Pietas Et Eruditio As Et Eruditio
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A. -
Frans Titelmans, the Congregation of Montaigu, and Biblical Scholarship
FRANS TITELMANS, THE CONGREGATION OF MONTAIGU, AND BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP Paolo Sartori In order to sketch a portrait of Frans Titelmans of Hasselt it is neces- sary to reexamine the main features of the Congregation of Montaigu, which was founded in Paris by Jan Standonck at the end of the fi fteenth century. Titelmans in fact received his higher education in the Leuven College of the Congregation. This experience infl uenced his whole approach to theology, even though he formally left the Congregation of Montaigu when, twenty-one years old, he became a Franciscan minor friar. A couple of years later he faced Erasmus in a short but challenging dispute about New Testament scholarship, which took place between 1527 and 1530.1 The Paris College of Montaigu had fallen into decay in the late quat- trocento. In 1477 Amâtre Chetart, principal of the College, asked Jan Standonck for help with the administration. A young man, aged thirty-four, and fresh from his licence in arts in Paris, Standonck came from Mechelen, midway between Brussels and Antwerp. He had grown up in a very poor family and studied in the schools of the Brethren of Common Life. He enrolled at the University of Leuven, but later moved to Paris, where he had to fi nd employment in order to survive, since he lacked any economic resources. He was employed as a servant in the Abbey of Sainte-Geneviève, which was next to the College of Montaigu. Chetart’s offer meant an advancement for Standonck, and when Chetart died in 1483, Standonck succeeded in his place. -
The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(S): Carlos F
The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(s): Carlos F. Noreña Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 91 (2001), pp. 146-168 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184774 . Accessed: 01/09/2012 16:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNICATION OF THE EMPEROR'S VIRTUES* By CARLOS F. NORENA The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice. -
A Companion to the Theology of John Mair
A Companion to the Theology of John Mair Edited by John T. Slotemaker and Jeffrey C. Witt LEIDEN | BOSTON For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV Contents Acknowledgements ix List of Contributors X Abbreviations xiii Introduction 1 1 John Mair: An Historical Introduction 13 James K. Farge Part 1 Theology and Method 2 John Mair on the Writing of Theology 25 Alexander Broadie 3 Acquired Faith and Mair’s Theological Project 41 Jeffrey C. Witt Part 2 Metaphysics and Theological Themes 4 John Mair’s Trinitarian Theology: The Inheritance of Scholastic Tradition 77 John T. Slotemaker 5 John Mair on the Metaphysics of the Incarnation 115 Richard Cross Part 3 Human Nature and Moral Reasoning 6 John Mair on Beatific Enjoyment: New Wine in old Wineskins 141 Severin V. Kitanov For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV viii Contents 7 Conscience and Synderesis in John Mair’s Philosophical Theology 175 Pekka Kärkkäinen 8 John Mair’s Moral Theology and its Reception in the 16th Century 194 James Keenan Part 4 Salvation and Sacraments 9 John Mair’s Doctrine of Justification Within the Context of the Early 16th Century 223 David C. Fink 10 Terms, Signs, Sacraments: The Correlation Between Logic and Theology and the Philosophical Context of Book iv of Mair’s Sentences Commentary 241 Ueli Zahnd Appendix A 288 Appendix B 290 Appendix C 376 Index 390 For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV <UN> APPENDIX C An Analytic Bibliography by Name and Subject James Farge and Ueli Zahnd i The Works of John Mair: A Catalogue Nota bene: Mair reused and revised his works in his classes and reedited them in continuously elaborated redactions. -
Sensory Piety As Social Intervention in a Mechelen Besloten Hofje
Volume 9, Issue 2 (Summer 2017) Sensory Piety as Social Intervention in a Mechelen Besloten Hofje Andrea Pearson [email protected] Recommended Citation: Andrea Pearson, “Sensory Piety as Social Intervention in a Mechelen Besloten Hofje,” Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 9:2 (Summer 2017) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2017.9.2.1 Available at https://jhna.org/articles/sensory-piety-social-intervention-mechelen-besloten-hofje/ Published by Historians of Netherlandish Art: https://hnanews.org/ Republication Guidelines: https://dev.jhna.org/republication-guidelines/ Notes: This PDF is provided for reference purposes only and may not contain all the functionality or features of the original, online publication. This PDF provides paragraph numbers as well as page numbers for citation purposes. ISSN: 1949-9833 Sensory Piety as Social Intervention in a Mechelen Besloten Hofje Andrea Pearson Besloten hofjes compel sensory devotion, and sight provides the privileged point of entry into the works. Paradoxically, a female devotee from Mechelen, identified here as visually impaired, is represented in a wing hinged to one example. By prioritizing physical disability over spiritual interiority in the study of the hofje, this essay recalibrates sensory piety as socially persuasive. The investigation in turn complicates previous models for the production and reception of Besloten hofjes in general. Previously untapped archival and visual evidence reveals that the hofje was likely commissioned by the impaired woman’s parents, probably for the Onze-Lieve-Vrouwegasthuis (Hospital of Our Lady) in Mechelen, where she was professed. There, the hofje asserted a meritorious status in piety that claimed salvation for members of the familial triad, all three of whom were rendered spiritually suspect by the woman’s disability. -
Roman Religion
4 Roman Religion 1. “By pietas and fides the Romans Reached TheiR PResent eminence” the strength of Rome rested on a number of foundations. Among these were its extraordinarily vital political culture and its capacity to sustain warfare for extended periods of time. Previous chapters have emphasized these features, but in this chapter and the next, focus shifts to less obvious sources of Rome’s strength, namely the special character of its society whose dual foundations were the household and the civic religion of the city. Roman Religiosity during the period of the Republic, outsiders were struck by the religiosity of the Romans. In the second century b.c., Polybius, a Greek statesman and historian who lived much of his adult life in Rome, claimed that it was “scrupulous fear of the gods that kept the Roman commonwealth together” (6.56). A century or so later another expatriate Greek, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, was also impressed by the concern of Romans for religion. Writing about the second king of Rome, dionysius noted that as a result of Numa’s activities, Rome possessed more religious observances than any other city “Greek or non-Greek, even among those who thought of themselves as most god- fearing” (2.63). Needless to say, Romans themselves promoted the belief that fidelity to their oaths and treaties and their general reverence for the gods explained their imperial success. “the gods look kindly on these qualities, for it was by pietas and fides that Romans reached their present eminence” declared the consul Q. Marcius Philippus in 169 b.c. -
Stoic Pietas in the Aeneid: a Study of the Poem's Ideological Appeal and Reception
Moore, Gardner Mary (2021) Stoic Pietas in the Aeneid: a study of the poem's ideological appeal and reception. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/82148/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Stoic Pietas in the Aeneid: A Study of the Poem’s Ideological Appeal and Reception Gardner Mary Moore M.A., M.Litt., M.Res Submitted for the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy School of Classics College of Arts University of Glasgow March 2021 © Gardner Moore, 22/03/2021 1 Abstract Employing a research method informed by Begriffsgeschichte, this thesis proposes a re- examining of pietas in Virgil’s Aeneid through a Stoic lens. It aims to show how Stoic philosophy underlines the Aeneid and Virgilian pietas. It illustrates how the Aeneid represents a unique intervention in the virtue’s history as a distinctly masculine quality characterised by Stoic submission to fate and suppression of emotion. In the character Aeneas, Virgil shows how philosophical ideas can be transmitted through individuals. -
Early Christian Exegesis and the Ascetic Family
JACOBS/LET HIM GUARD PIETAS 265 “Let Him Guard Pietas”: Early Christian Exegesis and the Ascetic Family ANDREW S. JACOBS Often those Church Fathers most concerned to press the new ascetic elitism of the fourth and fifth centuries might also produce surprisingly “profamily” interpretations of biblical texts that otherwise supported an ascetic agenda. Through analysis of patristic interpretation of Luke 14.26 (an arguably “anti- family” passage of the New Testament), this article seeks to explore the inter- section of ascetic and family values in the scriptural interpretation of ascetic late antiquity. Through exegetical strategies (intertext and context) that em- phasized at once the multiplicity and the unity of biblical meaning, the most ascetic of Church Fathers might also become the most productive proponents of particularly distinctive notions of Christian family life. “This hatred bears no malice.” —Didymus the Blind INTRODUCTION: SCRIPTURE, MEANING, AND POWER In her study Reading Renunciation, Elizabeth A. Clark explored how “the Fathers’ axiology of abstinence informed their interpretation of Scriptural texts and incited the production of ascetic meaning.”1 Al- though Clark suggests at the outset that social historians might find her This article has benefited from the comments of the anonymous readers for JECS. I also extend many enduring thanks to Rebecca Krawiec for her collaboration and commentary. All translations are my own. 1. Elizabeth A. Clark, Reading Renunciation: Asceticism and Scripture in Early Christianity (Princeton: -
IMPERIAL VIRTUES in SUETONIUS' CAESARES the Johns Hopkins University (Annona, Felicitas, Liberalitas, Providentia, Clementia, Co
r ( - ( r ~s IMPERIAL VIRTUES IN SUETONIUS' CAESARES ,. K. R. BRADLEY ~··. The Johns Hopkins University An argument has been made that Suetonius' use of virtue-terms reflects criticism of the emperor Hadrian; this article argues the reverse; it suggests instead that the use of virtue-terms should be attributed to the development in the ideology of the principate of imperial virtues, on which Sue toni us could draw as one means of assessing his biographi cal subjects. A noticeable feature of Suetonius' Caesares is the frequent use and mustration of virtue-terms to demonstrate aspects of ( character. This is not altogether surprising given that virtue } terms were deeply connected with the traditionally moralistic nature of Roman historiography and that, in an increasingly ( political sense, even under the Republic associations had begun to develop between powerful individuals and certain isolated virtues: Sulla and felicitas, Caesar and clementia provide two I well known instances of this. It is worthwhile, however, to ( examine some of these usages in Suetoniu-s, not least because ) the possibility of con temporary allusiveness is thereby intra duced; any historical work is naturally subject to the influence of developments or tastes prevalent at the time of writing, and when Hadrianic allusions have been detected in Tacitus' Annales m (1) the same might be anticipated for the Caesares. An ap ·.; proach of this kind must of necessity be subjective especially ,j. since the literary tradition for Hadrian is not above reproach. (2) Nonetheless, the minimal appearance in the Caesares of words which served as predominant Hadrianic coin legends (annona, felicitas, liberalitas, providentia, clementia, concordia, iustitia, pietas, sal us A ugusti, securitas,) and their association in the main with malipn·ncipes has formed part of an argument that Suetonius and Hadrian felt a mutual, deep antipathy; (1) R. -
Virgils Aeneas: the Roman Ideal of Pietas Gemino Abad Singapore Management University, [email protected]
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Singapore Management University Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Research Collection School of Social Sciences School of Social Sciences (Open Access) 1-2003 Virgils Aeneas: The Roman Ideal of Pietas Gemino Abad Singapore Management University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Citation Abad, Gemino, "Virgils Aeneas: The Roman Ideal of Pietas" (2003). Research Collection School of Social Sciences (Open Access). Paper 17. http://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/17 Available at: http://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/17 This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Social Sciences at Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Research Collection School of Social Sciences (Open Access) by an authorized administrator of Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. For more information, please email [email protected]. SSSMMMUUU HHHUUUMMMAAANNNIIITTTIIIEEESSS &&& SSSOOOCCCIIIAAALLL SSSCCCIIIEEENNNCCCEEESSS WWWOOORRRKKKIIINNNGGG PPPAAAPPPEEERRR SSSEEERRRIIIEEESSS Virgils Aeneas: The Roman Ideal of Pietas Gemino Abad October 2003 Paper No. 6-2003 ANY OPINIONS EXPRESSED ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR(S) AND NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF THE SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS & SOCIAL SCIENCES, SMU VIRGIL’S AENEAS: THE ROMAN IDEAL OF PIETAS To get right to the heart of the matter, the Roman ideal of pietas which Virgil’s Aeneas embodies means the observance of what is due to the gods and men, and obeying one’s destiny (fatum, fate) or calling. -
Sexual Uirtue 0N D,Isplalt I: the Cults of Pudicitia
CHAPTER I Sexualuirtue 0n d,isplaltI: thecults of pudicitia and honoursfor w0men pulcherrima. forma,maximum decus''' Pudicitia The loveliest form of beaury the greatestadornment pudicitia (Senecato hismother Helvia) celebrated and This book begins with a chapter about pudicitia as publicly its association rewarded in Roman sociery.A striking asp ectof pud'icitiawas community, both with public and visual displayby -"iried wornen to rhe their cultivation throrrgh their appear"rr.. and demeanour and through manifestationof of pudicitiaas a goddess.This first chapter exploresthe as playing pudicitia as p.ironified abstractvirtue, a goddessdescribed " own shrines,cult an active role in the lives of ancient Romans,with her association statuesan4 cult. It introduces k.y themes such as pudicitia's the boundaries with marriedwomen, public display,and the negotiationof that lend of social status.The chapte, exposessome of the tensions "lro its dangerous this ideal of displayingpudicitia Ltsfrisson: its elusiveness; in the face proximity to, arrd ,tr"i.r.d relationshipwith, beauty; its fragiliry of suspicionand gossiP. to pudicitia was a personal qualiry that needed to be displayed .and woman (and seen by others. Roman ,o.i.ry d..rrr"tded that a married must strive particularly one involved in celebrating the cult of pudicitia) in her to display the qualiry of pudicitia ro ih. resr of the communiry forth from a marriedwoman; it would person.Ideally fudici'tio*Luld shine Seneca turn headswhen she walked d.ownthe street.As the philosopher a woman is writes to his mother Helvia, the most befitting ornamenr for kind of pudicitia:'in you is seenthe unique ornament, the most lovely 'The man in the L.".r.yr, the gr.",.r, glory - pudiiirir' .' most fortunate , end of this chapter,belorn''.I here Sen. -
Humanism As Civic Project the Collège De Guyenne 1533-1583
HUMANISM AS CIVIC PROJECT THE COLLÈGE DE GUYENNE 1533-1583 by Marjorie Irene Hopkins A Thesis presented to The University of Guelph In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy in History Guelph, Ontario, Canada © Marjorie Irene Hopkins, September, 2016 ABSTRACT HUMANISM AS CIVIC PROJECT: THE COLLÈGE DE GUYENNE 1533-1583 Marjorie Hopkins Advisor: University of Guelph, 2016 Professor Peter A. Goddard Que disciplina adhuc observata in suo Burdigalen Gymnasio notior evadat, nec facile usquam depravetur. Thus, in 1583, the Jurade, the city council, of Bordeaux concluded its endorsement of the publication of Elie Vinet's Schola Aquitanica, the school programme of the Collège de Guyenne. This thesis examines the humanist programme at the Collège de Guyenne in Bordeaux from 1533 to 1583. Most studies of the Collège have focused on its foundation and institutional structure. Since Ernest Gaullieur's institutional history in 1874, research into Renaissance, Reformation, and educational history have made significant advancements, all of which shed additional light onto the Collège's history and its role as a source of civic identity in a growing national context. Additionally, the application of Pierre Bourdieu's concept of habitus grants insight into the social climate of academics in the sixteenth century. This thesis contributes to our knowledge of the Collège's and the regents' place in the development of Bordelais and French identity, but it also elucidates the regents' impact on the students who attended there, particularly Michel de Montaigne, a well-known writer who was apparently self-disclosing, whose education at the Collège shaped him into a prudent thinker with the capacity to see all sides of an issue.