they were and had taken "masses" heading them towards the M'pakati Concentration Camp ("Keep"). Commanders came to this conclusion from foot prints and did some quick thinking. They moved on either side of the road after the enemy, who had apparently lost vigilance. It was just after a 900 m walk when the ZANLA forces found the 15 Smith terrorists taking a rest. The ZANLA combatants alerted each other and started off the battle with a bazooka launch and later used S.M.G.'s and rifle grenades. The battle was remarkable. The abducted masses fled from the enemy, for they had taken cover, when all had started. Five enemy troops died- reported by the masses who witnessed the scene. Unfortunately one of the "masses" got shot and died. The enemy reacted by burning houses and massacring civilians. On the same evening of the above event, some of the ZANLA combatants advanced to the Chikombedzi "Keep" and released 334 people. All was done without the use of guns on anyone. It was a matter of cutting some fence and freeing the masses who were taken to the ZANLA controlled areas namely (Kutangwena Nekumashubini). Almost every combatant had a baby on his back helping the beloved mothers who were never used to walking such long distances in the dark. This action was carried out by 3 sectors. The enemy could not get into any quick counter-action. Nuanetsi ranch attacked One ZANLA section visited a farm Nuanetsi Ranch - and freed 148 people from the farm. They were taken to the ZANLA controlled areas, where they started farming and undergoing political education. The enemy could not follow, for all the roads were heavily blocked by logs, rocks, mines and other obstacles. In a repeat attack on Nuanetsi Ranching two days later, ZANLA "boys" laid an ambush for the manager and one of the regime's soldiers who was travelling with him. He was notorious for harbouring Smith forces at his home. His Land Rover truck was totally destroyed and the two bandits in the truck died. The ZANLA "boys" captured a sterngun and a NATO machine-gun (The F.N.). Action between Beit Bridge and Gezani Due to the intensification of guerrilla activities throughout the four sectors of the Southern Province, comrades operating in Sector Four bordering with South Africa resolved to launch spectacular combat actions throughout March. On the 4th March a daring ambush was staged between Beit Bridge and Gezani. Our aim in such an ambush was to isolate the enemy from the enemy camp known as No. 10, so that there would be no communication, food supplies etc. Right on the spot we destroyed two Bedfords carrying food supplies and about 15 rebel racist soldiers were eliminated. There wasn't even an exchange of fire, which means that we were pretty effective. Two giant sections of ZANLA forces executed this victorious battle. The battle lasted almost for 30 minutes. We used an R.P.G. 7 Bazooka and an anti-tank lancer. All these Bedfords as well as food supplies were completely destroyed. Sector Four: Detachment One On March 6th, five sections of ZANLA decided to go and destroy a newly constructed village known as "Keep No. 1", 20 km from Beit Bridge. The enemy wanted to drive all the masses into that Concentration Camp. 150 enemy forces were in place to defend "Keep No. 1". The ZANLA forces attacked the camp at 7.00 p.m., opening fire with one bomb of Mortar 60 mm and then all the comrades fired at the enemy. ZANLA's attacking force had one Mortar 82 mm, 1 Mortar 60 mm, 2 R.P.G. 7 and one sub-machine gun. Four enemy soldiers returned fire and ten search-lights flashed, but ZANLA continued to pound the camp until enemy fire was silenced. The struggle lasted 25 minutes. All tents were burnt and over 50 enemy soldiers lost their lives. The survivors shifted the camp to No. 10. Soon, thereafter, the enemy soldiers started constructing another "Keep" into which they would imprison abducted masses. Three sections fo ZANLA composed of 33 comrades heavily armed set out to attack the "Keep" at 4.00 p.m. and so prevent the monster from being constructed. The fire lasted 20 minutes and all the enemy soldiers dispersed and fled. It is not known how many were killed. A reinforcing enemy truck detonated a landmine the following day. Seventeen soldiers were killed. The War in the Central Province The war in the Central Province (formerly Manica and formerly Eastern) saw a new intensification during the first quarter of 1978. The Central Province straddles the whole middle of Zimbabwe, embracing Umtali, Salisbury - thence, westward to the Botswana border. It comprises roughly one third of the country. The most important thing to remember is that more than 2/3 of all white settlers live in the Cent- 26 Zimbabwe News The War ral Province. It is, therefore, the heartland of colonialism. In War Communiqu6 No. 15, we covered combat activities in this Province between October 2nd, 1977, and December 31st, 1977. We are pleased to present you with highlights of the war during the first quarter of 1978. New Year in Buma Valley Buma Valley was the first to see action following a two day New Year lull in many areas throughout the Province. It was January 3rd, 1978. A ZANLA Unit launched a surprise attack on a regime's platoon in Buma Valley near Umtali. The action, which started at 11.00 p.m. resulted in 3 enemy soldiers killed. A rescue helicopter was shotdown. It was not known how many enemies were on board, nor was it possible to determine their fate in the crush. On the same day in a separate action, a ZANLA unit in collaboration with the local people in the Mandeya Village, in the Inyanga District, launched another surprise attack on enemy troops as they had their meal behind a Kopje. The initiative was richly rewarded - netting 9 enemy troops killed and several wounded. Survivors scattered and ran in disarray and were seen later by the local people without guns and shirts. Zimbabwe Potatoes do their work On the 4th of January 1978, an enemy truck detonated a landmine laid by a ZANLA "mine squad" along the Melsetter-Umtali road at 7.00 a.m. The truck was blasted, flung into the air and hit and broke two telephone poles adja- cent the road. Two enemy soldiers including the driver were killed. The truck was a hopeless pile of metal. There was no enemy reaction until 4.00 p.m. when they came to repair the poles. We deliberately did not attack, in order to create the impression we had long gone to other areas. Ambush at Birchenough On the 8th ofJanuary, a ZANLA section laid a successfull ambush along the Birchenough-Umtali road. 4 enemy troops were killed and several wounded. ZANLA in Maranke On the 12th of January, a ZANLA unit launched a surprise attack on an enemy unit relaxing under bushes, near Makunike Village in Maranke. Several enemy troops were killed, and many others wounded. The ZANLA forces had gathered crucial information on enemy movement in the area form the local population. Umtali - Melsetter Road On the 13th January, a ZANLA unit operating in Umtali district ambushed enemy trucks travelling in convoy along the Umtali-Melsetter road. One civilian car was burnt to ashes together with one of the escorting vehicles. 4 enemy soldiers and two civilian whites were killed. Chimurenga in Maranke On the 17th of January, a ZANLA unit laid and executed an ambush in the Maranke district at 7.30 p.m. In that battle, which lasted 4 minutes, 8 enemy soldiers were killed and several others A ZANLA send off to Comrades leaving for the interior to smash the Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau forces. wounded. It took two days for the enemy to come and pick-up the dead and evacuate. Sabotage in Munsha On the 18th February, a ZANLA sabotage squad completely destroyed a railway truck in Muusha Tribal Trust Land near Biriwiri. The truck was left in flames. Zimbabwe Prtato in Chinyadzwa An enemy truck detonated a landmine laid by ZANLA in the Chinyadzwa area on January 21st, at 6.30 a.m. The enemy lost 4 enemy soldiers on the spot, and several were injured. Farmer and wife liquidated On January 22nd, a ZANLA unit ambushed and fired upon a civilian private car along the Umtali-Buma Valley road, at 5.45 p.m. A racist farmer and his wife perished. The Mutsage road ambush The previous day, 21st January, a heavily armed ZANLA unit had ambushed a section of enemy troops on the Mutsage road at 3.45 p.m. The enemy section panicked, attempted to scatter and were all annihilated. This particular section of the enemy's troops had been particularly terroristic in its harrassment of the masses. Enemy patrol perishes at Gurukunhunwa A ZANLA combatant unit laid an ambush on an enemy patrol unit near Gurukunhunwa village on the 25th February, 1978. Six enemy troops were killed and two injured. One fortunate enemy soldier, who tried to escape was captured by the masses, who chopped his head off using an axe. He met true People's Justice. Notorious District Assistants get their just rewards On the 27th January a crack unit of ZANLA forces killed 6 District Assistants near Payawamburi Village in the Muusha district, and seriously wounded 2. This ZANLA unit had gathered many reports about the atrocities committed by these District Assistants and their barbaric harrassment of the innocent peasants. The victory of the ZANLA forces and the deaths of these D.A.'s brought happiness and joy to the people of Payawamburi Village. They celebrated all night and sang ZANU's revolutionary songs. Zimbabwe News 27 The War

,Accuracy is economy tor LALNLA. iNO Duller must oe waistea. i ne oraer is, "- une sewer, one bullet." A surprise attack on ZANLA misfires At 9.00 p.m. on the 17th of March, 1978, a crack ZANLA unit was surprise- attacked. ZANLA responded promptly killing two regime's soldiers and wounding several others. The exchange of fire lasted 1 minute. Burdened with precious war materials, the section could not do otherwise, but to fight to the finish in defence of the People's war materials. Later that day, the enemy, confident that some war materials might have been lost by ZANLA during the battle, arrived in a Bedford full of forces to collect the expected material. The truck detonated a freshly laid landmine and all the forces in the truck were either killed or injured. The enemy bomb themselves A particularly interesting engagement occured at Gondoji on the 19th March, at 2.55 p.m. Thirty enemy troops were annihilated in a one hour suprise attack launched by a ZANLA detachment. The racist troops had been advancing toward a ZANLA base when ZANLA opened up with mortar shells followed by heavy and light machine gun fire. Unnerved by the heavy ZANLA fire, the enemy failed to return fire. The enemy later reinforced with 3 helicopters, 2 spotter planes and 1 vampire jet. The enemy bombed at random and wound up bombing its own troops. In the confusion, one helicopter and one spotter plane were gunned down. Their racism was demonstrated, when it came to picking-up the dead. The dead African troops were left at the battle field, while the bodies of the white terrorist troops were taken away. Another enemy plane gunned down During the same day, 19th March, another Smith terrorist army plane was gunned down in the Zimunya area, killing 12 enemy troops, most of them black. Power-line blasted At 9.00 a.m. on the 21st March, ZANLA forces blasted to pieces two telephone poles 25 miles south of Umtali. The fighters waited for four hours, but there was no response from the enemy. The invention was to lure the enemy into an ambush. The poles were repaired after 5 days. Enemy troops brought down from horseback On the 23rd March, at 8.55 p.m., villagers in the Zimunya district saw several horses without riders gallopping away. What had happened was that at 7.30 p.m. an ZANLA unit had, in an ambush, shot down the enemy soldier riders, some five miles away. Victory is certain At 3.30 p.m. on the 26th March, an unknown number of enemy troops was killed by a combined operation of ZANLA forces and the People's militia in Zimunya district near Katsidzira's village. In a separate engagement on the same day, seven ra-ist troops were annihilated in Zimunya near Mufushwa's Village at about 3.40 p.m.The surviving two were badly injured. During the battle, the enemy returned little fire, which was quickly silenced by the gallant ZANLA forces. Building solid base areas Along site the heroic battles fought by ZANLA in the Central Province during February and March, numerous political Committees were established. Ideological classes were held in most areas in order to consolidate the party line in the minds of the broad masses. The War in the North-eastern Province Chimurenga at Mutem On the 1st of January, 1978, a crack ZANLA unit operating in the settler white occupied area of Mutema killed 5 enemy troops in a surprise attack. The defeat of the enemy, in the battle which grew fiercer when the racists reinforced ivith 5 truck loads of terrorist troops covered by 3 helicopters and 2 spotter planes proved beyond doubt that a force which is inferior, but prepared can often defeat a superior enemy by surprise attack. Murandu farm liberated In a separate incident on the same day, a reinforced ZANLA section, razed to the ground the settler white owned Murandu Farm in Mtoko district: 2 white racists were killed. Devastation of Amato farm Amato Farm in Mtoko was devastated on the same day by a ZANLA commando group. Three tractors and two cars were destroyed, the farm store burnt to ashes and a lot of the goods distributed to the local masses. A high voltage radio communication system was also captured. Counter-surprise On January 2, 1978, a ZANLA reinforced section operating in Mtoko District, Kananga area counter-surprised the Smith terrorists. Through a terrific combination of bazooka shells and machine-gun fire; the gallant fighters silenced the enemy fire in no time. Seven enemy troops were killed. Enemy agent sentenced to death Pharaoh R.B. (Registration number 49000166249) was arrested in Mtoko, Nyakuchenga area by ZANLA's Security and Intelligence Department on the 3rd of January, 1978. Through reliance on the bastion of our revolution, the masses, the people's forces heard that Pharaoh who had been collaborating 28 Zimbabwe News The War with the enemy all along had now decided to intensify his counter-revolutionary activities by joining the enemy forces as one of the misguided D.A.s. Having been given the exact day and time of his departure and the road he was to use, by the local people, Pharoh was arrested on his way to Mudzi enemy camp. After 11 days of interrogation and trial, the people's court found Pharoh guilty of murdering six local people by poisoning their wells, poisoning food destined for freedom fighters and encouraging white racist troops to rape African women. He was sentenced to death on the 14th February, 1978. Sabotage in Nyamanda At 11.30 p.m., on the 5th of January 1978, a ZANLA supper unit successfully destroyed a bridge near Hondo Kraal, Nyamhanda area. The bridge was a crossing point for the notorious Smith troops, who through a system of surprise arrivals, came to harrass and demand taxes from the oppressed struggling and toiling poor peasant community in the area. The people: richest source of power to wage war 11.00 a.m., on the 9th of January, 1978 sounded the death knell for 3 enemy troops and serious injury for 5 others, at Jesta's Farm, Chiendambuya. Working in close collaboration with the locals, a ZANLA section arranged for them to go and "steal" asbestos from the farm. The exploitative white racist immediately phoned for the enemy forces to come and protect his personal interests. Trucks, which came loaded with enemy troops detonated a ZANLA landmine just before entering the gate of the farm. Notorious settler white farmer killed On 11th of January, 1978, a ZANLA section consolidating political power in the hands of the people in Chiendambuya ambushed and capture a racist settler white on Ben's Farm. The freedom fighters seized an FN submachine-gun and a pistol and then liquidated him. The local people's court had already passed the death sentence on him "in absentia" because he cold bloodedly strangled to death one of the farm labourers for coming to "work" one hour late one morning. The Katsande Explosion On the 12th of January, 1978, a ZANLA unit laid a landmine which ex- The transformation process: from ZANLA to the People's army requires the masses. ZANU has them. ploded successfully near Katsande kraal, Mtoko District. An enemy truck was completely wrecked in the blast that killed 4 enemy troops and wounding several others. 12 killed in 25 minutes On the 13th of January, 1978, a section of ZANLA fighters were enganged in bitter fighting with enemy troops between Maiyo enemy camp and Headlands. More than fifty racist troops were deployed at night by trucks and the 25 minute fierce battle which ended with 12 enemy troops dead and several injured and the rest fleeing in utter confusion; began at 11.23 a.m. Mupisire Zvakare On the following day, the 14th of January, 1978, at 6.00 a.m., a speciall follow up unit of the freedom fighters counter-surprised an enemy platoon at Mupisire Kraal in Chiendambuya reserve. 3 terrorists of the Salisbury regime were mowed down. In the afternoon of the same day, at 2.00 p.m. 38 enemy soldiers tried to surprise attack 23 ZANLA fighters in Kagore areas, but in vain. Applying the ZANLA principles of courage, and rapidity of decision in face of new situations the 23 gallant fighters in no time turned the tables and killed 11 enemy troops. 3 local Africans who had brought food for the People's soldiers fought heroically side by side with their comrades in arms. They eventually got slightly injured and are now recovering in one of our clinics inside the country. Ambush at Chimutowa On the same day, January 14th, 1978, a reinforced section of ZANLA forces ambushed a platoon of enemy terrorist troops notorious for harrassing the local people, because of their commitment to Chimurenga. In the ensuing pitched battle 14 enemy troops were wiped out. In this victorious battle, three members of our people's militia accounted for the death of six of the terrorists. Close Combat at ST BEADS T/ship The ZANLA forces enganged the enemy in another 7.00 p.m. surprise attack on the 14th of January, 1978 at St. Beads Township, Dewedzo. Two enemy sections had spent the day harrassing the Africans civilian population, demanding for information on our movements. The 2 sections met at 4.00 p.m. at the township apparently to compare notes. On receiving this report, the liberations forces enganged the enemy in a battle that broke off with a distant of only 75 metres separating the two forces ended up in close combat in a maize field. 7 enemy troops were killed, 3 seriously wounded and captured. The others fled in disarray. Enemy FN rifles, LMG's (NATO) American, British and French defensive hand grenades captured. M'tondo Keep At 10.00 p.m. on the 14th of January, 1978, in a well planned assault, a reinforced ZANLA section in collaboration with the local people wiped out the enemy's effective strength at Mtondo Keep in Mtoko, burnt down the shanty Zimbabwe News 29 The War type pole and dagga houses and liberated the masses. 2 enemy soldiers and 8 misguided African DAs were killed with 2 of the later surrendering to the National Liberation forces. ZANLA 'Fire-power Brings Joy to Mangwende On the 15th January, 1978, ZANLA forces launched a surprise attack on an enemy platoon at Mahwohwa T/ship, Mangwende. 9 enemy troops were killed. This enemy platoon had become notorious for burning down people's houses, destroying crops and mercilessly torturing the poor peasants, ZANLA's victory brought joy to the people and further strengthened the already unity between the National Liberation forces and the people, based on armed struggle. Action at Hadya School At 8.25 p.m. on the same day, 5 enemy troops were killed and several wounded at Hadya School, Marira area, Mtoko District. The enemy troops who suffered a humiliating defeat in front of the teachers and pupils had just finished boasting about their "superior military training". They were to engange the ZANLA forces then in order to prove the validity of their statement. Viva ZANLA! On the 17th of January, 1978, a ZANLA T.N.T. concentrated charge destroyed a grid on a road between what was Chingwena Keep, Mtoko District. (Chingwena Keep destroyed on 30/11/77, see Zimbabwe News Vol. 10 No. 1). 4 ZANLA laid antipersonnel mines crippled 2 enemy troops, the following day at the same spot. ZANLA in Tanda On the 18th of January, 1978, 6 enemy troops were killed in a swift, well prepared ZANLA surprise attack near Gwete Kraal, Tanda. 3 days later 2 enemy platoons unleashed the murderous vengeance of the settlerist regime on the Tanda African civilian population. And behaving like a mad bull crashing into a ring of flames, the enemy platoons were engulfed by the fire power of the ZANLA forces with the direct involvement of the people's militia. Enemy forces were totally annihilated. The Bedford trucks were set on fire by the masses. Enemy FN rifles were captured. Comrade Josiah Tungamirai, Deputy Chief Political Commissar The capture of racist farmer On the 21st of January, 1978, at 8.00 a.m. Mars, a racist settler farmer was captured in a well laid ZANLA ambush. His capture which was virtually directed by the struggling and toiling workers on the farm vividly shows the oneness spirit between the ZANLA forces and the oppressed, exploited people of Zimbabwe. Evidence brought forward during his trial by the people's court proved that he had been involved in various diabolic activities which had resulted in the murder of innocent Zimbabwe civilians. The death sentence was passed on him. What was Maris's farm is in Mtoko. The Tanda ZANLA "Potato" Explodes 30 minutes later in the same day a ZANLA landmine exploded near Chingume kraal in Tanda Reserve. An enemy truck was destroyed. 2 enemy soldiers died and 3 were seriously wounded. More Weapons Captured At 9.00 p.m. of this day, 21st of January, 1978, 4 ZANLA veterans ambushed 9 enemy troops near Galahare in Chindambuya reserve. A pitched battle ensued. The 15 minutes of fire exchange resulted in 4 enemy troops killed and 2 seriously wounded. The rest fled leaving behind their weapons. 4 submachine guns, 3 Rifles, 2 American bazookas, bazooka shells, ammunition and hand-grenades were captured. Victory for the people was practically realized. "Tinofa Tichienda Ku Zimbabwe" On the 22nd of January, 1978, at 6.18 a.m. a traitor carrying our people accidentally detonated a ZANLA laid 30 Zimbabwe News landmine. 7 Zimbabweans heroically died in this unfortunate incident and another 8 were injured. The objective of the landmine was to blockade enemy reinforcement to settler white farming areas. The following day, the 23rd of January, 1978, was noted by the ZANLA forces and the local population as a day we lost 7 and suffered the injury of 8 members of the revolutionary and toiling masses Zimbabwean masses.. The day was marked by delivery of revolutionary speeches and the singing of Chimurenga songs. However on the evening of the 22nd of January, 1978, the 16 ZANLA combatants involved in the above mentioned unfortunate incident attacked Benard's farm in the same area. A misguided black Smith terrorist was killed and the settler white exploiter seriously injured. When the freedom fighters bombered the farmhouse with bazooka shells, the three racist troops who tried to return fire from inside it were silenced in no time. The farm labourers stood upright during the attack and with one voice rallied behind the people's cause as they in revolutionary unison shouted Viva ZANU! Viva ZANLA! Viva Mugabe! Chimurenga is a war of the Masses. Tracker dog Killed On the 21st of January, 1978, 11 ZANLA combatants successfully counter- surprise attacked the enemy in the Bullin forest. 6 enemy troops were annihilated and a tracker-dog met its end. Madziva Council Comes Under Heavy Fire On the 22nd of January, 1978, a heavily armed reinforced ZANLA section operating in Madziva area, liberated hundreds of dollars from the Madziva Enemy Council Office and bar. During this successful operation most of the buildings were razed to the ground and the jubilant locals helped themselves to free beer. A reinforced ZANLA section laid a successful ambush along the road from Dowero enemy rest camp to Mudumbira Dip Tank. One enemy soldier and 3 DA's were killed and several wounded. The enemy reinforced with 2 truck loads of racist troops. But then one of the trucks detonated a landmine and was completely destroyed. The mine detactor which proved unreliable in this instant was shattered by bazooka and mortar bombardment. The enemy's death fall rose to 14. Several enemy weapons were captured. The War

The Masses take the Initiative On the 25th of January, 1978, at 7.30 p.m. ZANLA combatants surprise attacked enemy forces camp on a hill in the Matedza Farms area. This was a difficult operation which had to be carried out with great care and direct command of the local people. They knew the terrain and its features and in fact, they are the ones, who had alerted the freedom fighters about the enemy's presence on the hill. The 8 racist troops were killed. A victory which further advanced the determination of the ZANLA guerillas to cement their military technique with the heroism and the determination of the masses of Zimbabwe to liberate Zimbabwe. 27/1/78 10,00 p.m. The 45 metres wide Nyanhabgwe Bridge at Tombo in Inyanga was destroyed., Thus disrupting enemy communication and strengthening guerrilla control of the area. The bridge was link between Nyamaropa enemy camp and on the Inyanga racist barracks. On the 1st of February, 1978, a section of enemy troops came with builders to try and repair the bridge. They were repulsed by heavy ZANLA mortar power backed by bazooka shells and sub-machine guns fire. 5 enemy troops were killed, 2 wounded and arms seized. 3/2/78 Time 3.00 p.m. A ZANLA surprise attack on enemy troops in the Kambudzi area saw one enemy soldier dead. And the number of those wounded could not be accounted for. Rwanya Camp Devastated At 6.33 p.m. on the 4th of February, 1978 a mobile unit of ZANLA forces bombered Rwanya enemy camp. 17 Sithole - Muzorewa - Chirau and Smith fascist troops were woiinded and an unknown number killed. 5 military trucks and 21 tents went up in flames. Retreating the victorious ZANLA mobile unit's political commissar speaking through a megaphone belowed: "This is the beginning of the end. The Nyadzonya Batallion is coming!" Surprise attack at Nyabezi Kraal On the 6th of February, 1978, at 6.50 a.m. ZANLA fighters surprise attacked 29 enemy troops at Nyabezi Kraal in Nyatate area. 28 were killed on the spot. The 29th surrendered. 18 enemyFN rifles were collected by ZANLA. And on the 9th of February, 1978, at Marume Kraal in the same area, 11 enemy troops ran in disarray being cought in a ZANLA surprise attack: The enemy forces that are now living in perpetual fear of ZANLA attacks fled leaving behind tinned foods, medical kits, one LMG (NATO) and five FN rifles. On the 10th of February, 1978, 19 ZANLA guerrillas encountered an enemy section in close combat at Duku kraal. ZANLA's fire power thoroughly wiped them out. The Nyamombe Bridge Encounter At 7.30 p.m. on the 1 lth of February, 1978, the racist regime was dealt a crushing blow in a surprise attack at Nyamombe Bridge that left 10 enemy troops dead, a mined detactor destroyed and a military truck in ashes. The attack which was preceded by careful planning by the ZANLA guerrillas owed its success to the accurate information made L LI available by the local peasants. On the 16th of February, 1978, an enemy landrover was ambushed by ZANLA forces at Guta kraal, Nyadowa in Inyanga. The four enemy troops went up in flames with the landrover. Almost at the same time another ZANLA unit operating near Mangezi kraal, Tabua, mowed down 8 enemy soldiers and wounded several others in an ambush that transformed into a fierce battle lasting 17 minutes. 8 DA's killed Near Nyangozi School On the 18th of February, 1978, a reinforced section of ZANLA guerrillas ambushed two enemy trucks along the Dewere enemy rest camp and Muzeni T/ship near Nyangozi School. 8 misguided African DA's were killed instantly. 2 settler white fascists tried to escape the net, but were shot dead by a ZANLA sniper. The rest fled in disarray. The two trucks which were slightly damaged together with some 303 rifles were captured. On the 4th of March, 1978, a ZANLA commando unit blasted an enemy truck with rocket fire in an ambush laid along the road between an enemy rest camp and Dawora T/ppip. 13 DA's were put out of action and several others seriously Wounded. ZANLA Ambush at Magoshe On the 15th of March 1978, an enemy section on its way to loot Magoshe African Township store at Kambuzi in Inyanga was ambushed by ZANLA forces. The victory which was scored near the store was a result of information relayed by the masses. Another example of the many examples of how fathers, mothers, sons and daughters of Zimbabwe are unflinchingly striving for the realisation of Comrade President Robert Mugabe's call that our struggle must now practically and effectively involve them. Dombwe Council Offices Burnt Down Around the almost same period, a ZANLA commando unit burnt down Dombwe Council Offices in Mangezi purchase area. The Offices, which are the home centre of the oppressive, suppressive and exploitative enemy machinery in the area, were destroyed with the full collaboration of the local people, African Farmers. An adjacent hall used as a classroom by students from the locality was damaged. Zimbabwe News 31 The War

The following is a summary of War Communique No. 16 released by the Defence Department of the Zimbabwe African National Union covering the period between January and April 1978. The period in question has witnessed the sharpest intensification of the war to date. This unprecedented escalation of the liberation war in all the four corners of Zimbabwe is demonstratably a clear response by the People of Zimbabwe to Comrade President Robert Mugabe's call in January "to make 1978 the year of the Party and the people so that we can also transform our struggle in both theory and practice into the People's struggle." This summary is based mainly on major operations carried out by ZANLA forces during the aformentioned period. During the middle of March, news of what the press termed "the biggest guerilla invasion into Rhodesia to date", hit the world like a storm. The Smith-Sithole- Muzorewa-Chirau-regime had the panic of its tottering life. For what had happened was a ZANLA spectacular. More than 400 ZANLA forces had simply marched across into Zimbabwe, without as much as a disguise to search for the regime's forces and crush them. The sheer size of the ZANLA operation demonstrated that ZANU has the initiative and the stooge and mercenary forces are on the defensive. It also was evidence of ZANLA's arrogance, showing that conventional campaigns - the last phase of a revolutionary war - may be at hand. The massive infusion of these reinforcing ZANLA forces into the already nearly saturated battle-fields of Zimbabwe is in accordance with the Defence Department's carefully planned strategy for making 1978 truly, a year of the People. Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, ZANU's Secretary for Defence, told Zimbabwe News that large infusions of fresh cadres into the field will continue throughout 1978 as a mat- 1. ZANLA made 125 successful Surprise Attacks 2. 91 Ambushes 3. 62 Sabotage operations 4. 345 enemy white soldiers killed, 303 rifles captured including a large quantity of other war materials 5. 65 Vehicles destroyed 6. 9 Keeps destroyed and thousands of people freed. 7. 21 Racist white farmsteads destroyed 8. 7 Bridges destroyed (Major) 9. 10 War planes shot down 10. 1 Armoured car destroyed 11. 3 Mine detectors destroyed 12. 19 Settler white racist farmers killed. During this victorious period 1056 enemy troops were annihilated by ZANLA forces and several hundreds wounded, some seriously. ter of routine. "Every inch of Zimbabwe must be turned into a graveyard for the Smith-Sithole-Muzorewa-forces. The big push has begun", he said. To learn more of the March Spectacular, Zimbabwe News interviewed Comrade Josiah Tungamirai, member of the Central Committee, Deputy National Political Commissar, Chief Political Commissar and member of the High Command for the ZANLA forces, who participated personally in the "invasion". Zimbabwe News: Comrade Tungamirai, you were a member of the large ZANLA force that entered Zimbabwe in March this year. Can you tell our readers more about the political, strategic and military implications of an event like that. Answer: At the beginning of the year, Comrade President Robert Mugabe gave an order that this is to be the Year of the People. That means that political power should be entrenched in the hands of the people. The only way we found for bringing power into the hands of the people was the intensification of the armed- struggle. That is the only means by which we can get true inde- Summary of War Communique No. 16 32 Zimbabwe News pendence. So it was partly-in response to the President's call, and partly for the routine intensification of the war that we prepared our comrades for combat. There was nothing really special about it. There have been many combats of this nature, only that most of the comrades in this group were newly trained and had not much war experience. So the preparation was done early in March. It was the biggest offensive of that month, not our biggest offensive. We have had some big offensives, the Grand Reef, Nyamaropa, Rugoi, these camps were destroyed before. Our main objective was to answer the President's call and the Central Committee's call, so this was an order of command given to the High Command as usual. At the beginning of March we started preparations for this combat until we finally managed to go home. The number of comrades was 445, including 50 female comrades under the leadership of two General Staff members, Comrade Catherine and Comrade Mazvionesa. So after thorough preparations we moved in. This group crossed early in the morning, around 6 o'clock, as a whole. It was divided into 3 companies of which two were armed with light weapons and the other company artillery. We managed to go in with no interference from the enemy. The masses were very happy when we reached them, in the Zimunya district. They supplied us with food, information, cigarrettes and things like that. During the first day of staying with these comrades, it was quite marvellous. The masses were coming up and down with food, and later on, in the evening they came to gather as usual for political education. So, we had some political education with them, trying to explain to them the British manouvres, trying to explain to them about the internal settlement, trying to explain to them the dangers of the whole move. We also tried to explain them the way ZANU views it and the way all progressive countries view it. It's rather difficult for the masses to understand, becausesome of these people, who are engaged in this sell-out deal have been in politics for long, and some of them had strongholds in these areas like Zimunya. But still the masses understood, after explaining to them the danger in the whole move. Also we were explaining that in the revolutionary armed struggle, ther are three stages which you undergo. The first stage is tactical. When the enemy will be on the offensive and we will be on active defensive. The second stage is when you are preparing for of- Towards conventional war: Smith's ides of March, 1978 Comrade Josiah Tungamirai The War fensive, in which case you find the number of guerrilla units will be increasing from an ordinary platoon of 32 comrades, fight in the form of companies, and ultimately they will be waging big battles and campaigns. So in the month of March 1978, this was one of the campaigns we had to undergo. We had to explain to them that this time, at the stage which we are, the aim is to consolidate. The enemy, not the direct enemy we are fighting, but the system we are fighting, always tries to consolidate. Capitalism tries to consolidate itself when the war is about to end. They asked us a few questions about how the enemy is trying to consolidate itself. We told them that the enemy knows we get information from the masses, food from the masses and clothing from the masses. So, in order to cut us away from the masses, he builds "keeps", these so-called protected villages. This is partly consolidation as far as military tactics are concerned. But politically, when the enemy sees he is under defeat; especially the system, when capitalism is really down - it doesn't just go down like that. There is a period when imperialists try their own means to co-opt some nationals so they can take up the government and remain in control of the economy of the country. That's when the capitalist states, the imperialists, build up neo-colonialism. So the masses really understood the point on neocolonialism. In the third stage of the revolution, the guerilla forces fight in big numbers and wage campaigns in battles against the internal settlement. So, around the 13th of March, we crossed the Melsetter - Umtali Road. There were only one or two problems. By this time, we had divided our forces into 3 companies- one artillery unit and two infantry units. After crossing the road we reached an area which is named Gandai, in Zimunya district. That's when we decided that we should now engage in combat. The first combat was with a force of 23 comrades who were led by Comrade Masipare. He was responsible for the Umtali-Melsetter Road. He was leading a demolition platoon. The first thing we did was to sabotage electric poles and also lay landmines in the road. That was on the 13th. Then on the 14th around 6 o'clock the enemy spotted us, due to the fact that the number of masses who were coming along was great. He was travelling about in the villages but he couldn't get the masses, because they had come to us to undergo political education and also to observe us- a new force from the Rear- The intensification of the war calls for the intensification of training in all spheres. especially they were really excited to see female comrades in such a big number. So there was a lot of singing, a lot of excitement and things like that. This is when the enemy discovered one company of which I was a member, with comrade Tonderai, who was there in a commanding position. So we opened fire around 5.30. We had really big weapons like the anti-aircraft, recoiless, and also 82 mm mortar. So the comrades took positions and went into action. There were about 18 enemy soldierts, and they just didn't have enough information about how many we were at that spot. We were about 120. It was not quite fighting as much. Then suddenly they stopped firing, and we ordered our forces to advance. The comrades advanced and found that of the 18, 10 were dead on the spot. Unfortunately one of our comrades, who was injured, the commander of the anti-aircraft, was injured on the arm. The other one, a gunner of the 82 mm mortar, was injured on the leg, but we managed to take them to the gathering point. Soon after the 14th, all forces went into the offensive, and also the enemy went into the offensive. The following morning, there was no movement. We sent comrades for patrols but there was not much movement of the enemy. Then on the 17th, the movement of the enemy began. There were forces on horseback, the so-called IMU, which means the Infantry Mounted Unit. There were forces on motorbike, there were forces of ordinary infantry and the air force. As we divided ourselves into 3 groups, according to the order of the High Command it was that no group should disperse until we see The War how the thing went. So, throughout the 17th, comrades were making ambushes on the Umtali-Salisbury road and late on the 17th we had about five battles. Each group was sending a platoon of about 32 comrades to find out where the enemy was. We were shelling, mortar bombing, and also whirling gunthrown grenades. We continued like that. On the 17th, 18th there were no battles, and 19th we started again. Because this time we had decided that if the enemy doesn't spot us, we have to spot him and hit him straight. So we continued like that until the 25th. That's when the enemy pulled out from the area where we were. This time, fortunately, there was not much harrassment of the masses, because once we heard the enemy was in such and such a place we would go and hit him straight. So it was around the 30th of March when the whole action, the real pitched battle died down and when the enemy withdrew most his forces. "The continuance of colonialist oppression can only be effectively fought by a continuance of the oppressed masses' open and armed hostility." Cde. Mugabe "The Sinoia Battle was the Party's response to the People's call at Gwelo for effective courageous action to overthrow the colonialist and settlerist system and restore the power of the masses. Cde. Mugabe Zimbabwe News 33

The mood in ZANLA: Comrade Edwin Munyaradzi What has been the impact of the establishment of a puppet regime of Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau in Salisbury on the ZANLA fighters? Will the "cease-fire" call by traitor Sithole succeed? These and many associated questions are being asked by friends and allies of the Zimbabwe liberation movement. To answer these questions the Zimbabwe News recently travelled hundreds of kilometres to interview Comrade Edwin Munyaradzi, Director of training of all ZANLA forces. ZN: Comrade, we meet here in this big ZANLA camp. What is your name? ANS: My name is Edwin Munyaradzi. ZN: What is your responsibility in this ZANLA camp? ANS: First and foremost, we defend ourselves from the enemy and secondly we train comrades to guard the camp in such a way that the enemy cannot manage to infiltrate in our ZANLA guarded camps. ZN: Where were you before you joined the liberation forces? ANS: I was in Zimbabwe. ZN: What made you to join the liberation forces? ANS: As oppression continued in Zimbabwe, most of the people got ZANU's message that they should take-up arms and fight against these oppressors. This is the major cause that brought me to war. Now we are in control of most of Zimbabwe and are now able to train our comrades right here in Zimbabwe. ZN: What is your position in the ZANLA forces? ANS: After having been trained, I am now responsible for the trained comrades and also for trainers to see whether the trainers are training the comrades in the right way and also to see whether the trained are able to put what they are taught into practice. ZN: Am I correct to call you the Director of training? ANS: Yes. ZN: Are you training militia forces in your liberated and semi-liberated areas, where you are training ZANLA forces? ANS: We do a great deal of teaching among our parents. We are very much aware that the fighter comes from the masses. We are not different from the masses. We are one and the same. The masses protect their soldiers and the soldiers protect their masses. ZN: In training fighters that are capable of confronting the enemy, what major things must forces know? ANS: Before any fighter is trained he must undergo intensive political education. After this, the fighter goes to learn the use of each and every weapon for a considerable period. The soldier has got to learn to be tough and resistant. Another quality of a ZANLA soldier is discipline- this is the basis of ZANLA. It is fundamental. Given all these qualities, we have the capability to effectively control our base areas as you can see here. ZN: What is the difference between the liberation forces and the enemy forces? ANS: There is a very big difference. We as the peoples army, as I have already said, train peasants into peoples militia so they can defend themselves. We also come from the people. We are fighting against an unjust social order. We are not fighting against an individual or individuals. We are fighting against people who would like to protect the rotten system in Zimbabwe. On the other hand, the enemy does not even select its targets. It cold-bloodedly murders the innocent masses. We protect the broad-masses and fight only against the enemy. ZN: What other tasks are being carried out by the ZANLA forces in these semi- liberated zones? Comrades Goronga and Tonderai (facing you) both youthful members of the ZANLA High Command have supervised the war intensification process. 34 Zimbabwe News The War

ANS: Our major task is to educate the broad masses. The untrained are doing political education, while those who have undergone political education have now started to be trained. ZN: How about other tasks carried out by the people? . ANS: Our major task is to politicize the broad masses of the people. They must know our aims and objectives. They in turn proceed to politicize others. Of course the masses have the task of production, as well as defending the base areas. ZN: I remember that at the beginning of this year, Comrade President proclaimed 1978 to be ,,The Year of The People". What progress has been made to carry-out this order? ANS: We have responded to Comrade President's call in our daily practical activities. The politicization of the forces in the liberated zones and the successes made in the battle-field by the gallant ZANLA forces can prove this. ZN: Are there no atrocities committed by the enemy around here as a result of the creation of base areas? I heard yesterday that the Smith-Sithole-Muzorewa forces can no longer use ground forces to attack us. What then do they do? ANS: We have forgotten that the enemy will ever get to this place using ground troups. At times planes pass above us. We are now longing for the enemy. We no longer see him. This is why we are now engaged in political mobilization of the masses. ZN: Back to the political situation. On March 3 this year, Smith and his puppets - Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau - made a sell-out agreement. Can you comment on the sell-out agreenent? Secondly, are the people you are teaching political education in favour of the agreement or not? If not, why? ANS: The puppet agreement is totally opposed by everybody here and also by those comrades who are in front of us. We would like everybody to see the truth. Whenever we move amongst the masses, the boiling question is: Why is it that the three puppets are not doing what the freedom fighters want since you are the people who are fighting? What does that mean? They end up saying, "Down with Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau and Smith." This clearly indicates that they understand the objectives of ZANU and ZANLA. ZN: I can still recall that at the beginning of the agreement, Sithole promised the terrorist regime of Smith that he was going to order ZANLA forces to stop fighting. Do you see this succeeding? ANS: This will never happen, because we do not know what Sithole is to us. We know who we are. We are the people's forces. We, as ZANLA forces and the broad masses will never accept ceasefire coming from any one outside ZANU. Further more, Sithole and others do not know the objectives of ZANU - the only party that represents the interest of the people. ZN: Lastly, as being the overal director of training can you tell me what you would say to the forces that are still under training and those who are already engaged in battles in all the four corners of Zimbabwe. ANS: To those who are now in the battle-field, I must remind them, that they should study and know all the enemy's tactics well. They should fight hard, intensify vigillance and raise high the unity of the party. They should always raise ZANU's flag high in their hearts and mind. To those who are still under-going training, they should be permanently ready to coordinate with those at the fore-front. There is no front without a rear and there is no rear without a front. ZN: Thank you and good luck in the Year of The People. Recruits pour into ZANLA camps in the hundreds every day. ZANU statement on Gutu massacres The massacre of more than 100 Zimbabwean peasants on Sunday, 14th May, 1978 in the Gutu Tribal Trust Land is only part of a concerted effort by Ndabaningi Sithole and his Minister of Defence Kadzviti to murder all Zimbabweans opposed to the Smith-Muzorewa-Sithole and Chirau debautched internal Settlement. This event occured soon after Sithole hnd Kadzviti murdered Ndiripo Simbi, a dedicated ZANU comrade in the same Gutu region. Other massacres are expected to be perpetrated on the heroic Zimbabwean population throughout this :,ear in a vain attempt to stem the tide of the Peoples' resolute opposition to the Smith- Sithole-Muzorewa-Chirau evil deal. The more heavier and deadlier the blows delievered by ZANLA on the enemy forces, the more desperate becomes the regime, the more frantic becomes the African puppets - Sithole, Chirau and Muzorewa. These African criminals know they are dead in our books. They died literally, the day they signed the sell-out arrangement. When they physically die, is a matter of ZANLA's convenience and strategy. Relatives of this criminal gang might as well make funeral arrangements for them. The arm of our revolution is long. The wrath of the masses against this treacherous gang is absolute. Punishment for these massacres is certain. ZANLA forces will continue holding mass meetings in the liberated areas irrespective of the massacres. The peasants butchered in Gutu and throughout Zimbabwe will be avenged. We call upon the gang of four to think again. Pamberi ne Hondo! E.J. Zvobgo Information and Publicity Department ZANU Headquarters Maputo May 16, 1978 Zimbabwe News 35 The War

Teaching Smith-SitholeMuzorewa forces a lesson: The Battle of Luangwa Comrade Anderson Mhuru The illegal regime's mercenary forces - on account of their bandit nature, have been in the habit of lurching across Zimbabwes borders to attack Mozambique and Zambia killing civilians in those countries and destroying property. They do so when ever they find the war against ZANLA forces inside Zimbabwe becomes tough and deadly. In those circumstances they run away from the real war under the stupid pretext that guerrilla forces have camps in neighbouring countries. The mercenary leaders know that neither ZANU nor ZAPU have camps in neighbouring countries although they are allowed transit facilities enroute to the battlefields. Since January 1978, ZANLA forces have been teaching the bandit forces that the war is in Zimbabwe. Starting with Grand Reef in December, ZANLA has stayed some of its most memorable battles against the enemy. For some insight into this and other related aspects, Zimbabwe News went to interview Comrade Anderson Mhuru, Provincial Field operational Commander (P.F.O.C.) for the Northern Province and a member of ZANLA High Command for some details of the Battle of Luangwa and other operations in his area of jurisdiction which covers about one-third of Zimbabwe. Ques: Comrade Anderson Mhuru, as you are the Provincial Field Operational Commander in this Northern Province, can you comment on the recent battle you had at Luangwa enemy Camp? Answ: Yes, I have many points to comment on. You know usually when we plan certain battles we would have studied the movement of the enemy. We would have studied the bad events done by the enemy to our revolution. It is particularly pleasant for me to comment on this battle because, as liberation forces we fulfilled our tasks, both militarily and politically. There were so many enemy forces who were killed, so many who were disabled, so much that the enemy forces involved will not get back to the battle-field again. The entire enemy camp was obliterated. The attack itself shook the morale of the enemy, and those enemy forces who were killed will not be back on to the battle-field forever. Ques: What was the main objective in attacking Luangwa enemy Camp? Answ: The objective of the attack was to try and destroy the bases he uses as springboards for attacking neighbouring Mozambique. Also at this time of the year the enemy strives hard to disrupt our communication lines. During the past few weeks the enemy has been trying to air-bombard our bases, but all was in vain. So at Luangwa Camp we wanted to show him that Mozambique is not the battle-field but the battle-field is in Zimbabwe. So it was a lesson that he should not repeat attacking Mozambique. He must know our battle-field. Ques: At the beginning of this year, the President of ZANU Comrade Robert Mugabe declared that 1978 is a decisive year and it is going to be the year of the People. Is the local population in the Northern Province responding to the call of ZANU's President? Answ: Certainly yes, we are very sure. We are working closely with the masses. We are always concerned with their well-being. They always tell us their grievances and we try to solve them. If we were not getting the full support of the masses we could not have won all these victories. The masses in this Province are very co-operative in all activities of the struggle. All our victories are accredited to the support we get from our masses and this support will enable us to fulfil the tasks of 1978. All the masses are declaring that the struggle must be carried to the end. Ques: Comrade Mhuru would you say the atrocoties which are being committed by the enemy are now declining because of your victories or they are on the increase? Answ: In fact the attrocities which were committed by the enemy are based on how much we are defeating him in the battle-field. Whenever we defeat the enemy in the battle, they revenge on the innocent masses. The atrocities are increasing as we continue to intensify the war. We will do our best to defend our masses. Ques: So, do you think there is any way you can stop these atrocities? "Death to Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau" 36 Zimbabwe News The War

Answ: The only way of stopping these atrocities is to continue the struggle until final victory. Also at the moment the attrocities have declined in the areas we have liberated. Ques: I also understand that one of your tasks in 1978 is to liberate the masses which have been horded in the concentration Camps, so called "Keeps". Can you say how many people so far have been liberated from these nazi-type concentration Camps? Answ: We have liberated many thousands since January this year. Most of them are now staying in our liberated areas, administering and managing their own affairs. Ques: Can you mention some of the concentration Camps, which have been destroyed by ZANLA forces? Answ: We have destroyed three this year. One was in Inyanga, in Southern part of our Province. It was of Nyamaropa. The second one was in Mtoko area and reports of others which have been destroyed are still yet to come, because our zone is too wide and reports delay to reach to us. Ques: Finally, Comrade Anderson Mhuru, it is two months now since the establishment of the so-called interim government by rebel leader Ian Smith and three stooges. After agreement they anticipated that all freedom fighters would lay down their arms. What is your comment on this? Answ: We, ZANLA forces, are political and military soldiers. We are not just like mercenaries who are given orders without understanding. We are a well organised and conscious people. We are not people who are to be lured into. a box as they think. What they sthould know is, we, as political soldiers, have our own objectives and we have got our tactics which make us pay a deaf ear to what ever they say. They are uttering nonsense. No ZANLA forces will surrender to Smith in response to their stupid amnesty. It is patently stupid to think any member of ZANLA will surrender to the so-called Interim Government. Ques: Do you think the recent socalled amnesty offered by the rebel regime is going to have any effects on the liberation forces? Answ: In fact it is nonsense. They are uttering nonsense. There is no guerrilla who is going to surrender in response to their stupid conditions. We are prepared to fight and get our victory which is genuine. Only until the People of Zimbabwe have genuine independence as the President of ZANU Comrade Mu- Ending the fighting The secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Dr. David Owen): "The Central issue facing Rhodesia at this moment, and therefore facing this House - since we still have constitutional responsibility for Rhodesia is how to end the fighting which currently ravages that country. The extent of the fighting is not often understood. To the casual observer based in Salisbury it appears that the country is relatively stable and peaceful, but one does not have to look very far beyond Salisbury to realize that Rhodesia is torn by a war which makes whole tracts of the country answerable to the authority of whichever fighting forces happen to be operating in the area at any given moment. So far, this fighting has been a fight for independence, for freedom, a fight to end the rule of a minority white regime and replace it with a majority Government. So far, despite the differences between the black nationalist leaders which have bedevilled the resolution of the Rhodesian problem, the differences have not led to organized open fighting between the nationalists. There have been many and varied differences of policy. There have been personality conflicts and clashes, but until now there has never been fighting organized between, on the one hand, one section of Black nationalist leaders and on the other, The Patriotic Front." Zimbabwe is our motherland and our fatherland! gabe always says, will we end our fight and we are going to fight until victory is achieved by the people. Ques: Under what conditions do you think ZANLA could be in a position to accept ceasefire? Answ: We are a very highly organized force. Before we can cease-fire, the Central Committee would have to decide and agree to do so. Once the decision has been made by the Central Committee, an order would be issued by Comrade President Robert Mugabe as Commander-in-Chief of all ZANLA forces. That order would be directed to the Secretary of Defence and Chief of Operations, who would in turn convene a meeting of the High Command and General Staff. These organs would obey the Order of the Commander-in-Chief and enforce it down to all ZANLA forces. Then you have a cease-fire. Without following these steps there can never be one. Ques: Does the present political situation affect the liberation forces in terms of morale? Answ: In fact they are just adding fuel to the flame. Since from the time they uttered that nonsense there have been a series of successful battles to counter such kind of folly. We are confident and sure that Sithole is lying when he claims that ZANLA forces will put down their arms. It is just a false claim. Zimbabwe News 37 Dr. David Owen on the War From: Verbatim Service 053/78, Thursday, 4th May, 1978: In the Commons, pp. 1 - 2 The War

Communique issued by the Dar es Salaam Frontline Heads of State Conference Comrade Presidents Kenneth Kaunda (Zambia), Augustino Neto (Angola), Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), Khama (Botswana) and Samora Ma- chel: Bulwacks against imperialism. 1. The Presidents of the Republic of Botswana, the Peoples' Republic of Mozambique, the Republic of Zambia, and the United Republic of Tanzania and the co-leaders of the Patriotic Front met in Dar es Salaam between March 25-26, 1978 to review the present state of the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe and map out the requisite strategy for the development of the struggle. 2. They recalled that Africa and the international community have always supported the stand of the Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States that given the intransigence of the Smith regime, the armed struggle was the only recourse for the liberation of Zimbabwe. This position on the part of the Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States has never excluded genuine efforts to achieve a negotiated settlement. 3. Thus, the Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States accepted the invitation from the colonial power, the United Kingdom, to the Geneva Conference in 1976. The Conference was adjourned at the request of the U.K. Government in order to allow for further consultations. After receiving positive and constructive views both from the Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States, the U.K. unilaterally called off the Geneva Conference. 4. Consequent upon this unilaterial calling off of the Geneva Conference, the U.K. put forward a fresh set of proposals aimed at ending the Rhodesian rebellion and achieving independence for her colony. These proposals had the full backing of the United States Government. They were officially submitted by the U.K. and U.S. Governments to the Patriotic Front, the Front-Line States and Africa and were accepted as a basis for negotiations. At the same time these proposals were formally submitted to the United Nations and subsequently at the request of the U.K. and U.S. Governments, the Security Council gave a mandate to the Secretary General to appoint a Representative to enter into discussions with the British Resident Commissioner designate and the Parties concerned, concerning the military and associated arrangements that are considered necessary to effect transition to Majority Rule. 5. The U.K. and U.S. Governments held a meeting in Malta in January, 1978 with the Patriotic Front Leaders on these proposals. The U.N. Secretary General's representative and representatives of the Front-Line States attended as observers. All the parties at the Malta talks agreed that the meeting had been positive, and that similar should be held shortly afterwards. 6. Right from the outset the illegal minority and racist regime in the British colony of Southern Rhodesia has been opposed to the Anglo-American proposals. The regime has engaged in sinister manoeuvres aimed at neutralizing the proposals lifting the sanctions imposed by the U.N. perpetuating the illegal minority rule, camouflaging the colonial war as a civil war and internationalising the conflict. These diversionary manoeuvres have culminated in the so-called internal agreement. The Patriotic Front and the Front-line States wholly and unreservedly condemn this agreement. The "agreement" has also been condemned and rejected by the OAU while the U.N. Security Council has declared it unacceptable and illegal. The FrontLine States and the Patriotic Front have noted that the colonial power has publicly stated that it considers the present regime in the colony of Southern Rhodesia to be "as illegal as the previous regime". 7. The Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States have, however, noted with grave concern that rather than condemn these Smith manoeuvres which aim at defeating their own proposals and the current negotiations, the U.K. and U.S. Governments have equivocated with a view to abandon their previous commitment to the Patriotic Front, the Front-Line States and the Security Council on the Anglo- American proposals. 8. The Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States call upon the British and American Governments to make known their position vis-a-vis their own proposals. If they still support these proposals they should then move ahead and convene in the shortest time possible, a meeting to follow up what was agreed in Malta. If on the other hand, they have decided to abandon their commitment to their own proposals for which they had requested and obtained the support of the Patriotic Front, the Front-Line States, and the international community, they should so declare unequivocally without any further delay. In particular they should go back to the Security Council and move a revqcation of the mandate given to the Secretary General to appoint a Special Representative. 38 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle Patriotic Front Affairs . Diplomatic Struggle

9. The present circumstances demand an intensification of the just armed struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe. The Front-Line States, therefore, reaffirm their total and unwavering support to the armed struggle being waged by the people of Zimbabwe under the leadership of the Patriotic Front for the attainment of complete inde- pendence and the establishment of a genuine democratic government. 10. The Patriotic Front and the Front-Line States appeal to the OAU, to all progressive and anti-colonialist states and forces of the world to reaffirm their support for the national liberation struggle of the people of Zimbabwe and further isolate the illegal minority regime. They call upon the International Community to further tighten and widen the U.N. Sanctions. A Luta Continua! Dar Es Salaam 26th March, 1978 Encounter at Kilimanjaro: The Malta II Conference Following the adjournment of the Malta Conference on February 2nd this year, (see Zimbabwe News Vol. 10 No. I Jan.-Feb. 1976 on p. 25) the AngloAmerican Safari for a peaceful solution to the "Rhodesian Problem" finally pitted the joint British and American delegation against the Patriotic Front delegation, in resumed negotiations, on the 14th and 15th April, 1978. This time the venue was the elegant Kilimanjaro Hotel in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania. The Kilimanjaro Conference (which the British Conveners dubbed - Malta II) was different from the Malta proper Conference in many ways than one. The venue was certainly noteworthy. While the site of the Malta I Conference was only a stone's throw from the spot where St. Paul had been shipwrecked, 2000 years ago (a fact of no consequence), it was far away from the Zimbabwe theatre of conflict. Dar-es-Salaam was a welcome choice. It is on the Front-Line of liberation struggles in Southern Africa and President Nyerere is an unshakable cornerstone in support of the anned struggle. But perhaps the most important change (a most welcome one from the point of view of the Patriotic Front) was the fact that unlike Malta I, this time the British and American Governments had sent their Secretaries of State. This upgrading of the Anglo-American delegation suggested that both governments took the matter of Zimbabwe seriously. The Patriotic Front delegation was led, as always, by the co-leaders, Comrade President Robert Mugabe and Comrade President Joshua Nkomo. The other unique feature of the Kilimanjaro Conference was the presence of the Front-Line Foreign Ministers of Mozamlque, Tanzania, Zambia and Botswana. Angola was represented by a Senior Comrade in the Foreign Mini- The Patriotic Front co-leaders, Comrades Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, at the Dar-es- salaam Conference. stry. The Patriotic Front was delighted to insist that all Front-Line Foreign Ministers should be admitted to Observer status. After a brief skirmish, the British and American Secretaries of State agreed. From the moment the Conference started, it was quite clear that the Patriotic Front'co-leaders had the initiative firmly in their hands. They raised, as a preliminary question the matter of the status of the Conference. Specifically, the Patriotic Front co-leaders wanted to know if the Conference was one that could conclude binding agreements on any matter as had been envisaged under Malta I. The British and American Secretaries of State dithered and prevarnicated. Pressed, they insinuated that it was not such a conference, as the views of the puppet leaders (they call them "other parties") would have to be heard on all issues. Pressed further, they said, yes, the Conference could infact conclude binding agreements. Observers remarked in amazement that Mr. Cyrus Vance, U.S. Secretary of State, with all his experience at negotiations would be so easily tactically overcome by Comrade Mugabe and Nkomo. The Patriotic Front strategy was pure guerrilla warfare about which both Dr. Owen and Cyrus Vance know nothing. The tactics called for surprise, agility and retrenchment. Give concessions where none were expected and appear to lose. That way, the other side is softened or silenced. Move quickly to sow mines in the concessions but make them necessary and rational. Then move quickly to tie-in by cable-line each great concession to vital matters of principle. Then retrench and consolidate. The other side is thrown into chaos. It was pure Giapese. When Malta I adjourned, the Patriotic Front had adamantly rejected the U.K.-U.S. proposal that the Resident Commissioner be granted omnipotent powers in the areas of Defence, Law and Order and External Affairs; strongly opposed the idea of a U.N. Military presence in Zimbabwe during the Transitional period and resisted the idea Zimbabwe News 39 Diplomatic Struggle

Mwalimu, Dr. Julius Nyerere, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, hoisted a dinner party for the principal negotiators at his Msasane home. of an impotent Governing Council. Despite the homilies sung at the closing press conferences, the frustration on the faces of the British and American delegations were obvious. This time around th2 Patriotic Front moved quickly to concede full executive authority for the Resident Commissioner in the areas of Defence and of Law and Order. The British and American delegations were pleasantly surprised. No one raised the matter of External Affairs. Their lawyers too, it appeared, had fallen into slumber. Then the P.F. leaders "with great reluctance" accepted the idea of a United Nations Peace-Keeping Force as had been insisted upon by the Anglo- American Proposals. But, this time, the P.F. wanted the U.N. to do more. They would also establish a Police presence in the country, the Peace-Keeping Force would patrol the country's borders to ensure security from external aggression; assemble, disarm, demobilize and barrack the regime's mercenary forces; and, with P.F. forces, supervise the integration of acceptable elements of the Smith forces into the Patriotic Front forces. The UN forces would ensure that there would be fair and free elections. Always desirous to establish a machinery during the transitional period that would be en'anable to neo-colonial manipulation, the British and American delegation did not know how to honestly oppose the P.F.'s reasonable proposal on the United Nations participation. They first tried to suggest that what the P.F. wanted the U.N. to do was "unusual" and may be even impossible, General Prem Chand, the U.N. Secretary- General's representative shot this one down for the P.F. He said, he saw nothing unreasonable or impractical in the P.F.'s proposals. Another thunderous victory for the P.F.! The question of the Governing Council then came up. The P.F. proposed that the council be vested with full legislative and executive authority in all areas save those of defence and law and order already conceded to the Resident Commissioner; that the Resident Commissioner, in the exercise of his executive powers be required to consult with the Ministers of Defence and Law and Order although he may over-ride and that the composition of the Council be such as would provide for a Patriotic Front effective or predominant role. Once this aspect had been presented this way, Dr. Owen and Mr. Cyrus Vance fell for it. They immediately focussed on the composition of the Governing Council almost to tle exclusion of all other proposals in the P.F. package. It was obvious they accepted the rest except the suggestion that the P.F. have a majority on the Governing Council. In their opinion, the Council membership had to be equally sharedout among all parties- i.e. equal representation with Sithole, Muzorewa, Chirau and Smith. When Comrades Nkomo and Mugabe enquired whether the Salisbury gang was an entity as a regime, or separate units - each entitled to separate representation both Dr. Owen and Mr. Cyrus Vance had been put on the spot. They tried unsuccessful to plead ignorance of the fact that Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau regard them- J!, 1 17 40 Zimbabwe News selves as a regime, and entity or an unpatriotic Front. But then to and behold, a member of the British delegatiQn who had just returned from Salisbury stepped- in with a 'clarification'. "Yes", he said, "Mr. Smith, Bishop Muzorewa, Rev. Sithole and Chief Chirau insist on being treated as a single entity." He himself had seen them as such! The P.F. leaders carefully explained why the PF would have to have a controlling majority on the Governing Council because the gun that brought about the Transitional Arrangement must superintend that transition to ensure irreversibility of the process towards majority rule. The PF leaders argued forcefully that the pre-eminence sought by them was one already earned on the Battle-field. There is a time to sow and there is a time to reap. None of the puppets had sowed. There was no good reason- save charity - why they should equally reap. The British and American Governments remained unmoved and so this point was shelved for further negotiation at the next conference. The Final issue was the question of the Patriotic Front military and police participation in the Transitional military and police work. The British and American Governments had already proposed that the Defence forces should be based on the liberation forces of the Patriotic Front. The P.F. accepts this. However, inorder not to be tricked, Comrade Presidents Mugabe and Nkomo insisted upon certain specific guarantees. First, that the PF military forces would retain their weapons and be responsible for peace, law and order during the transition. In this regard, the Resident Commissioner, in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief would command the P.F. forces assisted by the P.F. Commander; that the regime's troops once disarmed, demobilized and barracked would remain in barracks permanently until majority rule; that the U.N. forces would take possession and control and put in its storage all aircraft, arms and ammunition, vehicles and all other weaponary of the regime's forces. The British and American Governments raised no serious objections to these demands save by raising the propriety of the U.N. forces playing this role. The real tussle was the police question. The British and American Secretaries of State insist on the present Smith police being the only police forcejduring the transitional period. Lord Caivour, it was said, needs an experienced, loyal and "neutral" police force. In their view Diplomatic Struggle the present Rhodesian B.S.A.P. was neutral. The P.F. co-leaders found the suggestion outrageous. The contention that the Rhodesian Police, with their record of tortures, brutality, and barbarities could be "neutral" was astounding. Comrade President Nkomo pointed out that the present police force was paramilitary; had become a wing of the Ministry of "Combined Operations" against PF forces; had participated in massacres and other attrocities on the African people and were loyal to Smith - Sithole Muzorewa and Chirau. Consequently the P.F. would insist on the Patriotic Front police participation. In the P.F.'s view, there should be 1 P.F. policeman for every 1 policeman for the regime. The U.N. should provide a third "Three in the jeep" is the PF demand. Unable to sensibly shoot down the P.F. argument, Lord Carvour put his foot in his mouth when he suddenly shouted, "Who, if I might ask, trained your police, and where were they trained?" Obviously, the British General does not understand how a soldier can be trained at any other place other than Sandhurst and a policeman at any other place other than at the Royal Police Academy. At this point, the Kilimanjaro Encounter was over. The P.F. had scored a major diplomatic coup. Both sides, however, agreed to meet again at another venue on another day. Meanwhile the British and American Governments would consult with their puppets in Salisbury. As for the P.F., it was back to war. on its demand that in order to ensure irreversibility of the decolonisation process, the Patriotic Front must play the major role. B. In this regard the British and American Delegations maintained the view they put forward at Malta, that representation on the Governing Council should be equally distributed among the delegations that had attended the Geneva Conference, in 1976. C. The Patriotic Front, however, maintained that since Bishop Muzorewa, Ndabaningi Sithole and Jeremiah Chirau had joined the Smith illegal regime, they had become a single entity with it and must be treated as such for the purpose of membership of the Governing Council. 7. It was agreed that a full Constitutional Conference be held as soon as possible. Signed: Robert G. Mugabe President ZANU L.n u-s omer pnncipai negouators - ,omraues vjice rresiueit a3lliv General Edgar Tekere. Patriotic Front Communique 15th April, 1978 1. The Malta II Conference between the Patriotic Front and the British and American Governments was held in Dar es Salaam on the 14th and 15th April 1978. 2. The British and United States' Delegations were led by Dr. David Owen, the British Foreign Secretary and Mr. Cyrus Vance, United States' Secretary of State, while the Patriotic Front Delegation was led by Presidents Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo. 3. The Conference, whose purpose was to discuss Military and related matters arising from the Anglo-American proposals was held in an atmosphere of condour and seriousness. 4. The Patriotic Front put forward a number of proposals aimed at reaching a settlement within the principle of the Anglo-American plan. 5. There was a large measure of agreement on the role of the United Nations Military and civilian police forces for the purpose of assisting and supervising the Decolonisation process. B. The Patriotic Front agreed to wide Executive Powers for the Resident Commissioner subject to agreement being reached on the Military and Police presence of the Patriotic Front Forces in the Military and Police fprces of the country during the transitional period. C. It was agreed that the armed forces during the transitional period would be the liberation army into which would be incorporated the acceptable elements of the present Rhodesian armed forces. 6.A. As regards the Governing Council, the Patriotic Front stood firm Diplomatic Struggle Joshua Nkomo President ZAPU A. The Anglo-American joint statement In the course of the discussion, which have been serious and candid, the leaders of the Patriotic Front put forward a number of proposals to amend the Anglo/American Proposals. For their part the US and British Secretaries of State took note of these new proposals. Progress was made in some areas but they noted also that in some cases what was involved were fundamental changes in the Anglo/American plan which would have to be negotiated between all the parties. Accordingly they agreed that there should be a meeting of all the parties about a negotiated settlement and a ceasefire. Zimbabwe News 41

President Mugabe's radio address to the Nation on Malta II 17-4-78 "We came to Dar-es-Salaam ready and willing to negotiate with the British Government and their American friends a settlement which would transfer full political and military power from Britain, the colonial power, to the people of Zimbabwe through us (PF) their authentic representative. We came to Dar-es- Salaam thus to uphold the sovereignty of our people and the people's fighting forces. We came determined to lay the process to genuine national independence. In order to ensure that the road to genuine independence was clear, definite and irreversible, we insisted firmly on the following matters being agreed: (a) That the power to administer the country during the transitional period must be vested in a Governing Council in which the Patriotic Front has a majority and that the executive powers relating to the control of the army and the police (that is the powers of defence and law and order) must be shared by both the Patriotic Froint and the Resident Commissioner representing the British Government. (b) That the Smith-Muzorewa-Sithole-Chirau army and police-force must be disarmed, dismantled and demobilised and that our forces should replace them. We expressed our willingness to integrate into our forces, i.e. into our army and police forces, acceptable elements from them. (c) That if the United Nations peace-keeping force was to be acceptable to us, then it had to be agreed that it would come to disarm, dismantle and demobilise the regime's forces, guard the barracks of the regime's forces, guard all the military bases and installations, guard the border against external aggression, and that in doing that they would work in conjunction with our forces. We were, however, disppointed to find that the British and American team was not prepared to commit themselves clearly and unequivocally to these matters. They remained completely intransingent and unreasonable throughout the discussions. They showed clearly their bias and preference for the illegal regime of Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. We are, therefore, fully convinced that the Anglo-Americans are seeking a method of divine full suooort to the fascist regime in the country. They are not after a genuine settlement. We must, therefore, not deceive ourselves into believing that independence is within reach. No, it is not. Our guns must thus continue to blast the enemy in the name of the people and with the power of the people. The surest victory for the people and the surest defeat of the enemy can only be the product of our armed struggle. Only through it we can achieve genuine independence and the people's power and sovereignty. Let us fight on!" Pamberi ne Chimurenga! A Luta Continua! R.G. Mugabe Comrade President Kobert Mugae's tamous mid-night press conterence where he re-iterated that ZANU adheres to the Marxist-Leninist-Mao-Tsetung revolutionary line. The Puppets' letter to their masters Text of Message dated 25 April from the "Rhodesian Executive Council" to the British and United States Governments "As we undertook to do, we have given careful and mature consideration to the points made by Dr. Owen and Mr. Vance at the meeting in Salisbury on 17th April, and in particular to their proposal to stage an all-party conference. We appreciate the earnest desire of the British and United States Governments to assist with a peaceful transition to majority rule in our country through the democratic process of free and fair elections. We do not believe, however, that a conference on the lines suggested would have any more prospect of success than the Geneva Conference of 1976. It appears to us to be doomed to certain failure. We therefore urge the two Governments to re-examine their policies in the light of the radically changed circumstances in Rhodesia. With the signing of the Salisbury Agreement on 3rd March and the subsequent replacement of the Rhodesian Front Government by the Transitional Government an entirely new situation has been created. The objective of the 42 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

Nationalist Parties, namely, majority rule on the basis of universal suffrage, is enshrined in the Salisbury Agreement, the constitutional provisions of which are fully in accord, not only with the six principles enunciated by successive British Government, but also with the principles set out in the Anglo-American proposals of September 1977. The Agreement is in the process of being implemented and already significant progress has been made. This will be accelerated as the cease fire arrangements gather momentum. The Members of the Executive Council are united in their determination to proceed as rapidly as possible with the full implementation. They are also united in their resolve not to re-open negotiation on matters which have already been decided as a result of three months of hard negotiation involving concessions by all the parties to the Agreement. As we have pointed out previously, the leaders of the Patriotic Front were not excluded from our negotiations. They excluded themselves. It was repeatedly made clear that they would be welcome to return and participate, provided they returned in peace. They spurned our offer and reiterated their intention to seize political power by force of arms. From their recent statements it seems clear that they have not changed their stand, but we have not closed the door to them. It remains open, provided they undertake to operate peacefully. We are deeply concerned at the plight of the thousands of our civilians who are being held against their will in camps, mainly in Zambia and Mozambique, under most unsatisfactory conditions. The great majority were abducted or coerced into leaving the country and they include large numbers of children who have been forcibly separated from their parents. We urge the British and United States Governments to use their good offices with the governments concerned to facilitate the early return of these people so that they may be rehabilitated and restored to their families and homes. During our discussions on 17th April, Dr. Owen stated that there would be no recognition or lifting of sanctions until after the first elections have been held and the majority rule government installed. Dr. Owen stated that only then would the Fifth British Principle relating to acceptability by the people of Rhodesia be satisfied. This contrasts with the White Paper proposals, in terms of which sanctions would have been lifted as soon as the transitional administration had been established. In that case the Principle of Acceptability would presumably have been satisfied by the acquiescence of the leaders. Dr. Owen's statement therefore appears to accord a power of veto to the Patriotic Front as long as they oppose the Salisbury Agreement. We urge the British and United States Governments to reconsider their position in this regard. We are satisfied that collectively we have obtained the support of the overwhelming majority of the population for the Salisbury Agreement and we ask that the British and United States Governments should consider putting this to an early test. We are not concerned so much with formal recognition as we are with countering the effects of the world economic recession by an easing of the restrictions on our trade, so that we can alleviate unemployment among blacks and proceed to majority rule with a sound and strong economy." Signed Ian Smith Ndabaningi Sithole Abel Muzorewa Jeremiah Chirau "The armed struggle we are waging is not only inspired by the struggles and victories of other peoples and countries, but receives support and acclamation from the whole progressive international community and progressive organizations in capitalist countries. It is accordingly necessary that if we are to promote our revolution and the attainment of its goals, our struggle should be placed in the context of identical struggles, and our nationalfront should be strengthened by an international alliance with our allies and friends in the international community." Cde. Mugabe PF Statement at the Preparatory Meeting of the International Solidarity Conference - Addis Ababa Comrade Dr. Dzingai Mutumbuka Comrade Chairman, distinguished delegates and fellow comrade members of National Liberation Movements; before I deliver my message, I kindly ask this distinguished assembly to observe a minute's silence in honour of our fallen heroes in Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa, West Sahara, Palestine, Chile, East Timor among a host of other countries where progressive forces are locked up in battle against the forces of reaction. (1 minute silence) I would like to convey revolutionary and anti-imperialist salutations to this distinguished assembly from our Patriotic fighting forces throughout the length and breath of Zimbabwe. The Patriotic Front delegation would like to complement the deep-felt gratitute expressed by so many delegations for the warmth, hospitality and comradeship of the Ethopian Provincial Military Administrative Council (PMAC) and the Ethopian people for hosting this preliminary session of the International Conference of Solidarity with the struggling peoples of Africa and the Arab world due to be held in this city in September this year. This International Solidarity preparatory conference is held at a time when the imperialists are desperately resorting to covert and overt machinations in the Middle East, in North-West Africa, in Southern Africa and in the horn of Africa. Let me now turn to our own situation. In S. Africa, one hears of the five West- Zimbabwe News 43 Diplomatic Struggle ern powers drawing up an independence plan for Namibia that bears the same pattern as that drawn up for Zimbabwe. It is quite clear that the imperialists want neo-colonialist solutions to the S. African Problem. In Zimbabwe the British are showing a double faced attitude of ik not condemning the internal deal reached between Smith and the unholy triple alliance of Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau, and at the same time saying they are sticking to the Anglo-American plan. What is abundantly clear is that I. the British are trying to run away from their own proposals so as to support the obnotious internal deal. The treacherous deal struck up in Salisbury is the best solution for the imperialists since it retains the existing terrorist Rhodesian army and police intact. In this way the imperialists are assured that their economic interests will be protected. Our position, comrade Chairman and distinguished guests, is that we are fighting for political and economic independence. We are fighting for the establishment of a completely new socio-economic order that correctly interprets the aspirations of our people. We are fighting for people's democracy. All the gains that our revolutionary armed struggle has so far achieved have to be defended. And we hold that the only forces that can defend these gains are the Patriotic Front's revolutionary forces. The British and their other imperialist allies are working desperately to remove this force from the scene during the transitional period and thereafter so that our people can have nowhere to fall back on in the post-election period. Clearly this would be a disastrous defeat not only of the Zimbabwe revolution, but indeed of all progressive forces through out the world. Meanwhile contradictions between the settlers and their lackeys are sharpening; this has culminated in an open vent between Byron Hove a representative of the puppets who has been appointed "Minister" of Law and Order and his white Co- minister, the notorious Squires. As some of you may have heard Mr. Hove has now been kicked out of . the so-called multi-racial transitional administration because his public outburst proved too embarrassing to the white power structure. Internal repression continues unabated. Our heroic people continue to be shepherded into concentration camps euphemistically described as protected villages. The repression and ter- .1 ror campaign has now reached such Comrade Dzingai Mutumbuka, Secretary for education (third from left), and Comrade Manalarming proportions that over two do- debvu, Chief Representative in Libya, represented the Patriotic Front. 44 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle zen supporters and sympathisers of the Patriotic Front have been murdered in broad daylight in the last ten days alone. This is a desperate and diabolical scheme which is intended to facilitate the interests of imperialism on Zimbabwe. Meanwhile, however, our revolutionary war continues with a great intensity. The revolutionary situation is excellent. Our revolutionary forces led by their revolutionary leadership, have mobilised and organised people into definite revolutionary structures in preparation for a new social order. We have liberated thousands of our people from the racist regime's concentration camps. We are proud to state that we have also succeeded in confining the activities of the reactionary puppets to urban areas. We want to end up this address with an appeal to the progressive forces the world over not only to continue their material assistance and support to our just struggle but even more important to increase that support and assistance. In a similar vein we also appeal for greater assistance to the Frontline States who are the helmsmen of our struggle. The more secure their frontiers are the greater is the blow with which we can hit the enemy. The next few months will be very decisive for the revolutionary process in Southern Africa in general and in Zimbabwe in particular. Very dark imperialist clouds over the horizon. The heroic people of Zimbabwe are no more interested in prons words and prons resolutions. Our ernest appeal to the progressive international community is to give us guns, more guns, more and more guns. Long live progressive international solidarity! The struggle continues until final victory! A Luta Continua! National Enemies Puppet show in Salisbury Feudal puppet Chirau, theocrats Murindagomo and Muzorewa, tyrant-boss Ian Smith and traitor Sithole. The French call them "Marionettes". In Shona they are called "Zvimbgawasungata" (hunting dogs). In English, they call them puppets. The notion exists in every culture. The EuropeanAnglo-American notion requires small human or animal shapes strung on a string in such a way that when the string is pulled in a certain way, the puppet either jumps or parts its legs or opens its mouth. The Shona idea is just as good. It is a stray dog with no owner. Anyone who cares can take it hunting for the pot. Once it catches an impala or a hare and kills it, the hunter takes the meat home and chases the dog away. It does not eat any of the meat it kills. In the United States blacks would call Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau "Uncle Toms" or Oriol Cookies which are black outside but white inside. The late Malcolm X tells of people like Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau in his own dramatic way. During slave days - there were two kinds of negroes - the house negro and the field negro. The house negro cooked for the slave master and naturally ate the left-overs. When the slave master was sick, he said "we sick". When the master's house was on fire, he risked even his life to put the fire out. The field negro who is whipped and brutalized reacts differently. When the master's house is on fire, he prays for the wind and when the master is sick he wishes the bastard would kick the bucket. To hear Sithole and Muzorewa call for a ceasefire you would think they were white settlers. The explanation is clear. Sithole who used to rent late comrade Chitepo's house in Highfield now lives in an exclusive white suburb. The same is true of Bishop Muzorewa. Now they have property and so oppose violence. They want no more war. But the broad masses are still in the dog-houses, pillaged, looted, exploited, terrorized, murdered and massacred by the system. They want more, not less, war. Hence their thunderous cry - Pamberi ne Chimurenga (Forward with the Revolution). Smith, van der Byl, Tiny Rowland and other agents of imperialism now have Sithole and Muzorewa on the string. White settlers in Zimbabwe need not argue for racial privileges anymore. It is unpopular. Besides, it is boring and stale for a white settler to argue that in order to retain white "confidence" in the country after majority rule it is necessary for white settlers to dominate the economy, live in segregated neighbourhoods, send their kids to segregated schools, maintain segregated health facilities, dominate the judiciary and the civil service; command the army and the police force, etc. etc. It is outrageous. So, they now have Sithole, Muzorewa, Bhulle, Chikerema etc. to do it. To hear them argue for white privilege is, we understand, an experience. They do it with straight faces too! Yes, they say, we have won "One man - One vote" although whites who comprise 3 % of the population will have 28% of the seats. "Yes", they say, "we have won majority rule", although the minority will control the police, the army, the courts, the civil service! "Yes", they say, Zimbabwe News 45 National Enemies Ian Smith: Only the vertical moustache is missing! "we have a justiciable Bill of Rights" although 3% of the population will continue to own 50% of the land; stolen lands will not be returned, destroyed villages and livestock will not be compensated for and hundreds of thousands of the African people who were imprisoned in Concentration Camps ("keeps") against their will, will not be compensated. Besides, all crimes committed by the regime will be forgiven. Incredible Bill of Race!! Typical of puppets - they now find they need whites more than ever before. They now say if whites left, Zimbabwe would perish. To hear them say it - you want to vomit. Until yesterday, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau had never slept in those homes. In fact Sithole sent people to burn them. As for Chikerema - he speaks as St. Paul who met God and got cleansed. James Chikerema not only killed white settlers during 1967-69 when he was acting President of ZAPU. His last act was when, as President of FROLIZI, he sent three coloured guerrillas to QueQue and Gatooma in 1972-73 to kill settlers. They killed a few- before being caught. Not only has Smith forgiven him of all this, he has given him a house, cars, etc. Who can be surprised when Chikerema talks like Smith? He has become his master's voice. The puppet show is on in Salisbury. Chikerema is plotting to overthrow Muzorewa in the ANC so he can become Chief puppet. Muzorewa - finding himself unable to sink as low as Chikerema can, is battling to retain leadership by broadening his Church base. Sithole is in his own mess. Finding he has no support anywhere, he has concentrated on Chipinga, his home area. But then, Chipinga is in the war zone. He has found that his field organizers never return to report. They have all been arrested by the masses and turned over to ZANU for re-education. Some, who resisted arrest have been killed. Sithole's major worry is that Smith might lose confidence in him pretty quick. So he daily tells Smith, "Look, Sir, I can stop the war, please give me time." Recently, Sithole had told Smith that he was in control of Wedza. He pursuaded Smith and Chirau to agree to address a meeting there. They agreed. We understand Smith was mad when ZANLA guerrillas attacked Wedza the night before the meeting. "Look, Rev. Sithole", Smith is reported as having said, "are these your guerrillas or Nkomo's?" Sithole stammered but had enough composure to say: "No, Sir, they are not mine, they are Nkomo's. Mine would never attack you." Smith is said to have looked Sithole in the face and said, "Don't perspire, I know you don't have any. Otherwise I would have arrested you a long time ago." Sithole managed only to say "Thank you, sir." The puppet show is on. Byron Hove, who was puppet Minister of Justice, spoke out of turn and was fired. He is back in London. The firing is said to have had a salutary effect on other puppets. They now dance more vigorously than ever at their master's bidding. But soon, perhaps sooner than puppets realize, the show will be over. A few bazookas and all puppets - strings, masters and all, will be gone. Let those with ears to hear, hear. Pamberi ne Chimurenga! auuijutei -_, imua, lulvV alu suservint Wvuzorewa, LacKey nule ano oot-ucmer iryandoro: Like all puppets, sure appointment with the hangman. "Through the war, we have submer- "The enemy has undergone a nega- "The enemy situation is desperate. ged whatever minor contradictions tive transformation as a result of the Our situation is most favourable. have existed amongst us and we have effectiveness of our war. Once he re- There can only be one loser- the settdone so out of our recognition of the garded himself as invincible. Today, lers and their unashamed stooges need to completely destroy the corn- he is a defeatist on the verge of sur- Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. mon principal enemy in pursuance of rendering. Pounded heavily from all There can only be one Victor - the our immediate common objective - cardinal points and in his major mili- People as led by us, for the People can the establishment of a national demo- tary bases and sanctuaries, he is ever never lose." cratic state. This also explains why we retreating as we ever advance towards Cde. Mugabe have linked ourselves in a common him in order to demolish him." front with ZAPU which we call the Cde. Mugabe Patriotic Froni." Cde. Magabe 46 Zimbabwe News National Enemies

Profile of a traitor: Ndabaningi Sithole When one meets Ndabaningi Sithole for the first time, one is struck (and often impressed) by this stalky, round cheeked, round eyed minister of the American Congressional Church. He exudes self confidence. He never looks anyone straight in the eye for long and he articulates words slowly and clearlyoften repeating himself for emphasis. It does not take long to discover that he is a preacher. He likes to believe that .whatevtr he says is so complicated that it needs explaining or illustrating. Ndabaningi Sithole is an amalgam of contradictions. We offer, as a public service, some analysis of Sithole's personality as we believe we have known him and seen him under stress for a much longer time than most people. 1. Ndabaningi Sithole is a minister of religion and he is not. He had the formal training (Andover Seminary in Boston, USA) prior to his ordination in 1954. But Sithole is definitely not a churchman at heart. During restriction and detention (1964-1974) he had enough time to let his collegues know of this. He does not believe that Christ is a son of God any more than he is. He rejects "virgin birth" theory; he rejects much of the essence of Christ's teaching; he does not believe in the trinity and is outraged by the suggestion that Christ rose from the grave. He believes in individual self-improvement - pointing out that he himself herded goats until he was 15 before learning to read and write. The poor are poor - he says, because they want to be or deserve to be, because they are lazy. In his daily life, Sithole looks out for Sithole. If other peoples interests converge with his own to his own personal advantage, then you have a basis for cooperation. Otherwise, he will never go along. He never gives anyone, outside his family, anything for nothing. When he appears to do so, it is the result of a careful calculation for longer-term returns. He confided in colleagues that politics is politics, there is no question of ethics or morality about it. To use his own phrase, "politics is its own ethics and its own morality". There are no guiding principles in life or politics. Everything is negotiable. He believes that what is his is his, what belongs to someone is negotiable. Detention friends remember how he jumped with joy and pride one morning in Salisbury prison, when news of a High Court trial of one of the ZANU comrades reached us. It was in 1969. The youth had told the judge, "I don't care if you hang me. Yes, I am a member of ZANU. Yes, I came into the country to fight white people. Even now, if you release me, I will still fight and kill more whites." Sithole was besides himself. "This is the true spirit of ZANU. This is sacrifice, this is Confrontation." The young man was convicted and hanged. A few months afterwards, Sithole was charged with plotting to murder Ian Smith, Lardner-Burke and Howmann. Although the maximum penalty under the law was death, it was abvious that no judge would impose it. The plot was sophomoric and never even amounted to attempt. Despite all this, Sithole stood in Court to renounce his own party's programme without as much as a blink, "I renounce violence in thought, word and deed", he proclaimed. It mattered not that in 1963 he had in a circular to all party members called upon them to prepare their bows and arrows, to prepare for the war, which the Party was going to declare. It mattered not, that while he was President, the party had implemented the Gwelo Chimurenga resolutions calling for armed struggle. It mattered not that Dhlamini and Mlambo had been hanged, the gallant Sinoia Seven had died in battle and hundreds others had perished carrying out the call of the party he led. There was no question of principle. Politics is its own ethics! He believes that if others are -foolish enough to want to die so that Ndabaningi Sithole can rule Zimbabwe, they are welcome. But Ndabaningi will never want to die for anything - not even for Zimbabwe so others can live. When at the end of his trial, he was convicted and described as a liar and sentenced to six years hard labour, Sithole tried to auction the whole ZANU, if Clifford DuPont and Smith would remit the sentence. Without shame, he requested a conference with the head of the Rhodesian special Branch and offered to pursuade the entire ZANU Central Committee to renounce the armed struggle. The regime was delighted to oblige. Sithole was then allowed to hold a political meeting with members of the Central Committee in prison. Vice President Leopold Takawira and then Secretary-General Robert Mugabe listened politely and then firmly told him to go to hell. Having failed to betray the party, he settled down to serve his sentence. Soon, he was smuggling letters out of prison to Comrade Chitepo in Lusaka urging them to "fight, fight and fight hard". All decent people wanted to vomit. The man is immoral. 2. Ndabaningi Sithole is, by choice and practice, a cold-hearted capitalist lackey. His entire life has been geered to making money. He probably became a Minister of Religion in the American Congregational Church for this reason. It promised a better life-style then than any other occupation open to Africans. When he had saved a little money, his first act was to buy a farm near Mount Silinda build himself a relatively expensive house on it. He called the little farm "Freedom Farm". This more than anything else tells us about his sense of "freedom". "Material things", he once said, "give meaning to life". His main dream is to turn Zimbabwe into a huge "Freedom Farm" where he and his ilk could exploit everyone with impunity. Every avid capitalist exploiter is by definition a thief. But Sithole is a thief of a kind. Over the years he has been in politics (1960-1978) he has always, openly lived beyond the known party allowances. As a front, he has always maintained a litte General Dealeries shop at Chako Township. Before the little wretched thing folded up, he kept his former wife running it. However, no one who visited it could have been deceived. It made litte if any money. Throughout 1960 - 1961 he was Treasurer General of the N.D.P. In December 1962 he became National Chairman of ZAPU and then President of ZANU in August 1963. Throughout this period Sithole journeyed abroad to seek funds for the party, but always returned "empty-handed". And throughout this period, Sithole never appeared to lack money. However, it was only after his release from Prison in 1974 that Sithole launched a vigourous self-enriching campaign. The scheme appears to have been well conceived and planned. On the one hand he maintained that he was President of ZANU, on the other he set out to destroy ZANU. During "The Detente Exercise" of 1974-1975, Sithole did his utmost to bring ZANU's armed struggle Zimbabwe News 47 National Enemies to an end, which plan coincided with the most cherished desires of Tiny Rowland, Chairman of LONRHO and other international capitalist exploiters. Although the attempt to destroy ZANU failed (the second time he had tried), Tiny Rowland gave Sithole 76,000 pounds in 1976 for his trouble. Sithole and Rowland set-up a bogus company in London under the name of Palmer-Rose (Pty) Ltd. into whose account the loot was deposited for Sithole's benefit. He did not useacentofitfor the armed struggle. Evidence shows that he appropriated most of it for his own benefit. Only a tiny fraction was used for the ANC activities inside Zimbabwe. Sithole even managed to steal money from ZANLA forces in 1975 on the occasion when he visited one of the camps. He found comrades without food and without clothes. He told them he had no money to give them. Then ZANLA comrades gave him a sizable amount of money in foreign notes with a request that, upon his return to Lusaka, he convert it into Kwacha and then bring it to them. He accepted the responsibility but neither returned nor sent back the money. 3. Sithole has inordinate lustforpower. Even for a capitalist lackey, Sithole is one of the most reckless opportunists. Consider the following: He was founder- president of ZANU in 1963. The party adopted an armed struggle policy which he often boasted about before international forums. As the armed struggle unfolded, the Ian Smith regime retaliated. Not only have many comrades lost their lives raising high the banner of ZANU under his leadership but many have been maimed. The Ian Smith regime has illegally and inhumanely committed atrocities, murders and massacres on thousands of innocent men, women and children. Despite all these heinous crimes, Sithole now sits at the right hand of Smith and even allows himself to eat dinners cooked by Janet Smith, the murderer's wife. Sithole has no heart. He has done this, because he thinks an opportunity has arisen for him to be President of an independent Zimbabwe with the support of the white settlers His opportunistic calculations appear to be based on the possibility of his "inheriting" Smith's racist armies whose hands are dripping with the blood of innocent African men, women and children. The fact remains that before Sithole or Muzorewa can inherit the racist murderous army they would have to prove to the whites that they are prepared to massacre and murder their own people. Sithole is already trying to prove that. He has, together with his puppet Defence Minister Kadzviti massacred and murdered thousands since being sworn- in as Ministers. They murdered George Simbi, a well known Sithole foe who had made it impossible for Sithole, even to visit Gutu. Then, on Sunday 14th may, Sithole and Kadzviti sent their troops to massacre 105 Africans in the Fort Victoria area. They have also murdered hundreds others throughout the country. To their dissappointment, the masses armed hostility is on the increase. Whether Sithole and Kadzviti can kill enough Africans to deserve to inherit Smith's troops or not will not matter. In the end he will be crushed and hanged. He cannot get away with so much blood on his hands. 4. Ndabaningi Sithole is a C.I.A. agent. It is often difficult if not impossible to prove that a person is a C.I.A. or K.G.B. agent. However, in the case of Sithole, it is plain that he is a C.I.A. agent. His principal adviser is Neville Romain, an American who openly confesses to having been a CIA agent for years. He gives the impression to having "retired" from the C.I.A., but Washington insiders say he is still very much in the game. The same sources say that Romain was assigned to assist Sithole after the Agency had successfully recruited him sometime between 1975 and 1976. The same sources say that now, with President Mobutu, Jonas Savimbi and Roberto Holden on the payroll for services rendered frequently, the C.I.A. needed someone who could be pushed to win in Zimbabwe. Sithole came forth in need of money and promptly enlisted. From that day on, Sithole has had all the money his lust for it can contain. His lavish offices in Salisbury, his own present house, the house of his principal assistant Kesiwe Malindi in Southerton are all evidence of this new wealth. American mining and industrial interests such as Union Carbide, Allegheny Ludlum and Foote-Minerals - all notorious exploiters of Zimbabwe's natural and human resources have ganged up behind Ndabaningi Sithole. It is known that Sithole felt that Tiny Rowland of LONRHO was no longer dolling-out much money to him as he does to Muzorewa. So, he had to find other more reliable masters. Pieter van der Byl exposes black puppet colleagues Meeting at Chisipite High School addressed by P.K. van der Byi, Smith's Minister of Foreign Affairs 19th April, 1978 Speaker introduced by Mr. Reeco, MP for Mtoko. As the best speaker after the Prime Minister. He would speak to us about the crucial problem to be faced: Chaos or stability. Byl disclaimed expertise on Internal Settlement (IS). But he never believed an IS would have to be faced. He believed in the issues for which RF (Rhodesia Front) stood in 1960. But now we had to face the problem: the march of history in which we are puppets of events beyond our control. Kissinger (1976) proposal that we accept majority rule or go under, has since proved true and our friends in SA, France, Germany, etc. agree with Kissinger. However much we dislike it we must face the reality. Even SA, the last citadel against the black tide, has conceded majority rule in SWA (South West Africa). SA would not support us if we tried to hold out on our own because under threit: VG Shah of Iran told SA that he would cut off suplies of oil to SA if any of it went to Rhodesia. So according to all our friends we have to accept majority rule in one form or another. Also we have failed to win the war which has spread to the whole of the country. We have not been defeated. We could have gone on alone without defeat but for turn of events in Mozambique and Angola. The new factor we have to face is SA (alone) as our only outlet. Also economic recession has hit us. Mines closing all over the country. There are many financial crashes. Unemployment (black and white) is rising. We are having more difficulty in finding manpower for the war. So, there is no escaping Majority Rule. It is not that we have changed our former views that there would be no Majority Rule. Unlike others PK was not deceived by Owen when he first turned up. What he was demanding was 48 Zimbabwe News National Enemies t.conditional surrender and the putting ofgurselves entirely in the hands of external forces. We turned this down, called the general election and got a mandate to be negotiators of Internal Settlement but the ultimate decision will be with the electorate. What we have achieved is a modus vivendi and a mechanism to stop the war. We had two vital necessities: to find an alternative to the Anglo- American (A-A) proposals and grant Majority Rule. What we have achieved is a masterpiece as a politicodiplomatic exercise. No one ever believed that we could get internal leaders to agree to so much. If this can be called a positive achievement, then there is ground for optimism in future. True, we wanted 34 seats and have got only 28. But this was much more than the rest of the world thought possible... (page 2 missing) We are not going to have a conference with a pack of blacks. It was very amusing to watch the success of our meeting with Owen/Vance. Van der Byl (PK) said: If you believe that what we have done is right, you put pressure on the Front Line states and the Patriotic Front. Vance (who must be the most important Foreign Minister in the world and most powerful, yet a nonentity and a figure of fun) let the cat out of the bag: This would not do because it would impinge on American economic and political interests in Africa. Van der Byl (PK) asked for us to be spared all the verbiage about human rights. The real truth for the Americans - economic interests. If a clear black majority were established by ballot, would the A-A accept. There was a deadly hush! Then Vance poured out unintelligible verbiage. But Owen gave a firm: No. Only when they say that what had been done was right would they support us. So we must soldier on. Our Objectives: Cease-Fire, End Sanctions (continental men are already building up here in Rhodesia), Constitution ensuring beyond doubt we shall be able to live in acceptable manner. We must wait and see. In the end you, the voters will have the last say. Nothing as yet to get upset about. It would dearly be impossible for us to live in a Mozambique. But there are other African countries. There are 50,000 French in the Ivory Coast where PK has been often - and they are there because they want to be. There are 25,000 French in Gabon similarly. Also conditions in Swaziland, Zaire, even Botswana are good. Example of a certain Swanepoel in Zaire who pays 20 white employees infinitely more than he pays his 800 black ones, sends his children to Durban... Bulle says we cannot fail to keep whites, because if we do, there will be an economic slum. They realise that here we have no metropolitan problem, no question of colonial government pulling out, no parallelism to Algeria. We already have a number of whites who would want to stay. Our black cooperators want us for the disciplining of the black elements. They realize too that if the Patriotic Front were to win they would be the sufferers because they have put their hands on the block of the Salisbury Agreement. The army doesn't want African University Students because they would subvert our loyal troops. Zimbabwe? Not yet. Smith has been talking to others about Zimbabwe myth. Do they want country to be called after a ruin, built by people who exploited and robbed them? Also the Matebele are not happy with Zimbabwe, so the last word not yet said. P K hopes Rhodesia will have two names. Examples England, the UK, Great Britain; USA, The States, America. Postscript: The audience was all white. Those on the Mtoko Constituency roll were invited. Not sure what other categories. About 100 people in the hall - not by any means filled. Most of the questioners were concened with future security. One asked why we were prisoners in our own country. Could we not be given a more generous allowance to take out and leave. This was dealt with by Reece MP when our currency grew stronger - we had no foreign currency. Things getting harder. The regime's strategy for perpetuating coloniafism: Rhodesian Government secret Papers Confidential (7) PSYAC SECRETARIAT P.O. Box UA 350 Salisbury Directive of national psychological campaign Situation: 1. Following the recent proposed political changes, sections of the Rhodesian Population have become confused and require a clear interpritation of Government policy. Our enemy will try to capitalise on the situation. Maximum effort is, therefore, required by all government agencies to help clarify the position and counter enemy propaganda. 2. An immediate result of the detente exercise in December 1974, was that the terrorists said that the government has surrendered. Intelligence from the locals dried up und our success in the terrorist war suffered a serious set back. Recently we have managed to regain the lost ground and a further setback now cannot be permitted. Mission: 3. To direct Government agencies on psychological action tasks to be implemented on a national scale. National Enemies Execution: 4. General Outline: The material to be disseminated has been prepared for various target groups. In the operational area certain groups are to be detailed with the security forces, Internal Affairs and other persons. Responsibility for the implementation of the campaign in other areas will be determined by PSYAC. PACC/ Sensor teams will coordinate, activities assess and evaluate reaction report and take recommendation to PSYAC. Operational Areas: 5. Security Forces: (a). Dissemination: Security forces unit commanders are to disseminate to all ranks under command using the information at appendix c. Where applicable, Security forces may disseminate information contained in other appendices when in contact with the various target groups. b. The Senior army and police officers at Sub JCC's are responsible for the overall SP co-ordination in their area. Internal Affairs: a. Dissemination: District Commissioners are to disseminate to all the target groups under their jurisdiction. Zimbabwe News 49 b. Co-ordination: The provincial commissioners are responsible for the co- ordination within their provinces. Others a. Dissemination: Through local Sensor/PACC representatives where possible; senior PACC representatives and appropriate Ministers in Salisbury where necessary. b. Co-ordination: Local Sensor PACC representatives where applicable, in conjunction with District Commisioner. Co-ordination Instructors: a. Technique on dissemination: It is essential that dissemination of this material be done in a positive manner. This will, promote acceptance and understanding. If answers to questions are not known then say so. b. Feedback: It is essential for JCC's to have immediate feedback on reaction of target groups so that: (i). answers to questions that cannot immediately be answered can be obtained if possible. (ii). Emphasis can be redirected to the most productive fields and negative responses, countered. c. Timing: This directive is to be implemented per JCC's arrangements bearing in mind that time is of the essences d. Liaison: Senior representatives at JCC's are responsible for Liaison with sub JCC's. PACC representatives are responsible for liaison with provincial commissioners and District Comnissioners and their own Head quarters in Salisbury. 9.Air: All bids for skyshouts and leaflet dropping, together with suggested texts are to submitted through JCC's for approval. Any guidence and assistance necessary can be obtained from the PACC representatives at the JCC's who, in turn, may refer back to their H.Q. Administration and Logistics: 10. Transport: Bids for transport to move people to suitable venues for meetings should be co-ordinated at Sub-JCC's, level. Maximum assistance and co-operation from all government departments is required. 11. Publications: If required, arrangements can be made for local posters and leaflets to be printed. All requests with suggested texts to be submitted through JCC's for approval. Command and Signals: 12. Briefings: Briefings will be held as per JCC arrangements. Non Operational Areas: 13. Security forces. (a). Dissemination. Single Service arrangements. (b). Co-ordination. PACC representatives to liaise with PACC H.Q. feedback reports. 14. Leaders of Commerce and Industry, Local Government, Churches and Representative Organisations a. Dissemination. Leaders of these representative groups, are to be briefed by government ministers on the aim of the exercise and will, thereafter, be requested to make appropriate arrangements to inform the various target groups falling within their areas of influence, based on the appropriate appendices. b. Co-ordination. The representative groups will be requested to appoint Liaison officer to maintain contact with PACC. H.Q. regarding feedback, assistance and guidance. c. Timings. Timings for the start of the campaign in the non operational areas to be advised by PSYAC. 15. African Businessmen, Professional Men, Domestic Servants and others not provided for under Section 14. a. There are a number of African employee groups not covered under the previous categories and also self-employed African businessmen etc. for which specific arrangements must be made. b. Business and Professional men. Dissemination would be through the broadcasting media of RBC/TV African Service - repeat broadcasts if necessary. c. Domestic Servants. In many cases they too could listen to the broadcasts. However, the message would perhaps be too sophisticated and there would perhaps be employers who might not be able to oblige with the facilities. Therefore, leaflets will be distributed to all householders, with a request that they explain the situation to their employee. The contents of Annexure "A" would be appropriate. d. Feedback. i. The African Times to invite comment from its readers. ii. Similarly, householders will be asked to return a card questionaire to PACC. iii. Timings. To be determined by PSYAC. 16. Civil Servants and the staff of Statutory Bodies. a. Dissemination. Heads of Ministers will be required to make their own arrangements regarding the dissemination of this information to be the various target groups within their Ministry. The attached indices cover all such categories. b. Co-ordination and Feedback. The designated PACC Liaison Officers in each Ministry will be required to submit reports to PACC H.Q. regarding the reaction of the various target groups within their Ministries. Should they require any guidance or assistance they should not hesitate to contact the PACC H.Q. Confidential Appendix "A" Target groups (African): TILs, Chiefs, Headmen, Kraal Heads, APA Farmers, Co- opted employees, Council Staff, Rural Businessmen and Local African Employees, European Farm Labourers, Women's Clubs and Young Farmers Clubs 1. It has been agreed, there will be a change in the form of government in Rhodesia. The most important change is that shortly there will be a Council of State with equal representation, leading to a new constitution. This provides an opportunity for black Rhodesians to participate in a responsible fashion in national and local government and in the decision making processes. Initially these African representatives will be nominated. 2. What does this mean to the black Rhodesian? It means persons who now persist in causing unrest and supporting terrorism can now be identified as the enemy of all Rhodesians, because they wish to impose a foreign military dictatorship and are, therefore, agents of a foreign government- (use Mogambique as an example - Communist terrorists). 3. Therefore, anyone who continues with criminal acts of terrorism is an obstacle to peace and increased prosperity. These people will be rooted out and destroyed, but this costs money, which would otherwise have been used for African development. For example your roads and bridges, clinics, schools. Increased development in the African areas leads to greater job opportunities. 4. Our best course is clear, we must all help in destroying these criminals as quickly as possible so that we can take advantage of peace to live normal lives and thereby increase prosperity. 5. What is peace and prosperity? (a) Peace No more interference in your traditional customs and way of life by terrorists. E.G. 50 Zimbabwe News National Enemies i. Rape/seduction of wives and daughters. ii. Atrocities on your people e.g. MurtOer, mutilation and landmines. iii. Demanding of food and money. iv. SF will no longer have to interrupt your normal life in their search for terrorists. v. No pressure to get your children to join this pointless and dangerous cause. Confidential Appendix 'B" Target Group: (African) civil Government, employees and teachers 1. It has been agreed there will be a change in the form of government in Rhodesia. The most important change is that shortly there will be a Council of State with equal representation, leading to a new constitution. This provides an opportunity for black Rhodesians to participate in a responsible fashion in national and local government and in the decision making processes. Initially these African representatives will be nominated. 2. What does this mean to the black Rhodesian? It means persons who now persist in causing unrest and supporting terrorism can be identified as the enemy of all Rhodesians because they wish to impose a foreign government military dictatorship and are therefore agents of a foreign government - (use Mozambique as an example - communist terrorists). 3. Therefore anyone who continues with criminal acts of terrorism is an obstacle to peace and increased prosperity. These people will be rooted out and destroyed, but this costs money which would otherwise have been used for African development. For example your roads and bridges, clinics, schools. Increased development in the African areas leads to greater job opportunities. 4. What is peace and prosperity? (a). Peace No further interference in private and family life by terrorist activity. E.G. i. Relaxed working conditions without threat for fear of what might happen to you and your family as a result of your official duties. ii. The destruction of personal property and possessions by terrorists. iii. SF will no longer have to interupt your normal life in their search for terrorists. iv. No pressure to get your Children to join this pointless and dangerous cause. (b). Prosperity i. The return to a normal way of life with better prospects for the continuance of your present employment. ii. There is likely to be an improvement in economic conditions and with increased African representation in government there will be more opportunity for personal advancement in employement. iii. The lifting of curfews which will allow the return to normal social activities. iv. The reintroduction of various transport services into areas where they have ceased to operate due to terrorist activities which will improve working and living conditions. 5. Law and Order will be maintained, which will ensure stability continued employment and job opportunities. 6. If asked "how can we assist?" you should answer in the following way: a. You should report the presence of CTs (and the various ways of reporting should again be explained). b. Ask the CT what he is fighting for, when his "purported aim" is to be achieved anyway. Confidential: Appendix "C" Target Group: SF 1. The National Aim remains unchanged. The Oath of Allegiance and loyalty of all Rhodesians remains to be State of Rhodesia. All existing laws and regulations remain in full force and effect, unless they are amended by a two thirds majority of the Council of State. Therefore no dramatic changes will take place to the existing pattern of life, and everyone, black and white, must be encouraged to participate in maintaining normality and the preservation of order. 2. In accepting the agreement terms offered by the Western world, the government of Rhodesia received various guarantees, the most important of which are: a. the lifting of sanctions. b. the cessation of terrorism. c. the provision of substantial financial support. 3. The agreement with the Western world provides for progress to majority rule without qualification as to colour and the emphasis will be on responsibility. 4. The solution will provide for responsible black aspiration within the framework which guarantees, in meaningful and realistic terms the permanence and stability for all communities. National Enemies 5. Immediate Benefits. a. The lifting of sanctions and the tacit support of the Western world will allow us more easily to obtain modern war materials. b. If need be, with these war materials, Rhodesia will then be in a stronger position to conduct a counter insurgency and classical war role. c. The possibility of recruiting in an open market. 6. Immediate Tasks. It is already apparent that the Communist states, i.e. Mocambique and Angola, are extremely concerned about the agreement we have reached with the Western world and it can be expected that they will try their utmost to break down the agreement and escalate the terrorist war. Therefore: a. There must be no relaxation of effort now to finally break the back of terrorism; otherwise all that has been fought for and all the sacrifices that have been made will have been in vain. b. SF have an absolutely vital role to play in the preservation of law and order if peaceful evolution has any chance of success. c. SF are a disiplined force and in that role are divorced from political considerations, whilst one accepts that they will form political opinions on and individual basis. General: a. Law and order will be preserved in all other areas of activity such as inter faction fighting, banditry and civil disobedience. The forces of law and order remain under the same control now and during the interim period and will receive the full backing of Government in the essential role. This applies with equal force and effect to all loyal Public Servants. b. All pension rights for black and white will be supported financially by the international fund. c. There will be a continued need for an efficient, loyal SF as whoever is in power will require such a force to maintain law and order. Further Points for TF. a. The sooner the terrorist is eradicated the sooner you will be able to return to a normal life. b. With removal of sanctions the economy should experience a major upsurge both from the private investment sector, externally, and from the international development fund which is to be established. Flowing from this there should be a considerable expansion in Zimbabwe News 51 job opportunities for all communities and the financial ability to sustain a large vocational training programme to equip people to fill jobs in the expanded economy. Note: 9. All members of the SF/Government will be absolved of any action which might previously have been considered illegal. Appendix "F" Target Group: Churches 1. The recent political initiatives place churches and government on common ground with the objectives: a. To secure orderly progress through the interim period and into a new constitution. b. To prevent the disruption of orderly political evolution and a communist takeover by getting their followers to recognise the communist terrorist as the national enemy. 2. The churches now have an opportunity to secure their future role and influence of christianity within an agreeable political framework. 3. They are now abl2 to form a common united front opposing communist ideology. 4. They should now be able to see the opportunities of a successful transition to responsible government representative of all shades of opinion as opposed to the dangers of failure which could lead to anarchy and chaos. Therefore, their full support should be sought to bring about a quick end to the terrorist war to promote the benefits of the proposals. 5. The churches will benefit themselves from improved status and freedom to persue the missionary, health and educational roles and participate in economic and social development. Increased development aid to this country is likely to be forthcoming from parent bodies with the lifting of restrictions. Confidential a. There must be no relaxation of effort now to finally break the back of terrorism; otherwise all that has been fought for and all the sacrifices that have been made will have been in vain. b. SF have an absolutely vital role to play in the preservation of law and order if peaceful evolution has any chance of success. c. SF are a disciplined force and in that role are divorced from political considerations whilst one accepts that they will form political opinions on an individual basis. General a. Law and order will be preserved! in all other areas of activity such as interfaction fighting, banditry and civil disobedience. The forces of law and order remain under the same control now and during the interim period and will recieve the full backing of Government in their essential role. This applies with equal force and effect to all loyal Public Servants. b. All pensions rights for black and white will be supported financially by the international fund. c.There will be a continued need for an efficient, loyal SF as whoever is in power will require such a force to maintain Law and Order. Further points for TF The sooner the terrorist is eradicated the sooner you will be able to return to normal life. b. With removal of sanctions the economy should experience a major upsurge both from the private investment sector, externally, and from the international development fund which is to be established. Flowing from this there should be a considerable expansion in the job opportunities for all communities and the financial ability to sustain a large vocational training programme to equip people to fill jobs in the expanded economy. Note: 9. All members of the SF/Government will be absolved of any action which might previously have been considered illegal. Confidential Target groups: African Businessmen and Self Employed African Progressional Men: 1. It has been agreed that therewill be a change in the form of government in Rhodesia. The important change is that shortly there will be a council of State with equal representation feeding to a new constitution. This provides an opportunity for black Rhodesia to participate in a responsible fashion in national and local government and the decision making process. Initially these African representatives will be nominated. 2. What does this mean to the black Rhodesian? It means that there no longer exists any reason for terrorism to continue. It means that those who persist in causing unrest and supporting ter- 52 Zimbabwe News rorism can now be identified as the enemy of all Rhodesians, because they wish to impose a foreign military dictatorship. Any terrorists who continue fighting and their supporters may be regarded as agents of foreign government. 3. Criminal acts of terrorism are obstacles to peace and increased prosperity. Anyone guilty of such acts will be hunted down and destroyed. 4. Law and order will be maintained which will ensure that none of us need be in fear of lawlessness and corruption. 5. The new settlement proposals offer all Rhodesians the opportunity of peace and prosperity. Therefore, it is the duty of all Rhodesians, of all races, to work together to eradicate terrorism and form of outside interference in the governing of our country. 6. The new proposals offer return to a normal way of life with better prospects and job opportunities for all sections of the community. 7. There is likely to be an improvement in economic conditions, which in turn will lead to the development of education and health facilities and many other amenities to the benefit of all. 8. It is the responsibility of all Rhodesians to work together to ensure a better future of our children and development of the resources in this country. "Through the instrumentality of our war, we have created a collective revolutionary awareness in the masses of the guiding principles of our revolution, the objectives of that revolution and the surest means for their attainment." Cde. Mugabe "The Battle of Sinoia exploded one myth, which had acquired a strong hold upon our people, namely that the white settlers are invincible. Their death at Sinoia destroyed their 'Immortality' and created in our people military self confidence... which is the inexhaustible source of morale and hope for sure victory." Cde. Mugabe National Enemies

Ideological and revolutionary Education in ZANU (continued from Zimbabwe News Vol. 10, No. 1) * oi Political Commissariat Lecture series Part II Colonialism Origin The land grabbing that highlighted the 19th Century was a direct result of the rapid scientific and technological progress in Europe. Many outstanding discoveries were made during this period. Man learned to produce iron out of pig iron, to build ships with keels capable of making long voyages, invention of telescopes and the utilisation of flowing water to generate electricity, etc. All these inventions need raw materials which were not readily available at home. The pressing need of raw materials forced the European countries to embark on an expansionist, imperialist and annexationist policy. The victims of this evil policy were Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The purpose of this lesson is to show that the crimes suffered by the people of Zimbabwe are just a reflection of the nature of colonialism. Wherever colonialism went the same fate befell the colonised. 1. Colonialism Lives on Aggression At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th Centuries the rule of the monopolies was fully consolidated in the chief capitalist countries and by this time the territorial division of the world was in the main completed. The reason for the coincidence of the two events (monopoly domination and territorial division of the world) was the endeavour to win new markets, and new sources of raw materials. Colonial acquisitions were a means to divert the sharpening class contradictions at home. Another important factor was to achieve colonial conquests the conlonial countries set up armies of aggression which used the sword to subjugate entire peoples. In most cases, ruthless methods were used. In Zimbabwe, armed invasion took place in 1890 led by Jameson. The people of Zimbabwe, to safeguard their independence, heroically resisted this unprovoked aggression which culminated in the 1896 war of Chindunduma. Although defeated, due to inferior weapons, as a result of no concerted and protracted efforts by Africans, their heroism greatly inspired us to continue resistance assuming various forms till the Great North-Eastern Offensive of 1971 that shook up colonialists. After conquest they set up the state machinery that was to brutally suppress the people while they plundered at will the natural economic resources of the invaded country. After the division of the world between the great powers was completed, it was possible to obtain new colonies by wrenching them from some other colonial powers. Consequently the struggle between the imperialist states for the division of colonial possessions was intensified, and the out-break of wars became inevitable as shown by historical clashes in the scramble for Africa. In 1914 out of a total world population of 1399 men per square km Britain, France, Russia, Germany and Belgium had acquired 65 sq. km., of colonial territory. 54.4 sq. km., were semi-colonies e.g. China, Persia and Turkey. Colonial conquests brought to a head contradictions between the colonized and the colonialists themselves. The contradictions had to resolve themselves through wars that brought untold human suffering (poverty, death, hunger) to the toiling masses: for example, First World War and Second World War. 2. Colonialism is a blood-sucker Colonialism is a blood sucker, plunderer and executioner of the colonised people. In its search for high profits and spheres of investment, colonialism threw the colonised into abject misery. Most of the colonised people go naked, without food, and are left without any means of subsistence. The colonialists have under-developed Africa, Latin America and Asia With the forces: Comrade President Mugabe commands them to fight hard, fight harder and fight hardest. Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 53 "The masses have been purposefully mobilized through revolutionary motivation. Today, the masses fight along our ZANLA forces, feed them, supply them with useful security and intelligence reports and information; nurse our wounded; carry-out self-reliance productive projects in liberated zones; administer their own areas; and generally cooperate in disrupting civil administration and the oppressor's economy." Cde. Mugabe through not developing modern industries, for these are expensive compared to the cheap human labour. The colonized are not like a machine that must be carefully looked after but are left on their own to survive as best they can. Thus owing to the starvation wages given to them, deplorable housing conditions, intensified exploitation of human labour through long working hours, the colonised die of diseases - they cannot look after afford medical fees and there is a high mortality rate. They cannot look after their families because of the next-to- nothing wages given to them. In fact during the first appearance of colonialism, the colonised were forced to labour on farms and in mines, for no pay and this was enforced by law. The sweat and blood of the colonized has brought fortunes to colonialism while the indigenous people have been left with an uncertain future except misery and death. Staggering tons of the wealth of the colonized country have been pumped to the colonizing countries to satisfy their insatiable appetite for fortune. No wonder Mozambique (500 years of colonial rule) has not developed greatly because colonialists did not care for the development and improvement of the whole people except reaping maximum profits. The people were forced to sell their labour power (economic coercion) and in turn were promised nothing but certain death through starvation, poverty, hunger and diseases. Thus thousands upon thousands of people have been sucked dry, their natural resources robbed by the vampire called colonialism. Colonialism lives on Brutal Suppression Colonialism lives on brutal suppression of people: naked, shameless, direct and brutal exploitation. Colonialism always follows the law of the jungle (eat or be eaten). This shows their acknowledgement of the existence of two antagonistic groups in Zimbabwe. On the one hand we have the African who does not want to be a colonial subject and on the other hand we have the colonialist who maintains his rule over the African by brute force. The force that colonialism uses to terrorise, intimidate, liquidate any resistance, plunder and exploit the poeple is the State power. Ever since the emergence of private property, the state (a special apparatus for suppressing another class) has been used to protect the interests of the ruling 54 Zimbabwe News The Zimbabwe News is popular with the forces: Half of the issue now goes into the liberated areas. class (clique). The state power which is at the disposal of the colonialists has been used to stiffle any struggle in order to silence the people. State power includes the following social power (police, soldiers, and CID) and the administrative machinery (courts, parliament and jails). The Administrative Machinery After conquest of our country the colonizer set up the administrative machinery that had the function of drafting laws and seeing to it that nobody violated these laws. Thousands of colonized people have been tortured (electric shock treatment, being exposed to ice-cold condition, dipped in water, beating and many other inhuman treatments) and jailed. Many of our political prisoners at Gonakudzingwa, HwaHwa, Sikombela, QueQue etc., detained under restriction orders, were killed in cold blood, e.g. the Late Vice President of ZANU, Comrade Leopold Mukumwaidzi Takawira and Edson Sithole who mysteriously disappeared in a Salisbury street. These actions of brutality have rised today to a much higher scale in the war zones of Rhodesia where people are burnt, domesticated animals indiscriminately shot, people are mutilated and others are shot if seen moving after six in the evening. The administrative machinery has condemned sons and daughters of Zimbabwe to the position of slaves. These measures are meant to calm down the colonised. Many political parties have been banned as has been the case in Zimbabwe. Public Power (The Army and Police) The sole purpose of the public power under colonial Rhodesia is preservation of the law and order (bourgeoisie law and order). These armed men are the custodians of the white interests. Thus state power is the central issue in any country if one wants to rule and to consolidate his power. Having dissected and analysed the nature of colonialism we now go on to find out what bolsters up colonialism. Imperialism is the Principal Enemy Imperialism is the chief enemy of all the liberated countries, the highest stage of capitalism characterised by the formation of international monopolistic companies e.g. Anglo-American Corporation, BP and Shell companies which export capital to other countries (neocolonialism). These monopolies have high productive capacities concentration of production which ensures the destruction of small enterprises, and assure the merging of the bank and industrial capital to form finance capital. Lastly, the territorial division of the world among the biggest capitalist powers, is a result of the struggle waged by monopolists. The imperialists refuse to reconcile themselves to the loss of their colonies. In their search for methods of saving colonialism, they come up with neo-colonialism. This new colonialism is not different from the old colonialism, for both have the same aim - control. Neo-colonialism indirectly controls the countries after liberation and in this way makes newly-won independence informal and meaningless. Ideological and Revolutionary Education

New Forms of Colonialism Policy In order to win the bourgeoisie and reactionaries, imperialists try to intimidate them with the non existent "communist menace", for exitnple, American imperialism and its involvement in the current detente exercise in Rhodesia is aimed at preventing the so-called communist menace. Imperalism brings military and political pressure to bear and offers independent former colonial countries certain financial and economic inducements. (USA imperialism aims at keeping Rhodesia through politics and money, tied to capitalism; and the 2 billion dollar aid to Rhodesia now proposed by the Anglo-American is such an example.) Imperialism does not support the development of heavy industry in the colonies, for this endangers the economic position of the foreign monopolies and its grip on the country. This is why most of the Third World countries are under-developed. As blackmail, some countries have been refused industrial equipment, machinery and machine tools if the countries go socialist. For example, America refused to give aid to Mozambique because the country was termed communist. The imperialists can establish their own enterprises in colonies and neo-colonies, but with guarantees of freedom to export their profits. Imperialists are against nationalisation. Kenya, Zaire and Liberia are principal examples heavily financed by USA imperialists. Imperialism has been the main cause of human sufferings, brewed and unleashed two world wars of 1914 1918 and 1939- 1945, in which millions of workers were killed in an attempt to find which imperialist power, Germany or Britain, should rule the world. Another thing is that imperialist agencies (e.g. USA-CIA) have master-minded many coups in this world - removal of Allende in Chile, killing of Patrice Lumumba in Zaire, Nkrumah in Ghana and recently the coup in Thailand. Imperialism will never lay down its butcher knives, but will on the other hand sharpen them. Its nature will never change, sabotaging revolutions through their network of spies and actively participating in or giving financial, military and moral support to counter-revolutionaries. Only after the determinated struggle against imperialism and its thorough and complete destruction will it be possible to establish peace in the world. Chief national Political Commissar: Intensifying ideological education throughout Zimbabwe. Part Three: Down with Racism! Fight for Complete and Thorough National Independence! We have now gained knowledge of the towering crimes that are being committed by the settlers and have seen that the root cause of all the suffering is colonialism which is given life by imperialism. We have realised the plight of the Zimbabwe people and the question is posed, "What are we to do to redress these crimes in our society?" this question can be answered only by distinguishing enemies from friends. Looking into the nature of the society and revolution, the task of the revolution is to overthrow imperialism and the method$ to be used in order to seize political power, is the armed struggle. 1. Distinguishing Enemies from Friends In a class society different sections pursue different objectives in life. The different set of objectives are just a reflection of the class nature of the society. These objectives will inevitably lead to enemity between the different classes. Friends can be grouped into two: genuine and sham friends. Genuine friends are all those who give material support to revolutionaries. They do not merely say a thing and stop there, but will back up what they say with practice. This is in accordance with the Marxist theory of linking up theory and practice; for theory without practice is useless. Thus all those countries, and organisations in genuine capitalist countries that back up their words with action, are genuine friends. Those who give us material, financial aid and training grounds are friends e.g. China, Mozambique and Tanzania. The progressive international community and progressive organisations in capitalist countries are also our genuine friends. Sham friends are countries, organizations and individuals who shout loudest about the need to liberate our country, but do not take any further steps to link their theory with practice. In this group are included most of African heads of states, who have done nothing to promote the revolution through material aid. Our enemies are all those who work hand in hand with our adversary, the Ian Smith regime. Enemies can be divided into two groups - as they are sometimes called. Direct enemies are all those who are actively involved in fighting us in the battlefields. In this group are all the Smith racist soldiers (be black or white), the white and black civilians who sympathise with colonialists, either by giving moral encouragement or doing anything that is detrimental to ZANLA's continuation of the war. Indirect enemies are all those who give moral, material and financial aid to the tottering Smith regime. In this group are South Africa, USA, Britain, France, West Germany, Japan and other bourgeoisie parties or organisations. Our attitude to the enemies is to destroy them and work together with those striving for the liberation by giving them active support for this furthers and raises the spirit of proletarian internationalism. The stage of the revolution usually determines who the enemies and friends are. Those who were once enemies may become friends at the end of the revolution. This may stem from either a distorted picture of the social order we are going to create. Capitalists will oppose any socialist revolution led by workers or, that, seeing the inevitability of victory, can support us at the end of the revolution with the objective of bringing the emerging new nation under neo-colonial rule. The same can happen to those who are friends in initial phases of the revolution, who can turn out to be enemies towards the final phase of the revolution (China-USSR relations). The nature of society is decided by the character of the revolution. Ever since the emergence of private property, society has been divided into classes that have irreconcialable interests. The origin of classes is directly connected with private ownership of the means of production (tools, buildings, transport, electricity, land etc.) which makes possible the exploitation of man by man, the appropriation of the labour of the Zimbabwe News 55 National Enemies group by another group. Three types of classes in differentiating exploitative societies are known as slave, feudal and capitalist societies. In these societies are found people grouped into hostile camps which pursue diametrically opposed objectives and aims in politics, production relations, morality, and ideology. In order for one group to force its own ideology and views on society it has to use coersive methods through the state machine. This results in the formation of oppresser and subjugated in society. The central issue in antagonistic relations between oppressor and the oppressed is over the means of production, which sets in motion the struggle between the classes in society. It is only when the relations of production (the economic relations in which the people enter) fail to correspond with promotion-productive-forces (means of production plus human labour) that a radical transformation of society takes place - that is a revolution. Thus, the type of revolution depends on the nature of society that is being destroyed and the new society that is to be created. Division of our Nation (Divide and Rule) The policy of "divide and rule" has been used by the whites in Rhodesia since the invasion of Zimbabwe. The first thing they did to bring discord among Zimbabwean masses was to take black police and soldiers from Matebeleland to serve in Mashonaland and those from Mashonaland to serve in Matebeleland. Since the police and soldiers are despised by the masses, the Matabele would think the Mashonas are bad because they joined these forces and likewise the Mashonas would think the Ndebeles were bad. This is done to promote tribalism in Zimbabwe and, therefore, disturb any prospects of tribal unity in Zimbabwe. To aggravate the tribal contradiction left behind by history, they give a divisive account of the part played by the Shonas against the Ndebeles during the war of 1893 and give a divisive account of the 1896 National War. The racists politicians, Smith in particular, make frequent references to the Ndebele as a minority foreign tribe, as a divisive tactic to undermine national unity. The 1963 ZAPU ideological split is depicted by the racist propaganda as based on tribal differences. The church is used to divide the people artificially on denominational lines e.g. Catholics, Methodists, etc. I A im V 1 1, %'', Becoming part of the terrain: ZANLA forces are experts at it. Another attempt that ended in dismal failure was to divide the people by granting wide powers to the chiefs who are taken as the true representatives of the blacks by the whites. The Smith regime has gone to the limits of admitting the chiefs to be cabinet ministers holding unimportant positions. All these desperate manoeuvers were made to divide the people by getting some to follow chiefs (who are the Yes-men of Smith) and others the Armed Struggle. This scheme failed, because people are firmly loyal and behind the Armed Struggle being waged by the mighty, invincible and gallant ZANLA forces the People's Army. Colonialists have utilised the historical background of Rhodesia to divide the people. The pupils in the primary schools in Mashonaland are taught that the Matebele used to plunder their cattle, sisters, food reserves etc. and at the same time the pupils in Matebeleland are told that Mashona were under their complete rule. The white man is portrayed as somebody who brought peace to this part of the world. This evil and divisive scheme has the effect of making the two major tribes hate each other and take the white man as a saviour. The educational qualifications and jobs have been used by the whites to divide the people. They even tried to divide the guerillas from the broad masses by broadcasting the so-called attrocities that are allegedly said to be committed by the ZANLA forces. There have been attempts of setting up Bantustans as in 1969 Provincialisation Act - T.T.L. The Provinces and Districts instead of being established for administrative purposes are being used by imperialists to divide tribes. The Smith regime installs puppet chiefs and tribal elected M.P.'s e.g. Chirau, Mdiweni, Mangwende, Chademano, etc. It finances and organises unprogressive parties in search for a settlement e.g. UANC-Muzorewa, ANC-Sithole, and ZUPO-Chirau. ZUPO was given finance so that it could give scholarships to African students in order that ZUPO could win the sympathy and support of the people. Fortunately the people are able to see through the guise of this supposedly gesture of kindness; which has the malicious intentions of dividing the people. Racial Discrimination Racial discrimination has been practised in Zimbabwe since the arrival of the white Settlers in our country. The analysis of a Rhodesian Social Structure indicates that the Africans are vast majority and have been subjected to toiling, sweating, enslavement and exploitation. The Africans toiling and sweating have built the wealth, prosperity and high standard of living enjoyed by the few whites in Rhodesia today. We should put an end to social, economic, and political discrimination and gain freedom and access to ordinary courtesy given to human beings. The Rhodesian social structure has excluded the African majority from many aspects of development. Most of the social, economic and political spheres are restricted to "whites only". Racialism in Rhodesia is enforced by law. Anyone who goes against these discriminatory laws will have committed the gravest mistakes that are punishable by many years- in Ideological and Revolutionary Education 56 Zimbabwe News prison. The Africans are punishable by many years in prison. The Africans are denied equal job opportunities. In Rhodesia certain jobs are specially reserved for the whites. A black person, who meets the required qualification will not be offered the job, if it is reserved for whites. A white man can get employed even if he has very low qualifications as long as he has a white skin. Rhodesia's racial discrimination is life in hotels, toilets, swimming pools, hospitals, schools etc. Africans in rural areas are given inadequate hospital facilities or nothing at all. Some rural areas have no schools and roads due to the laws of racial discrimination. Africans are forced to pull off their hats whenever they enter the office or when they meet with a whiteman. In some of the areas in Rhodesia people have to walk miles to buy groceries because the Rhodesian Government never bothers to think of the Africans residing in these areas. In urban areas the Africans are driven to shanty locations where they get no lights. Their houses are so poorly built and grouped together that diseases are easily spread, while the whites are staying in luxurious and spacious houses. Salaries are not based on educational qualifications, but on skin pigmentation; to be black means low pay and to be white means higher pay. The reason offered by the whites to justify this discriminatory practice is that the living standard of the whites is higher than the Africans. Racial discrimination is a product of an environment of divided class society and its solution is to change that environment. Rhodesia's racial policies have deep South African roots faced with similar circumstances. The Rhodesian settlers successively divided the land, created supply of cheap labour. Poor quality land, and too little of it, forced able bodied Africans to enter wage employment. Pass laws, with an 18th Century Cape heritage, were introduced to control freedom of movement and employability. The Whites brought with them the spirit of the conqueror, the idea of a superior race and culture and rigid social separation symbolized by the terms "Boss and Boy". Rhodesia was assumed to be a whiteman's land, that awaited white immigrants attracted by the promise of land, cheap labour and white privilege. These foundations of racial domination have contributed to the creation of a settler economy highly stratified by race and class. The current differences in incomes, diets, life styles, Secretary for Education, Comrade Dzingai Mutumbuka: responsible for the education of 20,000 children. education, aspirations and social security between the blacks and white communities are striking. The domestic servant is not free to choose what he will eat or where he can live. This creates a dependency and deprived status relationships. Whites ii Rhodesia consider Africans in towns only as transients who have "one foot in towns and the other foot in the reserves". The Africans are forced to serve their white masters even at old age, and he is expected to find his social security in the reserves. In the Smith's army there is a vast gap between the Africans and whites. The whites are the bosses in the army and the Africans are considered tools just as good as his rifle. Africans are not promoted in this army. African soldiers are given inferior weapons and are always driven in the frontline. The Rhodesian army has the Rhodesian African Rifles, which is all African battalions of the army. The African soldier is subject to lower pay than that of the whites. Commercial exploitation: 1. Job Reservation and low Wages: The Master and Servant Act, 1902, clearly defined the white supremacy in social life. It was enacted to humble the African when working for the whites. This is an Act which makes it criminal for "any person" to desert from his employment, to be insolent or abusive to his employer. Under this act, in the period between 1960 and 1965, 13,166 Africans and only 6 nofi-Africans were prosecuted for such offenses. This Ma- Ideological and Revolutionary Education ster and Servant Act strictly forbade the African from demanding better working conditions like pay-rise, shorter working hours and better housing conditions. The Industrial Reconciliation Act, 1934, forbade the African from competing with the whites in commerce, and labour market, and adopted the hire and fire policy, a modified version of "Chibharo" (or forced labour). The Republican Constitution, 1969, sealed all forms of competition between whites and African in the labour markets. It declared and established white areas and closed African shops within the so called "European Areas". Reservation of jobs has resulted in unemployment, although the African may have the required qualifications. The workers are paid below subsistence level and there has been an inevitable rise of poverty, "shabini", prostitution, theft, hooliganism and other corrupt social practices. They have been subjected to inhuman working conditions. There's no security at work once an African is disabled. He is condemned to the streets. The trade unions which are meant to voice and right the working conditions of the workers, function in the framework of the repressive trade union legislation and, in the final analysis, serve as window dressers. These trade unions are financed by imperialists and have an apologetic nature. International Trade: The colonialists set up stores to exploit us, with trade as the only means of Zimbabwe News 57

He charts the line and keeps the revolution on course. communication between the prosperous cities and the country side. They buy raw materials at a very low price and sell the products at a very high cost to benefit international capitalists eg. maize, cotton and cattle are bought at very low prices and the products are sold at very high prices. This way our limited natural resources are exhausted. The exploitation by the same form of international capitalists is the basis of the international workers solidarity. 3. Banks: Today, the banks that are found in Rhodesia are all foreign owned. The famous Barclays Bank (Headquarters in London) has a global network of branches. Other international monopolist banks found in Zimbabwe are Netherland, Standard, Grindlays, etc. Besides dealing in banking business they control large enterprices by buying shares and the banks appoint their own directors to the Supervisory Board of Directors. Thus, the banks can control the industries by acquiring 50% of the shares of the enterprises. It can be seen that the banks can reap large profits from both industries and banking. This profit is channelled to the monopolists either in London, France or Washington. The money is never used to develop our country, Zimbabwe. The P.O.S.B. is inseparably linked with the International Capital and International industrial magnets. All these are used to control finance and they determine the State Budget. Many diversified commercial enterprises have been established in Zimbabwe because the monopolists have found favourable conditions, Inspecting plane wreckage, viva ZANU. where their export capital can make super profits. These conditions are the availability of raw materials, near markets, etc. The African is doubly exploited. 1. In the industries and 2. In the money that he puts in the banks. The meagre wage deposits put in the banks by the poor Zimbabweans are used to: i. Increase the imperialist capitalist companies' potential the world over to intensify exploitation. ii. Increase imperialist capital by adding to it super profit gained from granting loans. iii. Expand and strengthen the oppressive state machinery eg. the Standard Bank pays loyalties to the Smith Regime. iv. Reward African traitors e.g. A. Muzorewa was paid 100,000.00 Dollars by LONRHO for spying on the location of freedom fighters. v. Pay mercenaries from USA, Japan, former Portuguese soldiers from Mozambique etc. Health and Sanitation - Part five The health services for Africans in Zimbabwe are insufficient, poor and highly segregated. The hospitals and clinics are concentrated in industrial areas and white business centres to ensure the workers are fit enough to sell their labour power to their imperialist "bosses". In the reserves the medical fa- 'I ~ cilities are far scarce, ill equipped and short stocked. Many Zimbabweans die of curable diseases just because they have been unable to reach a clinic or because the clinics they have gone to have no medicines. A pregnant woman will die at the doorsteps of a European hospital because she is African and cannot be admitted into a European hospital for medical attention during delivery. The fees that are charged at the hospital and clinics are too high that some Africans fail to be treated because they cannot afford to pay the fee. Incidentally, use of our traditional herbs for treatment is prohibited with the exception of a handful of herbalists who are licensed to use their herbs. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 58 Zimbabwe News The racist regime gives the most minimum or no attention at all to sanitation in the African dwellings. Tens of thousands of Zimbabwean have been forced to live in "protected villages" (keeps or concentrated camps). How convenient and healthy is it to live in a "protected village"? In Madziwa "protected villages", women have to walk up to six miles to reach a watering point for washing and three miles to fetch drinking water. In others the water supply is contaminated. In Chiweshe, toilet pits have been filled to ground level, huge flies settle on toilet waste and food, bringing typhoid, diarrhoea and dysentery into the keeps. In Gutsa transit camps, which saw thousands of people pass through it, there were only three water tapes and children were dying from cholera and measles. There are many more similar examples. Such is the white man's civilization, which must be preserved, as the racist Smith himself puts it. Health services in keeps are run by the racist forces and it is up to their jurisdiction and mercy to treat ill Africans. They decide who to treat and who not to treat. Many Africans are being used as guinea pigs for testing new medicines and for test operations by tranyee doctors. African nurses receive four years superficial training. During the training they get monthly allowance of 75c to 1,50 Dollars towards the end of their training. After training they work for longer hours and little pay. Their living conditions are far below the expected good living standards. Many nurses would happily leave their jobs if they were not bound by a sense of duty at the plight of their suffering people. War of Attrocities - Part six As the liberation intensifies inside (Zimbabwe), the Smith regime is tightening the screw on the civilian population in an attempt to coerce them into informing on the guerrillas and denying them food supplies, cover and material aid. The Africans are being increasingly subjected to great economic hardship, to the disruption of their community life and their normal agricultural activities, to the physical insecurity brought by the introduction of the curfew, and to torture, assault and intimidation by the racist Smith forces. Increasingly, repressive legislation denies them any hope of obtaining justice in the courts for injuries received in their unwilling encounters with the ra- cist's forces or of obtaining adequate compensation for their economic losses. a) "Protected villages" (Concentration camps) - Keeps: Concentration camps are established in all operational areas and over half a million people have been forcibly moved into these concentration camps. The camps protect the soldiers from the guerrilla fighters. The keeps are surrounded by a fence with flashlights in an endevour to keep guerrillas out. The only people who would really be protected in the events of an attack would be the guard force with its two white district officers and African assistants. They are protected by a sandbagged fort with a lookout tower situated in the centre of the villages. People do not get much time to settle their affairs before being moved to their concentration camps. Nearly fifty thousand people from Chiweshe area not far from Salisbury were moved into twenty-one such camps in a space of three weeks. No help was given them in the rebuilding of their homes or in supplying of building materials. Neither were toilets facilities provided. People moved into concentration camps are expected fo fend for themselves. They are lucky if their previous houses are not destroyed in order to prevent them from being used by the guerrillas and if their cattle are not sold to provide money for their rations within the keep. In Mukumbura concentration camp in the Zambezi valley, each adult receives only one bucket of mealie-meal per week. b) Repressive Legislation: The regime has enacted legislation which prevents the possibility of its excesses being challenged in the courts. In 1974 the Emergency Powers Act was passed which enabled the "President" to make regulations governing all aspects of human activities and even allows him to amend Acts of Parliament. In practice, these regulations may involve detention without trial, the mass movement of property and crops so that no use can be made of them by guerrillas, the control of all food supplies, the imposition of a curfew, collective fines on villages suspected of giving shelter to guerrillas, and so on. The freedom of the press has been curtailed, giving the go- vernment the right to prohibit publication of anything it disapproves of. The.1976 Indemnity and Compensation Act gives the state employees and appointees immunity from criminal and civil court action for harm done 'in good faith' to suppress 'terrorism or to maintain public order'. Such legislation leaves the door wide open to abuse, such as torture or the shooting of civilians inorder to obtain information on guerrillas. The special Courts came into being under the Emergency Powers (Criminal trials) Regulation, 1976. The aim was to promote speedy trials, power to deliver the death sentence. c) Massacres: The regime is conducting endless massacres both in Zimbabwe and bordering African states sympathising and assisting the guerrilla cause. The massacres carried in Zimbabwe, inter alia, are, 1. The Kandeya massacre - 1974 2. Honde tea Estate massacre - 1977 3. Dahwa kraal massacre - May 1977 In Mozambique the racists have carred massacres on Zimbabwean bases like Nyazonia, Chimoio and Tembwe, killing men, women, children and old people including whole families. The racists have unleashed war against Mozambique. In the words of Comrade Samora Machel, President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, "I am here to inform you that Mozambique men and women, old people and children are being killed, our people are being massacred, the People's Republic of Mozambique is being attacked..." The racists have attacked Mozambicans in Gaza, Manica and Tete provinces. They have used tanks, aeroplanes and ground force to massacre the civilian population. Napalm bombs have been dropped from their planes. By invading Mozambique, killing civilians and using napalm to bomb villages, the Smith regime hopes to turn the Mozambique people against the presence of Zimbabwean camps inside Mozambique. This is clear evidence that the regime is loosing the battle at home. Its army and police of African recruited by force can not stand the tide of Revolution. Housing: The housing facilities for Africans are very poor. They are given few rooms (in Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 59 most cases one) compared to the white worker's family. The houses are poorly ventilated and very unfit for human habilitation. They have no electricity and in most cases are seriously crowded. Africans are located far from industrial sites and other working centres. There's no sense of respect or privacy in African dwellings. "Inspections" can be conducted at any time and without notice. African houses are always sited in the direction where they receive polluted air from factories. Excess rents are demanded for the poor houses and yet a very small am ount of money is allocated in the racist budget for improving the African housing. Exorbitant Taxes: Africans in Zimbabwe are compelled to pay exorbitant taxes. A hut tax was introduced in 1894 to raise revenue and induce Africans to leave their homes to take up 'civilizing' wage labour. In other words the early settlers forced Africans to sell their labour to the whites so as to get little money to pay for their taxes. The settlers stated "a hut tax, that excellent and necessary institution was levied. To pay this the 'Zimbabweans' must work." Thus, they took us to be a lazy lot, although the African society at that time did not approve of selling one's labour to earn a living. Of course today there are many taxes that suck the hard earned cent of the blacks. The people are required to pay for the use of the land. For anything a' persons buys, there's sales tax. Some of the taxes paid are dog, cattle tax (1,50 Dollar) for each, lodging tax, birth certificate tax, income tax, personal tax etc. With the creation of African council in our country those who pay their tax to these councils (in some cases amounts up to 5,00 Dollar p.a. in 'TIs and 10,00 Dollar in Purchase areas) are supposed to be exempted from personal tax. But through ignorance of 'law', they pay both council and Personal tax. The racist regime is satisfied to keep the people in ignorance so as to doubly exploit them. Those who fail to pay council tax are summoned and heavily fined regardless of whether or not they have a means of livelihood. The aged and disabled are also taxed and the racist forces are playing a role of forcing people to pay. All the taxes collected are channelled to the racist regime's armed forces and police who are used to suppress us. The Even a meal must be prepared in circumstances of extreme vigilance. racists have attacked Mozambicans in many areas as said before. 3. Plunder of our Natural Resources: a) Minerals: Zimbabwe is endowed with rich mineral deposits. All of them are run by foreign monopoly Capitalists. It is the search for minerals which focussed the colonialists' greedy and insatiable desire for riches on Zimbabwe. Again it is this greed for mineral wealth that has led to untold sufferings to the toiling masses of Zimbabwe, in an attempt by colonialists to protect their interests in our rich mineral resources. The international gangsters are specialising in the plunder of our mineral resources eg. Anglo-American Co-operation: It has large investments in coal, chrome, gold, copper etc. The mines at Selukwe which produce the finest chrome in the world are run by this company. The mines at Wankie which produce large quantities of coal are under their control. They also control such mines as Shabani and Mangula. It controls the extraction, sale and exportation of our minerals to USA and other imperialists countries. The profits from these mines are shared among these profit hungry wolves. The British Iron and Steel Workers Co-operation: It controls a number of subsidiaries engaged in digging our precious iron area resources at Que Que and the Great Kyle Dyke. The other companies engaged in the plunder of our mineral wealth are LONRHO, and Rio Tinto. From the Zimbabwean mineral wealth the British International Capitalists have been able to reap super profits out of the underpayment of the toiling masses of Zimbabwe. b) Industries: The same gaint international Capitalist Companies that run mines, control industry, and the same .xploiting policies applied in mines are used in industry. The manufacturing industry in our country is virtually under the control of white with blacks occupying lower, unimportant positions. There's a motor car industry in the east of Zimbabwe which assembles cars from Abroad. Food stuffs, drinks, furniture, chemicals fertelizers, cosmetics, soaps, batteries, cement products, electrical equipments and plastic are now made in Zimbabwe. The majority of these industries are foreign owned e.g. 1. Lever Brothers controls the soap industries. 2. The oil refinery industries at Feruka (Umtali) are under the control of Shell, a foreign company. 3. B.P. and Caltex sell petroleum products in all market centres. 4. The Anglo-American controls the Dunlop Tyres and Rubber, and the Rhodesian Railways in Bulawayo. 5. B.A.T. and Rothmans control the cigarette industry. The out-flow of proceeds from these industries go out of the country to enrich the capitalist countries overseas. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 60 Zimbabwe News c) Agriculture: Zimbabwe has rich soils. It produces a great potential of agricultural products which only benefit foreign imperialists. Tobacco was the main revenue earner in Zimbabwe and brought in norminal foreign exchange of Dollars 80 Million year. Maize and cotton are of major importance and beef to the value of Dol/lars 24 million is exported to other countries yearly. Other cash crops grown are sugar, in the Triangle Valley; coffee in the Eastern Highlands; wheat in the Sabi valley; citrus fruits in the Mazoe valley. All these cash crops require the human labour of Africans and yet their working conditions on the farms are very poor. Besides suffering from heavy underpayment (e.g. 1 cent for every kilogram of cotton picked) the people can be refused their pay after working for the required period. The little pay they get is insufficient to feed, clothe and educate their children. It is not surprising to find a fully grown adult wearing nothing but a dirty tattered short. Such is what exploitation means: the down trodden African to work from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. without any rest, good food and pay. Education as an instrument for social transformation in Zimbabwe N. Shamuyarira, Director, Zimbabwe Institute (ZANU) For the "free trade" school of thought in Britain, led by Cecil John Rhodes and Joseph Chamberlain, colonialism was simply good, profitable business; the "humanitarian" school justified it on the grounds of the so-called "civilising mission". One of the humanitarians, Lord Buxton, British High Commissioner in South Africa in 1909, defined a civilised and responsible African as follows: One who lives in a brick house, not a hut; habitually goes to work; wears European clothes using a clean pair of handkerchiefs; goes to Church regularly and has severed connection with ancestral spirits and beliefs; his wife carries her baby in a pram, educates them, and generally raises them along European lines; speaks and writes English fluently; commands an annual income of not less than one hundred pounds sterling (a lot of money at the time); owns immovable property valued at no less than one thousand pounds sterling; generally uses the wheelfor his transport (either a car or at least a bicycle); and can be recommended by two Europeans who know him well as having abandoned native habits of living. This statement represents the European colonialist view of what education and culture should mean to the African - one who is like them. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), a component of The Patritotic Front- the liberation movement of Zimbabwe holds a different view which is stated as follows in a basic policy document: "The imperialists have diluted our rich cultural heritage by way of films, literature, mass media, schools and Church and doctrinaire. These have plunged our people into a morass of emotional and spiritual confusion. Most of our people are now at crossroads. They believe the Western culture is right and that ours is wrong and uncivilised. This is a mental process that has taken years of intense cultural aggression, and which has resulted in the loss of our cultural heritage. In an independent Zimbabwe strenuous efforts will be made to restore the nation to its noble self once more. People will be assisted in building a new Zimbabwe culture derived from the best of what our heritage and history have offered to us. Zimbabweans will also take from foreign culture that which is good and transfuse it with the indigenous culture, and then develop it to meet the needs of the socialist state of Zimbabwe. Our country will need mental decolonisation just as much as it needs political and economic independence." These two contrasting views will be discussed and elaborated upon in this paper. The first part of the paper assesses the impact of Western education on African society in Zimbabwe. The second part discusses the alternatives and the direction of change and social transformation as seen and practised by ZANU in particular and the Patriotic Front as a whole. A political system is determined by its economic base or sub-structure. The pattern of producing, distributing and consuming goods internally or for export in exchange for other goods or hard currency determines the character of the system and the society. The superstructure - the administration, the parliament, judiciary, religion, educational and cultural institutions - provides a framework for rationalising and justifying the system. Education is the most important element in the superstructure in that it creates national consciousness and culture, and shapes the minds of young boys and girls at an impressionable age. In the last 88 years the econo- Imperialist education prepares man for exploitation; revolutionary education struggle and freedom. for armed Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 61 mic base of Zimbabwe has been colonial capitalism. It produced minerals, agricultural goods, and manufactured products which were sold mainly to South Africa, Britain, and the USA, in exchange for capital goods and services that benefitted the 270,000 ruling European settlers, and the profits which went to foreign investors. Imperialism, represented by the corporate interests of Britain, America, and South Africa which dominate the mining and manufacturing industries, is the main motive force of the colonial economy of Zimbabwe. In political terms it remains the permanent enemy of the African people and their aspirations. But, in the peculiar historical circumstances of Zimbabwe, the 7 million Africans have also been subjected to direct domination and exploitation by the 270,000 white settlers acting as agents of imperialism, but in some significant ways projecting their own interests as a sub-imperial power in conjunction with South African settlers. While foreign investments were concentrated in mining and manufacturing, the local settlers grabbed the land and took effective control of the governmental apparatus in 1923. They used their political power to extract further surpluses from the Africans in the form of labour, produce, and cattle, and gave their own farm crops preferential treatment on the market. After building up their army and air force in the two world wars, they used these instruments of coercion in the domestic scene to impose an exploitative and oppressive system of government. This system is the immediate enemy of the African people. It is the avowed intention of the Patriotic Front to change this system and to destroy all the socio-economic and political structures that have supported it for so long. As the ZANU statement says, it will be necessary to de-colonize the minds of our people as well. This is the role and place of a new and dynamic education system and programme. Missionary Attack on African Culture In Zimbabwe's colonial situation, African education was made the responsibility of the Missionaries representing various Christian denominations. They ran ninety per cent of the schools and educated most of African political leaders. These schools have a history going back to the occupation, when Missionaries were used by Cecil John Rhodes, the founder of the colonial state, for contacting, pacifying, and The new revolutionary ZANLA woman: gun always at hand. misleading the African Chiefs. On education, T.O. Ranger reports that: "After the suppression of the risings (in 1898) there has been something of a rush to the Missions. No detailed study has been made of these early shona converts and schoolboys... In the 1930s the products of this Christian education emerged to take over the leadership of African political movements in Rhodesia..."(1) Indeed the first President of the Native Congress of Southern Rhodesia formed in 1934 was Aaron Jacha, a product of one of these Mission Schools who eventually became a member of the white-dominated Parliament of the Central African Federation. His successor as President of congress in 1946 was Rev. T.D. Samkange, who was also President of the Native Missionary Conference. This Conference had broken away from the white-dominated Missionary Conference which was recognised by the settler government as the mouthpiece of the grievances of the African people. These Missionaries were an integral part of the colonising settlers, more so as they depended on the latter for funding and land on which to build the Mission stations. As one speaker told the inaugural meeting of the African National Congress in September, 1957: "When the Missionaries came we had the land and they had the Bible. They asked us to pray for peace. When we opened our eyes they had the land and we had the Bible." Missionary denominations were given land and the franchise to educate and civilise the Africans in different provinces of the country. For example, all schools and Churches of American Methodists are concentrated in the Eastern Province; the Dutch Reformed Church in the Southern Province; the Salvation Army in the North-eastern district; the British Methodists in Central Province; the Anglican and the Roman Catholics more generally spread in Central and Western provinces, etc. Therefore, the doctrinal divisions of the Church in Europe were imposed on the Africans, with the effect of accentuating any ethnic differences they may have had. As A.' The armed struggle can often be a lonely enterprise in the bush!! Ideological and Revolutionary Education 62 Zimbabwe News educated Africans emerged from these Mission stations in the 1940s and thereafter, each section of them was closer to its paternalistic Missionaries than it was to other sections of the African elite brought up by a different set of Missionaries in another province. Denominational differences explain some of the divisions in the African leadership. We are not against the spread of education and knowledge, in fact our own policy is to vastly increase the scale and scope of it as we shall discuss in the concluding paragraphs of this paper. But, we are opposed to the kind of colonial education provided by the Missionaries because it divided the elites among themselves and the masses of the people. The Zimbabwe elite is estimated to number about 6 per cent of the total population in the very general categories listed below. (2) In comparison with other countries at the time of independence, the size of this elite is fairly large, and it exercises considerable influence on the population as a whole. Ninety per cent of the Zimbabwe elite were educated in Mission stations where they were indoctrinated with ideas of superiority and elitism. This was part of the general evangelical mission of discrediting traditional African institutions as "heathen", and despising the mass of the African people. But, it also served the purpose of disengaging young Africans from the traditional economy which was self-sufficient and pushing them into the labour market. The psychology of individualism and competition which is fertile ground for capitalism was also inculcated into the minds and thinking of young Africans. Both Missionaries and the settler government combined in undermining and destroying the basis of African culture and traditional institutions. The government killed or deposed the authentic Chiefs of the Shonas and Ndebeles, while the Missionaries destroyed the system of non-formal education that had been practised for generations and instituted their own colonial system of education. The merits of the non-formal education that prepared Shona and Ndebele youths for their role in society are being recognised by eminent educationalists. The child learnt through his relationship with parents and other people in his community. Much of the child's education was concerned with the acquisition of productive skills. As soon as Shona children were weaned they began to learn useful skills by observing and imitating their parents. The girls learnt domestic work from their mothers, while fathers and male relatives taught boys to hunt and herd. From the age of 5 onwards Ndebele and Shona boys were sent out to help the older children herd animals. At first they were given goats and sheep to look after and as they grew older they were put in charge of cattle. Later they were organised in age groups that went hunting, fishing, and learning the art of war to defend the "nyika" or territory in which the tribe had settled. Ndebele youths were required to pass elaborate initiation ceremonies before they were called to the Royal kraal where they were given military training which consisted of practice in the use of spears and shields, long marches, several of them catching a bull by the horns and tail and knocking it down, and other tests of endurance, before they were given permission to form their own regiment and establish a new village or town. In both Shona and Ndebele society, as well as passing on skills, non-formal education transmitted values of loyality, unity and respect for elders or those put above one in an organization. From an early age the child was taught to maintain the correct relationship with others, the dead as well as the living. Much time was devoted to teaching the children the proper way to relate to the ancestral spirits - the Shona "midzimu" and the Ndebele "amadhlozi". The dead and the living existed in symbiosis, the continued existence of each depending on the other. The symbiotic relationship of the living and the ancestors was constantly emphasized, because it formed the basis of Shona and Ndebele religions. As the religious, judicial, and executive head of the tribe, the Chief organized public ceremonies each year at which the youth were taught their role in society. The unity and interest of the society as a whole was central to Shona and Ndebele philosophy. Land ownership was communal, although land use and grazing were practised individually. Only family labour could be used on herding cattle or agriculture; and there was insistence on sharing what was available as widely as possible. As indicated in the ZANU statement quoted on the first page of this paper, our new education policy would not return to the non-formal education as practised in feudal Shona and Ndebele society; rather it will endeavour to fuse the good features of that system with the good features of foreign educational systems, and produce a policy that will prepare citizens for life in a socialist Zimbabwe. For example, we would not perpetuate the subservient role of our women in traditional Shona or Ndebele society. The women of the new Zimbabwe society must work and produce on their own right and must be as liberated as the men are. Zimbabwe women have earned their rights as equal and free citizens of Zimbabwe, as combatants and comrades in armed struggles against the enemies of the nation. Cheap Labour-Power for Plantations The central objective of colonial education was to produce adequate and cheap labour-power for the plantations, the mines, and the growing manufacturing industries. Plantation economy requires large quantities of cheap labour, especially at peak planting and reaping seasons of the year. Generally, Zimbabwe mines required large quantities of manual labour too, because the mines are small in comparison with South African mines, and the ore content is also comparatively low. Because of the presence of cheap labour, manufacturing industries have tended to concentrate on labour intensive rather than capital intensive industries. Consequently, the policies and programmes of the settler government in the field of education were fashioned to provide the cheap labour needed in these sectors of the economy, including the lower ranks of the civil service. First, soon after the collapse of the anti-colonial resistance, the settlers and the company which formed the Government from 1898 to 1923 took a series of economic measures to undermine the independent and selfsufficient economy of the Africans. They imposed poll tax, started destocking of cattle, and took all the fertile lands of the Africans thus pushing the peasants into crowded and infertile reserves. These measures forced the peasants to go and work in the Europeanowned farms, mines, and factories, but at the same time the wages they received there were so low that they had to keep another leg in the traditional, subsistence sector. Usually the migrant worker left his wife and children to farm in the crowded and eroded reserves (or Tribal Trust Lands) while he lived as a bachelor in a single room in the huge hostels in the cities to wait for his month's salary. But, the colonial capitalist system could not afford to dispense with the reserves, because as an appendage to the commercial socio-economic system mainly in the cities, they can absorb aged and sick workers, and supply younger men when needed. Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News The education system was harnessed to produce this cheap labour by providing quite substantial primary school education. The settler governement's Department of African Education claims that 4 out of every 5 children of school-going age are in school. That may be true because the level of literacy is as high as 40 per cent in the vernaculars and 20 per cent in English. The manufacturing industries that grew and expanded in the post world war period require workers who can read and write simple English in order to perform the mechanical tasks that are necessary for production. But, secondary education has been deliberately and persistently suppressed for political and economical reasons. The diagram produced by the eminent Zimbabwe scholar, Bernard T. Chidzero, which appears on the opposite page shows quite clearly how primary education was expanded while secondary schooling was suppressed. The comparison with the pyramid of European education in the diagram is striking. Only one African child out of every thousand who enter the first year of school hopes to enter a secondary. The primary school syllabus put a lot of emphasis on industrial education rather than literary education or the three Rs - Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. The first education ordinance in 1903 required that industrial work be taught systematically in all grant-aided (Mission) schools. Four years later (1907), another ordinance prescribed that the industrial training which should be taught in African schools established by Missionaries should include farming, roadmaking, brickmaking, building, carpentry, ironwork for boys and domestic work for women. In 1911, a Committee of Enquiry examined the whole field of "African affairs" and recommended the setting up of a Department of Native Development and Education, which would provide elementary literary and industrial training. Two industrial schools were established by the government itself at Tjolotjo and at Domboshawa to produce extension officers to work in the African reserves. As Mission schools were subsidised or grant-aided, the teaching of industrial work for at least half of the time the children were in school was made a condition of the grant. The result of this policy and the expansion of industry in the post-war period has created a large labour-force in the country. There are 955,000 workers who depend on wages for their livelihood. That means one-seventh of the population, or a third of the adult population is at work in the cities or in the farms. It is estimated that a third of the population is urbanised. But, although there has been this degree of urbanization and proletarianization of the African population, facilities for their advancement have been severely limited by discriminatory government measures and practices. Some jobs which could be performed by primary school leavers such as serving food and drinks on trains, or handsetting in an printing shop are permanently reserved for Europeans. No African apprentices could be trained until 1962, and no Africans could enter the civil service until 1961. Since then, a very small number of Africans has been absorbed into skilled trades or the higher echelons of the civil service. Trade union activity is highly restricted by registration and by industry. It is impossible to set up popular trade unions that could mobiise, politicise, and educate the workers about their rights, and also raise their level of consciousness. Literacy campaigns and programmes of mass education were suppressed for the same fears, although high percentages of literacy have been achieved because of the accumulation of primary school leavers. The problem of unemployment has now reached serious and gigantic proportions, especially among school-leavers. Of the 68,614 primary school-leavers in 1975, only 7,831 were admitted to academic secondary schools and another 5,337 to vocation schools. Of the remaining 57,546 it is not known how many found jobs, but it could not be many because the total number of employed Africans fell by nearly 7,000 jobs in that year. A survey of the few Africans who got through secondary school education in 1975 showed that only 11.6 per cent had secured jobs six months after they left school, 50 per cent were unemployed, and 25,6 per cent were attempting to continue their education through correspondence education. Seeing the hopelessness of continuing in an education system that is so dicriminatory and offers no opportunity for gainful employment afterwards, and because of the heightened consciousness among students, several thousands have left schools voluntarily to join the ZIPA forces fighting for independence. In 1977, the Secretary for African Education in the Smith regime, said 398 primary schools with a total of 74,000 pupils, and 14 secondary schools with 3,685 pupils had been closed as a result of guerrilla activity. (3) He said a significant number of European primary and secondary schools had been closed down in 1977 due primarily to a reduction in the European school age population following the emigration of parents, but he did not give any figures. The large numbers of secondary, primary, and university students who left Zimbabwe to swell the ranks of the ZIPA forces turned the tide of the national liberation war decisively in favour of the struggling masses and their movements. A large contingent of them from one school arrived at a ZANU reception centre in Mozambique singing a song composed by one of them on the way which summarised their level of consciousness and determination: Remain well, father and mother Gone to the War The war to liberate Zimbabwe Vowed to die for Zimbabwe To die for the masses Find my blood under there There under the Zimbabwe flag. (Translated from a Shona song sung by Thendi Ndhlovu) (to be continued in Vol. 10 No.3) Ideological and Revolutionary Education 64 Zimbabwe News

NOW AVAILABLE: CHIMURENGA SONGS ChimurenaaSongs Music of the Revolutionary . People's War In Zimbabwe S ;"'% :....'";/ Zimbabwe African National Union Let us Fight and Rebuild Zimbabwe Pamberi neChimurenga Side A: 1. Zvinozibwa ne ZANU (ZANU will find the answers) 2. Tora gidi uzvitonge (Take up the gun and establish self-rule) 3. Chimoto (The flame) 4. Mukoma Takanyi (Brother Takanyi) 5. Gona re Chimurenga rapedze bunu (Chimurenga - the antidote against the colonialists) 6. Mugabe mutungamiri (Mugabe, the leader) 7. Kugara Musango (Living in the forest) 8. Kugarira nyikayavo (Recreating their country) 9. Ruzhinji rwe Africa (All peoples of Africa) Side 6: 1. Nzira dzemasoja, dzokuzvibata nadzo (The principles of people's soldier) 2. Tonosvitsana Biriteni (We will persue you till Britain) 3. Muka! Muka! (Rise up! Rise up!) 4. Zvikomborero (Blessings) 5. Tshaya amathambo (Find the truth) 6. Yakange yaoma (It was a challenge) 7. Ndiro Gidi (It's the gun) 8. Mozambique, our motherland (Frelimo song, sung by Zimbabweans) 9. Titarireyi (Guide us) Records: Price US-Dollar 7.50 Cassettes: Price US-Dollar 5.00 or equivalent currency (Both prices include postage) Order your own copy today from: Department of Publicity and Information Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) Caixa Postal 743 Maputo People's Republic of Mozambique

SINOIA: how chimurei how imperiali rY) Pal O co S",y1FIRE ON HELICOPTER EMBERS of the armed African terrorist uing which clashed with police setrilt forces in the Sinola area on Friday had undergone training at a Cinese military eoUege at Nanking. Ste. tereorlat wem shot dead Is the pan badwhich sent so for aet three bers after the gin bad fred on a Royal Rhodesian Air Fore helieopla. which ws belping pollee in Ie operation t rwrand up the terreeata The goag crosed Into Rho da from Zatia aloo Ewl Weeks ag Pot inme t.. ee X plosVes they had ten under cluee observation hy the police Oae of tie meetiet of the It a belleed titt oa te gang had a notehoek 0o0t541 teat incident Ia whi~h acat Ing otes of lectures iven In wus ired on. but not hit, at Novemhr and Decemiet lst. the foot of ti Zsnitel year at the Naklof btllltlty eatapoel on the main t-ad Collere .. the oa ofto teem Ralahor y to Lualka, ple~tve5 Involved mecbers of ULh Diocuments selzed I lded 11a.g pamphliets 0n the theory of The pollcerI-sd to .. the re t lue.lo.ry tacti aa tatN o Fiday mornlng when they pounded by the Cotua hd got to within eioit hO Chinese miles of Salsbury It Is htleved that the tatA helioptet whIch 'poti'd rolet, all Rhodeana Atrfnlic the oloip lzw'whch they lid recrulted by the banned Zimapent Thurday light In the hshwe A t l- t tlonat bsh .- fred a Between inl_. were fown froor ChIDS. 11 iam di 2p m. shots et. poseibly by may of Katachi eah-Sged s the police net snd C"iro. to Dar Io Soieao. closed, None of the securtty I~m where they made their force eve l 'd wy to Zambia ad Into Wepl captured included RhOdeeia flsjeis e itel.. modern Ru- The captured weapons ae ta. head e ades nd auto- o " typ aia helag seed oy ttU wi5ponl. oZmhlqre rbele Sptrolatlon that Itcr-eed tetrorltt I irolly I direiIy aeed at casin a Ote7.do.. to poitie tilal with Brltajn i. 1,-ounted by It. formd sour... 0 0 t -;~ z O0 am f ,ll PiA ,AFRICA NEWS SER VICE Tey Ist OUt that the goag lated let. Rhodesia lang before the anaieIe ott of rutmed talks The Inliltration of labotese in eeo as part of a broad pattern aimed at causing Tea day. age whea Perl. meat agreed to the reoewlI of the state of emergency. the Mlintter of Law smd Order. Me Degmltd Lirdlner-Burke, aed tralled terroli t were fndlng their way back ilto Rhedea trome,- ISin wesl numbers. Border watch Border eateeJl~lco goes oa all the time and Army unIts are stationed at atrtegic polnts But with 400 miles of roemo bouidary with Zambla arid toe wild Iltire ,of the cotey aioag the Zaabeol naiiey srnitel gr ouop at. ntvloutly able 10 "n"1 Ite Rhodeli ungeal. lotectnlO to the 10"1 re "'d to lve been gven hy a leadlag ZANL' exeioi~oe member. Herbert CtJtepo. a RM edeU, AIrcn halttiter who wa at one time Director of PubPic pro-,uo. to Taie d who I. aO in Mr L e er- Burke, i a rseent ainnieng op 0 t 5letly altratlon. soid ZANqt had trlad terrots it atIto dilposal &ad was gong all out to recrult more ftr traite ao Corumolst countrlel 1 m I %Mm reported lN t nt ltI10 1 re i t -a.tl thee, h I rln man. , or r bd a" hss o..'e r, r of he Crly ilt ow 1th,' ,te dr00A' sXd 71-e Cape Ties. Saftt*. Seven terr( die in ba with pol "ape Tittes Creepost SAISBURY.- Seven Africaa. were shot day in the bloody battle of Sinot. a So wiles Iraee Salis.ry, wheet Rhndtd. claned with a trrorist baind ared wil] auto Raassin hand g'enust. For weeks Rhodesia's srury U e torces supported by Royal Rho- off ..ese d .. Air Force heirolre hse have been huntrng saboteurs and iand gra lerrorit$s known h 5e tilI.- o e Alg aro the ZaiUriel I- l ed Zambia di This br.d. aimot a m e o A', bersofthebannedRhodean C African natonahlst party the The lnon. had crossed the Zumt-'i" cstody t under cover ad night abot a had ewe week earlier It .s h eied that the Altfftes mn wetr on the way to Salihbury by Thee ae-rt bovh route knosm only ale 01 to themtoselves atiliat a aRtNN[NEG FIlGH Th A police "pekease 1 i h Sahory s aid tam night that m,, th tecurity torces aided by -pte retitercepted the hablin ear Sinere whch Is on the more road to Zamb.i In the ruliel Osbi shirth t iowed. evet metvoeet Ot a1 _'1 wer I lIed' !t 5 a pS it0 1i