Introduction

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Notes

Introduction

1. Walter Rehm, ‘Der Renaissancekult um 1900 und seine Überwindung’, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 54 (1929): 298, my translation. Throughout this volume, most translations from the German are my own. In the cases of Jacob Burckhardt, Thomas Mann, Friedrich Nietzsche, and several others, however, I have used standard English translations, and provided my own translation of the original only when conciseness rendered such intervention necessary. 2. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1980). 3. Robert Crawford, ‘Pater’s Renaissance, Andrew Lang, and Anthropological Romanticism’, ELH 53 (1986): 849–79; Richard Dellamora, Masculine Desire: The Sexual Politics of Victorian Aestheticism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990); Linda C. Dowling, Hellenism and Homosexuality in Victorian Oxford (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994). 4. Dowling, Hellenism, xiii. 5. I do not wish to suggest that any and all writers in Europe during this period who felt same-sex sexual attraction had the same experiences. My point is that those intellectuals who were aware of, or identified with, this new class of person (the homosexual) clearly shared an interest in fin-de-siècle discourses of sexuality; and that for some, those discourses were understood in the context of other, less taboo discourses (Oxford Hellenism, the Renaissance revival, socialism, anarchy, individualism, and so on). 6. Anna McCarthy, ‘Crab People From the Center of the Earth’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 11:1 (2005): 98; Gustavus T. Stadler, ‘Queer Guy for the Straight “I” ’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 11:1 (2005): 109. McCarthy and Stadtler were just two of the scholars who made critical interventions on the topic of ‘Queer TV’ in a 2005 GLQ forum edited by Chris Straayer and Tom Waugh. Among other things, contributors discussed the Queer Eye phenomenon as a sign of failed heterosexual reproduction (Sasha Torres, ‘Why Can’t Johnny Shave?’ 95–7); as the vehicle for ‘arbiters for correct forms of representation in the heterosexual marriage market’ (McCarthy, ‘Crab People’, 98); and as an out- growth of the ever-greedy ‘self-fashioning [...] industry’ (Toby Miller, ‘A Metrosexual Eye on Queer Guy’, 115). 7. John Shear man, Mannerism (London: Penguin Books, 1990), 19. Here Shearman also characterizes sixteenth-century Mannerism as a style that displays ‘poise, refinement and sophistication’; is ‘polished, rarefied and idealized away from the natural’; and speaks ‘a silver-tongued language of articulate, if unnatural, beauty’. The hallmark of the Mannerist work of art is its ‘refinement of and abstraction from nature’ (Shearman, Mannerism, 18)—in a word, its artificiality. ‘Self- conscious stylization’, Shearman writes, ‘is the common denominator of all Mannerist works of art’ (Shearman, Mannerism, 35).

157 158 Notes

8. The Renaissance-themed works of Mann, Sackville-West, and Wilde are discussed at length in individual chapters in the present study. Couperus and Michael Field are discussed briefly in the Conclusion. 9. For reprints of the Sarony portraits see Merlin Holland, The Wilde Album (New York: Henry Holt, 1997), 65–91. 10. Brian Glavey, ‘Queer Ekphrasis, Modernism, and the Avant-Garde’, talk held at the University of South Carolina, 25 January 2007. 11. Jaime Hovey, Portraiture, Style, and Queer Modernism (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2006), 5. 12. Hovey, Portraiture, Style, and Queer Modernism, 6. 13. Dennis Denisoff, Sexual Visuality from Literature to Film, 1850–1950 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 14. Denisoff’s is a truly groundbreaking work, challenging us to take images as seriously as words as we explore the visual history of sexuality. The present study bears out his central thesis that ‘visuality’ was of primary importance ‘to the formation of decadent identities’. Denisoff, Sexual Visuality, 16. 14. Denisoff, Sexual Visuality, 2. 15. Stephen Bann, The Clothing of Clio (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). Hayden White, Metahistory (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973). 16. Lucien Febvre, Michelet et la Renaissance (Paris: Flammarion, 1992), 28. 17. Jules Michelet, La Renaissance, vol. 7 of Histoire de France, 2nd edn (Paris: Lacroix, 1876). 18. One typical instance of this can be found in comments by John Rigby Hale, who writes that for a long time ‘it was a “renaissance” of this or that, of arts, of scholarship, of letters. Not until the publication in 1855 of Jules Michelet’s Histoire de France entitled ‘La Renaissance’ was the label attached to a period and all that happened in it’. See John Rigby Hale (ed.), The Thames and Hudson Encylopaedia of the Italian Renaissance (London: Thames and Hudson, 1981), 279. 19. J. B. Bullen, The Myth of the Renaissance in Nineteenth-Century Writing (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); Hilary Fraser, The Victorians and Renaissance Italy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992). 20. Fraser, Victorians, 1. 21. Bullen, Myth, 9. 22. Bullen, Myth, 18, 38. Indeed it has often been pointed out that in this limited sense the idea of a rebirth can be traced back to contemporary commentaries on art in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Richard Titlebaum speaks of ‘the myth of a rinascita disseminated by Leon Battista Alberti and later by Giorgio Vasari, who rejoiced that man had awakened from a “dark age” ’. While Bullen can also cite such instances, he criticizes Peter Burke for imagining that ‘the Renaissance was quite conscious of the fact that it was the Renaissance’, and insists that ‘the Renaissance as a period in the continuum of history is an intellectual concept which was applied retrospectively by pos- terity, and only took shape when historians were sufficiently distant from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to look back on them as a whole’. See Richard Titlebaum, ‘John Ruskin and the Italian Renaissance’, English Studies in Africa 19:1 (1976): 1; Bullen, Myth, 8. 23. Bullen, Myth, 102. Notes 159

24. Bullen, Myth, 9. 25. Jacob Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860; Leipzig: Johannes Müller & Co., 1933). 26. Volume 11 of John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, 39 vols (London: George Allen, 1903–12). 27. See August Graf von Platen, August Graf von Platens Sämtliche Werke, ed. Max Koch and Eric Petzet, 12 vols (Leipzig: M. Hesse, 1910). 28. See, for instance, his 1855 poems ‘Old Pictures in Florence’, ‘Fra Lippo Lippi’, and ‘Andrea Del Sarto’. Robert Browning, The Poetical Works of Robert Browning, ed. Augustine Birrell, 2 vols (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 1: 267–72, 517–23, 523–6. For a discussion of Browning’s reception of the Quattrocento and Cinquecento in the context of nineteenth-century historicism, see Joseph Bristow, Robert Browning (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), 67–127. 29. Ruskin, Works, 10: 34; Browning, Works, 1: 527–8. Ruskin might have used similar language to describe Browning’s poem ‘My Last Duchess’, also published in 1845. See Browning, Works, 1: 384. 30. Vita Sackville-West, ‘The Cenci’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, Letters and Diaries: From Sissinghurst Castle, Kent, The Huntington Library, California, and Other Libraries (Brighton: Harvester Microform, 1988), reel 6, file 13, item 20, pp. 6–7. Vita Sackville-West, The Edwardians, introduction by Victoria Glendinning (London: Virago, 1983). Virginia Woolf, Orlando: A Biography, ed. Brenda Lyons, introduction by Sandra M. Gilbert (London: Penguin Books, 2000). 31. H. Aram Veeser (ed.) The New Historicism (New York: Routledge, 1989), xi. 32. Judith Halberstam, Female Masculinity (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), 12. Of course, the subjects of the present study are no longer living, so I am technically culling information solely ‘from texts’ thoughout this work. But in considering letters, notebooks, diary entries, appointment book data, and even (written) hearsay, I try to come as close as possible to culling information ‘from people’ in my case studies of Mann, Sackville- West, and Wilde.

1 Consummate Criminals: Nineteenth-Century Renaissance Historiography and the Homosexual

1. Walter Pater, Appreciations. With an Essay on Style (1889; rpt Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1987), 5. 2. Karl Brandi, Die Renaissance in Florenz und Rom, 3rd edn (Leipzig: Teubner, 1909), 3. 3. Heinrich Hössli, Eros: Die Männerliebe der Griechen, 2nd edn (Münster, Switzerland: Beim Herausgeber, 1889), 1. The volume’s full title translates as: ‘Eros: Greek Love Between Men, and Its Relationship to History, Education, Literature, and Legislation in Perpetuity’. 4. Hössli, Eros, 6. 5. Quoted in Richard Ellmann, Oscar Wilde (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1987), 435. 6. Ellmann, Oscar, 435. 7. Hössli does suggest at one point that the darkest age for the sodomite ended in the sixteenth century, but he never elaborates on this comment and 160 Notes

certainly never raises the notion that the sixteenth century was part of a phenomenon called the Renaissance. Hössli, Eros, 6. 8. A number of historians have tracked both the usage of the word ‘Renaissance’ and its development as an idea over the course of the nineteenth century. The first short essays that examined the development of the idea of the Renaissance (as opposed to examining the period itself) appeared in the German-speaking world around 1900. See Willy Pastor, ‘Eine Renaissance der Renaissance?’ Freie Bühne 5:1 (1894): 72–7; Hans Bauer, ‘Renaissance der Renaissance’, Der Kunstwart 8:7 (1895): 97–100; Emil Schaeffer, ‘Das moderne Renaissance-Empfinden’, Neue Rundschau 16:2 (1905): 769–84; Ludwig Geiger, ‘Zur Renaissance der Renaissance’, Das Literarische Echo 10:6 (1907–08): 377–85; Karl Brandi, Das Werden der Renaissance, 2nd edn (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1910). Adolf Philippi’s comprehensive Der Begriff der Renaissance, however, was the first book-length study of the history of the concept. It was followed by Walther Rehm’s Das Werden des Renaissancebildes, which dealt more with fictional representations of the era than with histories of the period. E. Max Bräm’s 1932 study of British Renaissance revivalism focused specifically on the work of English art historians Vernon Lee, John Ruskin, and John Addington Symonds. Renowned art historian Erwin Panofsky began a decade-long engagement with the subject in 1944, presenting his results in essays, lectures, and edited volumes. In England, the first comprehensive inquiry into the history of the concept was made by Wallace K. Ferguson, whose important 1948 study was complemented in 1954 by John Rigby Hale’s England and the Italian Renaissance. Since the late 1960s, German philologist August Buck has been indefatigable in his efforts to trace the history and discursive impact of the term. The journal Clio devoted an entire issue to the subject in winter 1988, while J. B. Bullen’s The Myth of the Renaissance in Nineteenth-Century Writing, Hilary Fraser’s excellent The Victorians and Renaissance Italy, and the edited volume Victorian and Edwardian Responses to the Italian Renaissance are the most important recent contributions to the discussion. See Adolf Philippi, Der Begriff der Renaissance: Daten zu seiner Geschichte (Leipzig: Seemann, 1912); Walter Rehm, Das Werden des Renaissancebildes in der deutschen Dichtung vom Rationalismus bis zum Realismus (Munich: Becksche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1924); E. Max Bräm, Die italienische Renaissance in dem englischen Geistesleben des 19. Jahrhunderts (Brugg: Effingerhof, 1932); Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art (New York: Harper & Row, 1972); Wallace K. Ferguson, The Renaissance in Historical Thought: Five Centuries of Interpretation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948); John Rigby Hale, England and the Italian Renaissance: The Growth Of Interest In Its History and Art (London: Faber and Faber, 1954); August Buck, ‘Der Beginn der modernen Renaissanceforschung im 19. Jahrhundert: Georg Voigt und Jacob Burckhardt’ in Die Renaissance im neunzehnten Jahrhundert in Italien und Deutschland, ed. August Buck and Casare Vasoli (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1987), 23–36; August Buck (ed.), Renaissance und Renaissancismus von Jacob Burckhardt bis Thomas Mann (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1990); August Buck (ed.), Zu Begriff und Problem der Renaissance (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969); Jacob Korg (ed.), Clio 17:2 (1988); John E. Law and Lene Østermark-Johansen (eds), Victorian and Edwardian Responses to the Italian Renaissance (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005). Notes 161

9. See for instance John Addington Symonds, A Problem in Greek Ethics: Being an Inquiry into the Phenomenon of Sexual Inversion (1883; London: The APEO⌸A⌫ITI⌫A Society, 1908), or Magnus Hirschfeld, Sappho und Socrates: Wie erklärt sich die Liebe der Männer und Frauen zu Personen des eigenen Geschlechts? 2nd edn (Leipzig: Max Spohr, 1902). For an overview of the association of Greek culture with homosexuality in nineteenth-century discourse, see Dowling, Hellenism and Homosexuality; Yopie Prins, ‘Greek Maenads, Victorian Spinsters’ in Victorian Sexual Dissidence, ed. Richard Dellamora (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 43–81; and Richard Jenkyns, The Victorians and Ancient Greece (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1980), 280–93. 10. Otto Stoll, Das Geschlechtsleben in der Völkerpsychologie (Leipzig: Veit & Comp., 1908), 960, emphasis in original. 11. The Renaissance as understood from the 1840s on was characterized, above all, as a revival of antiquity. Things Greek, which had lain buried for centuries, were finally unearthed, both literally and figuratively, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; this unearthing was repeated by nineteenth-century historiographers, who posited that the rediscovery of Greek attention to form and beauty, Greek love of the human body, and Greek learning were the elements that transformed Quattrocento Italy into the birthplace of modernity. 12. Richard Dellamora addresses these connections briefly as he teases out the relationship between sexuality and aestheticism, and particularly in his analysis of Pater’s Renaissance in Masculine Desire, 149–53. But among scholars of Renaissance historiography there have been only a few exceptions to the blind spot. At the end of his study Bullen tentatively suggests that the erotic aspects of Renaissance culture were what attracted or repelled Victorian commentators and that those who found Victorian mores most suffocating were those most attracted to the Renaissance (Bullen, Myth, 305–7). A. Dwight Culler notes that the renowned British art critic Walter Pater associated homosexuality with Renaissance Italy. See A. Dwight Culler, The Victorian Mirror of History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 249. D. S. Chambers, meanwhile, has shown how ‘taboo’ the very word Renaissance became among British historians at Oxford after its association with Pater’s ‘aestheticism’ in the 1870s. See D. S. Chambers, ‘E. Armstrong, Teacher of the Renaissance at Oxford’ in Law, Victorian and Edwardian Responses, 215. 13. Culler, The Victorian Mirror, vii. 14. Fraser, Victorians, 2. 15. See Baumgardt, Manfred, Manfred Herzer, Hartmut Eckert, Joachim Müller, Detlef Pusch, Uwe Schön, Raimund Wolfert, (eds), Die Geschichte des §175: Strafrecht gegen Homosexuelle (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1990), 38. 16. Laurence Senelick has traced the outline of this trend in the England of the 1880s and 1890s, showing how police memoirs give us an insight into the ease with which blackmailers plied their trade at every level of society. Blackmail, it seems, was so insidious and ubiquitous that it was often compared to smallpox and even syphilis by these and other contemporary commentators. See Laurence Senelick, ‘Master Woods’s Profession: Wilde and the Subculture of Homosexual Blackmail in the Victorian Theatre’ in Wilde Writings: Contextual Conditions, ed. Joseph Bristow (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 163–82. Magnus Hirschfeld meanwhile, in his description of turn-of-the-century life for ‘Berlin’s Third Sex’, observes that 162 Notes

every year upwards of 2000 Berlin homosexuals are beset by organized blackmail rings. See Magnus Hirschfeld, Berlins drittes Geschlecht (1904; rpt Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1991), 123–4. 17. H. Montgomery Hyde, Oscar Wilde (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 1975), 270. 18. Hyde, Wilde, 287. Hyde suggests that the stains were from ‘grease and Vaseline’; Michael S. Foldy presumes from the judge’s reference to diarrhea that the stains were from fecal matter. See Michael S. Foldy, The Trials of Oscar Wilde: Deviance, Morality, and Late-Victorian Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 38. Regardless of the stains’ origin, they indicate just how lurid the testimony heard in the courtroom was and underscore its distance from Wilde’s grand rhetoric about Hellenism. 19. Foldy, Trials, 31–9. 20. See Ellmann, Wilde, 435–6. 21. Foldy, Trials, 117. 22. Legislation against homosexuality in Britain and in Germany did not extend to sexual acts between women. The medical literature, however, while mainly focusing on men, pathologized female homosexuality. 23. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Italienische Reise, ed. Herbert von Einem (Munich: Beck, 1998); Henry Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici (London: Printed for Strahan, Cadell, Davies, and Edwards, 1796). 24. Carl Friedrich von Rumohr, Italienische Forschungen, ed. Julius von Schlosser (Frankfurt am Main: Frankfurter Verlagsanstalt A.G., 1920). In his introduction to this edition, Schlosser writes: ‘Carl Friedrich von Rumohr is in fact the ancestor of nineteenth-century art historical research’. See Rumohr, Italienische Forschungen, xxxvi. Ferguson pays similar tribute to Rumohr when he asserts that the ‘first decisively new note [in nineteenth-century art history] ... appeared ... with the Italian Researches ... of Karl Friedrich von Rumohr’. See Ferguson, Renaissance, 145. 25. Franz Kugler, Handbuch der Geschichte der Malerei von Constantin dem Grossen bis auf die neuere Zeit (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1837). The English versions of this work included a revised and expanded edition by a group that included two great arbiters of Victorian taste, Eastlake and Palgrave. See Charles Lock Eastlake, Franz Kugler, Francis Turner Palgrave, and George Scharf, Handbook of Painting, 3rd edn, 2 vols (London: J. Murray, 1855). For von Rumohr’s influence on Kugler, see Ferguson, Renaissance, 146. 26. John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, 39 vols (London: George Allen, 1903–12), 4: xlvi. 27. Jacob Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860; Leipzig: Johannes Müller & Co., 1933). For a discussion of the debates around Burckhardt’s legacy, see Ferguson, Renaissance, 195–252; E. M. Jannsen, Jacob Burckhardt und die Renaissance (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1970); and Buck, ‘Beginn der modernen Renaissanceforschung’. 28. John Addington Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy, 7 vols (London: Smith Elder & Co., 1875–86), 1: viii–ix. His further comment that Burckhardt’s essay ‘fell under my notice when I had planned, and in great measure finished, my own work’ (1: viii) seems to relativize the extent to which Symonds owes his ideas to Burckhardt. An analysis of the text, however— especially of the volumes which appeared following volume 1—shows Notes 163

Symonds’s work to be shot through with Burckhardt’s ideas. Which makes quite puzzling J. B. Bullen’s decision to omit Burckhardt’s text in his 1994 study The Myth of the Renaissance in Nineteenth-century Writing on the grounds that its first and second imprints were obscure and slow-moving, and that it was not translated into English until 1878. Even his acknowledg- ment that ‘Symonds certainly knew’ Burckhardt seriously underestimates the important role Burckhardt’s study played in Symonds’s thinking. See Bullen, Myth, 15–16. For further discussion of Symonds use of Burckhardt, see See John Easton Law, ‘John Addington Symonds and the Despots of the Renaissance’ in Law, Victorian and Edwardian Responses, 145–63. 29. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: viii. 30. Georg Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Berlin: Reimer, 1880). Ferdinand von Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, 8 vols (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1850–73). Ludwig Geiger, Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland (Berlin: Grote, 1882). 31. Geiger, Renaissance, 564. 32. Geiger, Renaissance, iv. Hubert Janitschek, Die Gesellschaft der Renaissance in Italien und die Kunst (Stuttgart: Spemann, 1879). 33. Vernon Lee [Violet Paget], Euphorion: Being Studies of the Antique and the Mediaeval in the Renaissance, 3rd edn (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1899), 451. Lee worries about being overly influenced by Symonds, acknowledging that she has ‘deprived myself of the pleasure and profit of reading his volumes on Italian literature, from a fear [of] [...] finding myself forestalled by him in various appreciations’. Lee, Euphorion, 451–2. 34. Vernon Lee [Violet Paget], Renaissance Fancies and Studies (London: Smith Elder & Co., 1895), 260. 35. Modern editions of Studies in the History of the Renaissance generally shorten the title to simply The Renaissance. This was the case with the edition referred to in the present study. Walter Pater, The Renaissance, ed. Adam Philips (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986). 36. Christopher Hare [Marian Andrews], Courts and Camps of the Italian Renaissance (New York: Scribner, 1908); Christopher Hare [Marian Andrews], The Most Illustrious Ladies of the Renaissance (1907; rpt Williamstown, MA: Corner House Publishers, 1972). 37. Anton Springer, ‘Italian Art’ in Northern Italy, 13th edn (Leipzig: Baedeker, 1906), xxxi–lxiv; Anton Springer, Introduction to Oberitalien, 15th edn (Leipzig: Baedeker, 1898), xxxi–lxiv. 38. See, for example, E. A. Seemann’s ‘Berühmte Kunststätten’ series, or J. M. Dent & Co’s ‘Medieval Towns’ series. 39. J. W. and A. M. Cruickshank, The Umbrian Cities of Italy (Boston: Page, 1913), vi. 40. Mrs Oliphant, The Makers of Florence, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 1888). Mrs Oliphant, The Makers of Venice (London: Macmillan, 1887). Eduard Heyck, Die Mediceer (Bielefeld and Leipzig: Velhagen und Klasing, 1897). 41. Gerd Uekermann, Renaissancismus und Fin de Siècle. Die italienische Renaissance in der deutschen Dramatik der letzten Jahrhundertwende (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1985). 42. See, for example, George Eliot, Romola (London: Smith and Elder, 1863); or the novels Plautus im Nonnenkloster (1882), Die Versuchung des Pescara (1887), 164 Notes

and Angela Borgia (1891) in Conrad Ferdinand Meyer, Gesammelte Werke, ed. Wolfgang Igneé (Munich: Nymphenburger, 1985). 43. Ruskin, Works, 11: 14, 17–18. 44. Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S. G. C. Middlemore (Oxford and London: Phaidon Press, 1945), 2. Most of my citations from Burckhardt’s monumental work rely on Middlemore’s translation. From time to time though, to stress a particular nuance, I offer my own translation of the original German text in Jacob Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (Leipzig: Johannes Müller & Co., 1933). 45. Here Burckhardt’s thesis preempts Michel Foucault’s argument in Discipline and Punish that modernity has involved (in the service of capitalism) the bureaucratic and ideological regulation of individuals (although, unlike Foucault, Burckhardt uses a model of unremitting power from above). Writing during the glory days of scientific and capitalist enterprise, the mid- nineteenth century, and as a scholar interested in the very idea of art, Burckhardt—by profession an art historian—cannot but be attuned to administrative and economic innovations that might signal an ‘origin’ for modern capitalism and suggest that its foundations lie in the realm of art. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage Books, 1995). 46. Burckhardt, Kultur, 86. 47. Burckhardt, Civilization, 62–3, 32. 48. Burckhardt, Kultur, 91, 93. 49. Burckhardt, Civilization, 81–4. 50. Burckhardt, Civilization, 235–7. 51. Burckhardt, Civilization, 241. 52. Burckhardt, Civilization, 223. 53. Symonds, Renaissance, 2: 1. 54. Symonds, Renaissance, 2. 55. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 1. 56. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 99. 57. Geiger, Renaissance, 156. 58. Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 4. 59. Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 60–2. 60. Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 92. 61. Springer, ‘Italian Art’, xliii. 62. Symonds, Renaissance, 2: 16. 63. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 3. 64. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 10. 65. Symonds, Renaissance, 2: 22, 23–4. 66. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 21. 67. Ruskin, Works, 22: 86. 68. Ruskin, Works, 22: 86. 69. Ruskin, Works, 22: 95. 70. Ruskin, Works, 22: 94. 71. Ruskin, Works, 22: 97. 72. Ruskin, Works, 12: 353. 73. Burckhardt, Civilization, 208. 74. Burckhardt, Civilization, 208–9. Notes 165

75. Interestingly, the body appears more in theory than in practice in Pater’s work. Actual examples of Renaissance representations of the body are rarely discussed in this particular text. Bodies appear in his discussion of Botticelli’s Madonnas and his ‘Birth of Venus’, and in his treatment of Leonardo. Otherwise they constitute an odd absence, considering the role they play in his general definitions of the period. See Pater, Renaissance, 37, 38, 75–8. 76. Pater, Renaissance, xxxii, emphasis added. 77. Pater, Renaissance, 3, emphasis added. 78. Pater, Renaissance, 27, emphasis added. 79. Pater, Renaissance, 41, emphasis added. 80. Pater, Renaissance, 56. 81. Pater, Renaissance, 80. 82. The phrase originates in the work of Michelet, who berates the present for having forgotten two things about the Renaissance: that it saw ‘la découverte du monde, la découverte de l’homme’. Michelet, Renaissance, 6. 83. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 19, 20. 84. Symonds, Renaissance, 30. 85. Symonds, Renaissance, 12, 13–14. 86. Symonds produced a biographical monograph on Whitman in 1893, but he had been a Whitman enthusiast since 1865. He read Leaves of Grass in 1867, and in a letter recommending the volume to Henry Graham Dakyns, writes that it ‘is not a book; [...] it is a man, miraculous in his vigour & love [...] & animalisme & omnivorous humanity’. Mostly, Symonds appreciates the volume for its homoerotic ‘Calamus’ section, which, he argues, expresses ‘what I have burned to say; what I should have done if opinion & authority & the contaminations of vile lewdness had not ended in [...] muddling my brain’. See John Addington Symonds, The Letters of John Addington Symonds, ed. Herbert M. Schueller and Robert L. Peters, 3 vols (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1967), 1: 696. See Chapter 2 of the current work for more on Whitman’s legacy for Symonds and for other late-nineteenth-century homosexuals. 87. Lee, Euphorion, 201. Lee deals at length with the differences between how Renaissance portraits and Renaissance sculpture represent the human body in her essay ‘The Portrait Art’. E. Max Bräm’s contention that beautiful, observed bodies in Lee’s work are generally female bodies (Bräm, italienische Renaissance, 90) is borne out by at least one example in this essay, when Lee asks the reader to imagine ‘a woman, beautiful in the structure of her body’, with a ‘well-shapen body’ and ‘beautiful body structure’ (Lee, Euphorion, 248, 249). That Lee’s erotic attachment to members of her own sex—like Symonds’s and Pater’s—finds an expression in the discussion of Renaissance art goes to the very heart of the present work. Hilary Fraser has argued persuasively that Lee’s ‘hybrid subjectivity’, especially in the realm of gender and sexuality, found resonances in the ‘hybrid of the classical and medieval’ that was the Renaissance. See Hilary Fraser, ‘Writing a Female Renaissance: Victorian Women and the Past’ in Law, Victorian and Edwardian, 176. On Lee’s lesbianism, see Peter Gunn, Vernon Lee: Violet Paget, 1856–1935 (1964; rpt New York: Arno Press, 1975); Diana Maltz, ‘Engaging “Delicate Brains”: From Working-Class Enculturation to Upper-Class 166 Notes

Lesbian Liberation in Vernon Lee and Kit Anstruther-Thomson’s Psychological Aesthetics’ in Women and British Aestheticism, ed. Talia Schaffer and Kathy Alexis Psomiades (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 211–29; Kathy Alexis Psomiades, ‘ “Still Burning From This Strangling Embrace”: Vernon Lee on Desire and Aesthetics’ in Victorian Sexual Dissidence, Richard Dellamora (ed.) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 21–41. 88. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 306. 89. Augustus Welby Pugin, Contrasts; Or, A Parallel Between the Noble Edifices of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries and Similar Buildings of the Present Day, Shewing the Present Decay of Taste (1841; rpt Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1969) 14. 90. Pugin, Contrasts, 7, 8, 9, 12. 91. Pugin, Contrasts, 9. Bullen cites this instance (despite its being ‘hedged around by sarcasm, distanced by the use of italics, and demoted by the lower case’) as the first use in English of the word ‘renaissance’, correcting the Oxford English Dictionary’s assertion that its first appearance came in 1840. Bullen, Myth, 102. 92. Pugin, Contrasts, 16. 93. Pugin, Contrasts, 13. 94. Francis Palgrave, Murray’s Handbook for Travellers in North Italy (London: J. Murray, 1842). Of this volume Hale writes ‘no work has ever done more to direct public attention to Italian art before Raphael’. Hale, England, 119. 95. Quoted in Bullen, Myth, 111. 96. Hale, England, 147. Like Murray’s, The Stones of Venice was also available— albeit in abridged form—as a guide for the British tourist abroad in Italy. 97. Ruskin, Works, 11: 130. 98. Ruskin, Works, 11: 17. 99. Ruskin, Works, 11: 133. 100. Ruskin, Works, 11: 6. 101. Ruskin, Works, 11: 6–7. 102. Ruskin, Works, 11: 135. 103. Ruskin, Works, 11: 195. 104. Burckhardt, Civilization, 275. 105. Burckhardt, Civilization, 276–7. 106. Burckhardt, Civilization, 278. 107. Burckhardt, Civilization, 279. 108. Burckhardt, Civilization, 303–4. 109. Burckhardt, Civilization, 261. 110. Burckhardt, Civilization, 279. 111. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 52. 112. Symonds, Renaissance, 38. 113. Symonds, Renaissance, 315–67. 114. Symonds, Renaissance, 44. 115. Symonds, Renaissance, 56. Of course, Lombroso’s classic L’uomo delinquente (‘Criminal Man’) appeared a year after Symonds’ first Renaissance volume, but it is fair to say that the theories of degneration employed by Symonds are most closely associated with the works of the Italian doctor. Symonds read—and took issue with—much of Lombroso’s work over the years. Notes 167

See The Memoirs of John Addington Symonds, ed. Phyllis Grosskurth (New York: Random House, 1984), 19; and Phyllis Grosskurth, John Addington Symonds: A Biography (London: Longmans, 1964), 259. 116. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 56–7. 117. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 100, 101. 118. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 114–15. 119. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 206. 120. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 103. 121. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 35. 122. See, for instance, Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 8, 9, 163; Geiger, Renaissance, 152–5, 212, 313; Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 85; Lee, Euphorion, 68,80, 86. Pater focuses less on the evils of the Renaissance than the others, but his Studies connect corruption with culture by suggesting that truly great strides forward in the field of art can only happen when great tribulations have been endured. In his discussion of Leonardo da Vinci’s career, for example, he argues that the painter made a breakthrough when he realized that ‘the way to perfection is through a series of disgusts’—a process that would ensure that his art was ‘weighted with more of the meaning of nature and purpose of humanity’. Pater, Renaissance, 66. 123. Lina Duff Gordon, The Story of Assisi (London: J. M. Dent & Co., 1900), 29, 32, 34, 35. 124. Gordon, The Story of Assisi 31. 125. ‘Palmsonntag in Venedig unter dem Dogen Foscari’ Die Gartenlaube 6 (1893): 168–9, 194. 126. In Lee, too: she mentions mainly instances of rape and incest and sees them as more evidence of a civilization ‘embedded in all manner of rub- bish and abomination, soiled with all manner of ominous stains’. See Lee, Euphorion, 64, 69, 71, 76, 83, 100, 278. 127. Notkar Hammerstein, ‘Leopold von Ranke und die Renaissance’ in Die Renaissance im neunzehnten Jahrhundert in Italien und Deutschland, ed. August Buck and Casare Vasoli (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1987), 51. 128. Burckhardt, Civilization, 273. Elsewhere Burckhardt argues that attitudes towards religion were ‘pervaded and often perverted by the all-powerful [...] imagination’, and that ‘a force which we must constantly take into account in judging the morality of the more highly developed Italian of this period, is that of the imagination’. Burckhardt, Civilization, 304, 264. 129. Burckhardt, Civilization, 268. 130. Burckhardt, Civilization, 242. 131. Burckhardt, Civilization, 272–3. 132. Burckhardt, Civilization, 269. 133. Burckhardt, Civilization, 243. 134. Burckhardt, Civilization, 30. 135. Burckhardt, Civilization, 10–11. Karl Brandi would later comment that in an time when personal aims are used to justify any political action ‘legitimacy is nowhere to be found’. Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 9. 136. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 408–9. 137. Symonds, Renaissance, 170. 138. Symonds, Renaissance, 45. 139. Grosskurth, Biography, 125. 168 Notes

140. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 96. This is typical of Renaissance historians, who often make only the most fleeting of allusions to homosociality and homosexuality. In his discussion of women, Janitschek mentions without any explication that they were deprived of much social interaction by the cult of male friendship that developed during the period; while Geiger hints that the relationship between Cesare Borgia and Leonardo da Vinci may have been sexual; and also refers briefly to the story that Malatesta attempted to rape his son. Brandi speaks of ‘beautiful boys’ being available for purchase alongside ‘prostitutes’ without discussing the implications of this fact. See Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 56; Geiger, Renaissance, 155, 213; Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 163. 141. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 214. 142. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 215. 143. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 315. 144. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 318. 145. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 327. 146. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 321–2. 147. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 329. 148. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 345. 149. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 352. 150. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 362. 151. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 363. 152. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 363. Symonds has already informed his reader that ‘Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta killed three wives in quick succession, violated his daughter, and attempted the chastity of his own son’. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 103. 153. Burckhardt, Civilization, 278. 154. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 363. 155. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 410. 156. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 411. 157. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 412. 158. Michelet, Renaissance, iii. 159. Burckhardt, Civilization, 279. 160. Burckhardt, Civilization, 81. 161. Burckhardt, Civilization, 7. 162. Burckhardt, Civilization, 32. 163. Burckhardt, Civilization, 82. 164. Burckhardt, Civilization, 81. 165. Burckhardt, Civilization, 264. 166. Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier (London: Penguin, 1967). 167. Burckhardt, Civilization, 235. 168. Burckhardt, Civilization, 84. 169. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 34, 74. 170. Burckhardt, Civilization, 278. 171. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 38–9, 52–3. 172. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 39. 173. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 216. 174. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 104. 175. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 253, 337. Notes 169

176. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 206, 253, 370. 177. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 288. 178. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 289–90, emphasis in original. 179. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 120. 180. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 118. 181. Pater, Renaissance, 153. 182. Pater, Renaissance, xxxiii. 183. Geiger, Renaissance, 3. 184. Geiger, Renaissance, 6, 207. 185. Springer, Oberitalien, xliii. 186. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human, trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 113; Friedrich Nietzsche, Sämtliche Werke: Kritische Studienausgabe, ed. Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari, 15 vols (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, 1980), 2: 199. 187. This he expresses in Menschliches, Allzumenschliches (‘the Renaissance possessed positive forces that have, up until this point, never achieved a comparable status in our culture. It was the golden age of this millenium, despite all of its flaws and vices’) as well as in an 1882 letter to Franz Overbeck (‘the apex of this millenium remains, for me, the Renaissance’). See Nietzsche, Werke, 2: 199, emphasis in original; and Friedrich Nietzsche, Briefwechsel III, 1, ed. Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 1975–98), 276. 188. Nietzsche, Werke, 5: 287, my translation. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. 189. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche, ed. and trans. Oscar Levy, 18 vols (New York: Russell & Russell, 1964), 16: 228, emphasis in original; Nietzsche, Werke, 6: 250. 190. Nietzsche, Works, 16: 229; Nietzsche, Werke, 6: 251. 191. Nietzsche, Briefwechsel 276; Friedrich Nietzsche, Selected Letters of Friedrich Nietzsche, ed. and trans. Christopher Middleton (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1969), 195. 192. Nietzsche, Works, 12: 188; Nietzsche, Werke, 5: 117. 193. Nietzsche, Works, 16: 228–9; Nietzsche, Werke, 6: 251, emphasis in original. 194. Distorted because playwrights focused on the crimes and barbarities of this man and used him to moralize about ‘evil’ behavior, thus missing Nietzsche’s point entirely. 195. Uekermann, Renaissancismus, 54. 196. Brandi, Renaissance in Florenz, 204. 197. ‘Consummate’ has a history of association with aestheticization and immorality. According to Ruskin, the consummate is a contemptible aspect of Renaissance art: ‘The first thing that [the Renaissance enthusiasm for perfection] required in all work was, that it should be done in a consummate and learned way; and men altogether forgot that it was possible to consummate what was contemptible, and to know what was useless’. Ruskin, Works, 11: 15. Gary Schmidgall notes that in the Punch caricatures of Wilde around 1880–81 ‘the words “consummate,” “utter” and “too too” are made special fun of’. Gary Schmidgall, The Stranger Wilde: Interpreting Oscar (New York: Dutton, 1994), 54. 198. Janitschek, Gesellschaft, 85. 170 Notes

2 Individualist Inverts: Self-Realization as a Liberatory Sexual Discourse at the Turn of the Century

1. Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia Sexualis (Stuttgart: Enke, 1886), 84. 2. Saxnot, ‘Eigenen-Worte’, Der Eigene 1 (1896): 3. Saxnot’s comment appears in the inaugural issue of the world’s first homosexual journal, Der Eigene. 3. Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 1. Of course, Greenblatt is not taking the position that there is any such thing as an autonomous, transhistorical self. Concepts like selfhood, subjectivity, and even identity itself are Geertzian cultural artifacts in Greenblatt’s view. 4. Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning, 2. 5. Michael Doylen, ‘Homosexual Askesis: Representations of Self-Fashioning in the Writings of Walter Pater, Oscar Wilde, and John Addington Symonds’ (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Cruz, 1998), 1. 6. Doylen, ‘Homosexual Askesis’, 1. 7. See, for instance, William E. Channing’s series of lectures for young men, Self Culture, (Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838); Maria G. Grey, Thoughts on Self-Culture, Addressed to Women, 2 vols (London: E. Moxon, 1850); Andrew Sloan Draper, Self-Culture for Young People (Saint Louis: Twentieth Century Culture Association, 1906); and the London Times’ report on an 1890 lecture by Sir J. Lubbock entitled ‘On Working Men and Self-Culture’ (‘Sir J. Lubbock on Self-Culture’, The London Times, 8 February 1890, 10). 8. Channing, Self-Culture, 11. 9. ‘Cardinal Wiseman and Self-Culture’, The London Times, 19 September 1863, 6. 10. Koenraad W. Swart argues that, in English, individualism was a word used much more commonly in the latter half of the nineteenth century than it had been in the first half of that century and that its growth can be traced to the growing influence of German thinkers on British writers from mid- century onwards. See Koenraad W. Swart, ‘ “Individualism” in the Mid- Nineteenth Century (1826–1860)’, Journal of the History of Ideas 23:1 (1962): 87–8. 11. ‘Mr. Bayard on Individual Freedom’, The London Times, 8 November 1895, 6. 12. Numerous late-nineteenth-century political tracts oppose socialism to individualism, defining the latter in terms of the former and vice versa. In much of this writing, socialism is articulated as a political system in which the state plays a major role, whereas individualism is a political system in which the government serves only to protect the freedom of the individual. See E. Belfort Bax, ‘Individualism’ in Individualism and Socialism, ed. J. Hiam Levy (London: The Personal Rights Association, 1904) 65–155; and J. Hiam Levy, ‘Socialism’ in Individualism and Socialism, 9–64. Indeed, individualism is often a code word for the US democratic system and its free market economy or for capitalism itself. This juxtaposition is so prevalent that in 1896 a London Times book reviewer can refer to ‘the current conception of Socialism and Individualism as irreconcilable opposites’ (‘The State and the Individual’, The London Times, 20 November 1896, 4). In 1889 Grant Allen laments the fact that, as the opposite of socialism, individualism has come to mean ruthlessly capitalist, arguing Notes 171

instead that an ‘Individualist is a man who recognizes without stint the full, free and equal right of every citizen to the unimpeded use of all his energies, activities and faculties, provided [ ... ] he does not [ ... ] encroach upon the [ ... ] right of every other citizen’. See Grant Allen, ‘Individualism and Socialism’, The Contemporary Review 55 (1889): 732. This definition makes it clear why individualism came to be the watchword of some turn- of-the-century anarchist movements. See Individualist Anarchist Pamphlets (New York: Arno Press & The New York Times, 1972); and Frank H. Brooks (ed.), The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881–1908) (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994). 13. When Max Weber noted in 1905 that ‘a thorough analysis of these concepts [individuality and individualism] would at the present time be highly valuable to science’, he opened the floodgates for a deluge of academic writing on the subject. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1958), 222. A helpful orientation on individualism can still be found in Steven Lukes, ‘The Meanings of “Individualism” ’, Journal of the History of Ideas 32:1 (1971): 45–66. Lorenzo Infantino’s more recent Individualism in Modern Thought: From Adam Smith to Hayek (London: Routledge, 1998) is thoughtful and detailed, as is Swart’s dated but useful ‘ “Individualism” in the Mid- Nineteenth Century’. Ultimately, Weber’s claim that ‘the expression individualism includes the most heterogeneous things imaginable’ is still perhaps the most insightful comment that can be made on the subject, and we must content ourselves with understanding its deployment in limited and spe- cific instances. See Weber, Protestant, 222. 14. The point is made well by Channing, for instance. Although he advocates the usual techniques (reading, discussions, self-control, diligence, and so on) for self-culture, he also advocates freeing oneself from ‘the power of human opinion’ through self-culture: ‘Intimations from our own souls of something more perfect than others teach, if faithfully followed, give us a consciousness of spiritual force and progress, never experienced by the vulgar of high life or low life, who march, as they are drilled, to the steps of their times’. See Channing, Self-Culture, 43, 45. 15. Doylen, ‘Askesis’, 2. 16. Greenblatt, Self-Fashioning, 256. 17. Michel Foucault’s famous declaration on these matters, that in nineteenth- century medical and legal discourse ‘the homosexual became a personage, [ ... ] a species’ has become axiomatic for intellectuals interested in the history of sexuality, who extrapolate from Foucault’s words that before the nineteenth century sexual acts between men were just that—acts, whereas after the nineteenth century sexual acts between men were symptomatic of a psychological profile that impacted the whole life of the subject. See Foucault, History, 43. However, as David Halperin has pointed out, to subscribe (in the name of Foucault) to a doctrine that contrasts sexual acts in the pre-industrial era with sexual identities in the industrialized era is to misinterpret Foucault. The shift from categorizing sodomy as an act to categorizing the man-loving man as a species is a shift that Foucault specifically locates in legal and medical discourse. His analysis is not intended as an all-out denial of the existence of sexual subjectivities in the early- or 172 Notes

pre-modern period. See David Halperin, ‘Forgetting Foucault: Acts, Identities, and the History of Sexuality’, Representations 63 (1998): 95–7. German social historian Paul Derks has found evidence that (outside medical and legal texts) same-sex desire between men was seen to have the characteristics of a ‘way of being [Seinsweise]’ as early as 1750. In 1796, we find Dr Johann Valentin Müller arguing that sodomites suffer from a ‘sickness of the soul’, which suggests that Müller sees beyond individual acts to the types of people committing them. And in 1836, the Swiss apologist for love between men, Heinrich Hössli, describes the practitioner of Greek love as a ‘human type’ that has always been and will always be with us. See Paul Derks, Die Schande der heiligen Päderastie: Homosexualität und Öffentlichkeit in der deutschen Literatur 1750–1850 (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1990), 24, 82, 134. 18. See George Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality: Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York: Howard Fertig, 1997), 42; Harry Oosterhuis and Hubert Kennedy (eds), Homosexuality and Male Bonding in Pre-Nazi Germany (New York: The Hayworth Press, 1991), 7–8, 29–34; James Steakley, The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany (New York: Arno, 1975), 46–7, 60. 19. See Mosse, Nationalism, 66–89. Oosterhuis discusses the debt to the tradition of male friendship in German culture owed by contributors to the German periodical Der Eigene. See Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 29–30. Simon Richter, meanwhile, has begun to unpack the tradition of male friendship in German culture first by outlining (with Patrick McGrath) Winckelmann’s aesthetics of friendship and more recently by showing how the writings of ‘Winckelmann’s progeny’—his readers and admirers—attest to ‘the cultural centrality of male-male friendship and male homosocial culture’ during the Age of Goethe. Simon Richter and Patrick McGrath, ‘Representing Homosexuality: Winckelmann and the Aesthetics of Friendship’, Monatshefte 86:1 (1994): 45–58. Simon Richter, ‘Winckelmann’s Progeny: Homosocial Networking in the Eighteenth Century’ in Outing Goethe and His Age, ed. Alice A. Kuzniar (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 32–46. 20. For a full treatment of this subject, see Ulfried Geuter, Homosexualität in der deutschen Jugendbewegung: Jungenfreundschaft und Sexualität im Diskurs von Jugendbewegung, Psychoanalyse und Jugendpsychologie am Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1994). In The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany, James Steakley sets the movement for homosexual rights firmly in the context of the rise not only of a youth movement but of any number of contemporary German Lebensreform (‘life reform’) movements, including the women’s movement, the natural health movement, the nudity movement, the macrobiotic movement, and so on. See Steakley, Homosexual, 25–8, 44. 21. Where individualism as a facet of the history of sexuality is touched on at all by historians it occurs in the context of fin-de-siècle socialist and anarchist movements, movements which so often defined themselves in terms of individualism, as noted above. The most notable effort in this regard is a special issue of the Journal of Homosexuality edited by Gert Hekma, Harry Oosterhuis, and James Steakley, in which contributors examine the inter- play between the history of leftist politics and the history of homosexuality. While the editors point out in their introduction that ‘historically, socialist Notes 173

and anarchist support for homosexual rights has been at best half-hearted’, they do in fact find various instances where the goal of homosexual rights fit the agenda of the left. Gert Hekma, Harry Oosterhuis, and James Steakley, ‘Leftist Sexual Politics and Homosexuality: A Historical Overview’ Journal of Homosexuality, 29:2/3 (1995): 7. 22. I focus on thinkers from these two countries primarily as it was here—first in Germany, then in England—that sexology as a discipline emerged most strongly in the latter half of the nineteenth century and also because the exchange of information on the subject between the two countries was quite brisk: not only were British experts well-versed in the writings of German sexologists, but British writings were read eagerly by German experts. (Edward Carpenter’s 1894 work on Homogenic Love appeared in German in 1895, for instance; and Havelock Ellis’s and John Addington Symonds’s Sexual Inversion appeared in German in 1896—a year before it debuted in English.) Ultimately, I am positing that it was in those cultures where pressure was most consistently exerted upon the homosexual to identify with a medico-juridical typology that alternative models of same-sex love were most eagerly embraced. Naturally, the models of self-culture and individualism available to members of the two cultures differed somewhat: my purpose is not to identify exact equivalents between the reactions of British and German inverts to the (remarkably similar) stigmas they faced. Rather, I want to draw attention to the fact that in both countries some inverts turned to theories that implied that the full development of the individual could legitimately encompass non-conventional behavior in the sexual realm. 23. It is difficult to cover with one noun the individual experiencing same-sex desire during this period. A wide array of words and phrases were developed to deal discursively with the phenomenon of same-sex love in the nineteenth century. The most common phrases used in the German-speaking world referred to Urningtum (‘Uranianism’) and conträre Sexualempfindung (‘contrary sexual feeling’). As German texts began to appear in English, vocabulary became even more varied, with few experts agreeing on standards or definitions. I have hesitated therefore before using any one word to stand for the range of concepts available to the reader of the day. To speak of ‘homosexuals’, for instance, is to take on board the baggage of the past hundred years; to gloss the spectrum of nineteenth-century typologies with a wordy catch-all description is to be overly reductive as well as verbose. I make an uneasy compromise therefore when I use the word ‘invert’ to stand metonymically for a whole set of models: the Urning, the Uranian, the expe- riencer of contrary sexual instinct, the homosexual, the pederast, the member of the Third Sex, and so on. Inversion is a word with its own history and specificity, yet one commonly used to translate the German phrase conträre Sexualempfindung—itself probably the most common phrase used to describe same-sex desire in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Otherwise, where appropriate, I use the phrase used by the writer whose work I am discussing. 24. Julius Langbehn, Rembrandt als Erzieher (Leipzig: Hirschfeld, 1890). Rembrandt als Erzieher has been described as ‘the great literary fad of 1890’. In 1890 alone, 60,000 copies had sold; the book went into 39 editions in its first two 174 Notes

years in print. Fritz Stern attributes the success of the book to Langbehn’s ‘remarkable business acumen’. He received no royalties in order to keep costs down, and he directed a publicity campaign that attempted to sell his work to the public, not, as was customary at the time, to reviewers. The anonymity of the work may also have contributed to its success, allowing people to wonder whether it was the work of Nietzsche or of someone equally renowned. See Fritz Stern, ‘Julius Langbehn and Germanic Irrationalism’ in The Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 109, 155, 156. 25. Of course, there are other topoi that appear with predictable regularity, which is only to be expected in a field where case studies are shared, expertise is rarely challenged, and anecdotal evidence is privileged. The figure of the degenerate invert recurs, for instance, sometimes in an effort to create an etiology of inversion, sometimes as yet another aspect of the profile of an anti-social type. A more complete portrait of the aggregate invert might also focus on his secretive lifestyle, his status as a loner, his attraction to the metropolis, and so on. 26. For a detailed account of the history of this statute, see Baumgardt, Manfred, Manfred Herzer, Hartmut Eckert, Joachim Müller, Detlef Pusch, Uwe Schön, Raimund Wolfert, (eds) Geschichte des §175. Angela Taeger offers a succinct version of the law’s origins in her essay on nineteenth-century German population control and homosexuality and a longer treatment in ‘Sittlichkeit und Politik’. See Angela Taeger, ‘Homosexual Love Between “Degeneration of Human Material” and “Love of Mankind”: Demographical Perspectives on Homosexuality in Nineteenth-Century Germany’ in Queering the Canon: Defying Sights in German Literature and Culture, ed. Christopher Lorey and John L. Plews (Columbia: Camden House, 1998), 20–35; Angela Taeger and Rüdiger Lautmann, ‘Sittlichkeit und Politik: §175 im Zweiten Deutschen Reich (1871–1919)’ in Kriminologische Forschung in den 80er Jahren, ed. G. Kaiser, H. Kury, and H. J. Albrecht (Freiburg: Max-Planck-Institut, 1988), 573–90. For contemporary perspectives on the statute, see W. Bernhardi, Der Uranismus: Lösung eines mehrtausendjährigen Räthsels (Berlin: Verlag der Volksbuchhandlung, 1882), 7–11; Adolf Brand, ‘§ 175’ in Documents of the Homosexual Rights Movement in Germany, 1836–1927 (New York: Arno Press, 1975), n.p.; Kurt Hiller, §175: Die Schmach des Jahrhunderts (Hannover: Steegemann, 1922). 27. For details about the bill and its passage, see F. B. Smith, ‘Labouchère’s Amendment to the Criminal Law Amendment Bill’, Historical Studies 17 (1976): 165–73. Richard Dellamora has also investigated Labouchère’s motives in introducing the amendment. See Dellamora, Masculine Desire, 200–3. 28. As part of a longer history of legislation against ‘same-sex intercourse’, the first issue of the Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen contains an overview of the laws in Europe as of 1899. Here ‘Numa Praetorius’ discusses countries from Ireland to Bulgaria listing the name of the law by which the behavior is punishable, the type of behavior that is proscribed, and the sentences dealt out for such behavior. See Numa Praetorius [Eugen Daniel Wilhelm], ‘Die strafrechtlichen Bestimmungen gegen den gleichgeschlechtlichen Verkehr’, Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen 1 (1899): 97–158. When read alongside Friedrich Wachenfeld’s Homosexualität und Strafgesetz: Ein Beitrag Notes 175

zur Untersuchung der Reformbedürftigkeit (Leipzig: Weicher, 1901), Numa Praetorius’s essay gives us a good idea of the history and current status of legislation against inverts as understood by the fin-de-siècle invert himself. 29. Johann Ludwig Caspar, Klinische Novellen (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1863); Johann Ludwig Caspar, ‘Über Nothzucht und Päderastie und deren Ermittelung Seitens des Gerichtsarztes’ in Vierteljahrsschrift für gerichtliche und öffentliche Medicin, ed. Johann Ludwig Caspar, vol. 1 (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1852), 21–78; Johann Ludwig Caspar and Carl Liman, Johann Ludwig Caspar’s Handbuch der gerichtlichen Medicin, ed. Carl Liman, 7th edn (Berlin: August Hirschwald, 1881). 30. Indeed, Caspar regularly expresses frustration at what he perceives to be a trend of ever more leniency on the part of European legislatures towards pederasts. See Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 23; Novellen, 33; Handbuch, 168. 31. These case studies first appeared in 1852 in the inaugural issue of his journal of forensic medicine, in an essay entitled ‘Über Nothzucht und Päderastie und deren Ermittelung Seitens des Gerichtsarztes’ (‘On Rape and Pederasty and their Investigation by the Forensic Doctor’). Caspar’s comments regarding sexual encounters between men in this essay (which actually focuses mainly on the rape of young girls by men) would become standard reading for nineteenth-century sexologists, being referred to by Magnus Hirschfeld, Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Albert Moll, John Addington Symonds, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, and others. Caspar’s original case studies were supple- mented over the years by his Klinische Novellen (1863) and observations in his popular Handbuch der gerichtlichen Medicin, which remained in print (edited by Carl Liman) throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century. 32. Caspar, Novellen, 44–9. 33. Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 21, 57; Novellen 40. 34. In case 93 of his 1881 Handbuch, he tells of having been asked by a judge during a legal proceeding whether he considered intercrural coitus to fall under the definition of ‘unnatural vice’. Based on his opinion that it did fall into this category, the accused were found guilty and sentenced. Caspar, Handbuch, 184. 35. Albert Moll also finds that there is ‘not unnatural mating when a man inflicted with sexual inversion performs the sexual act with another man. This act is just as natural as that which a man having normal desires for a woman accomplishes with her’. Albert Moll, Die conträre Sexualempfindung; mit Benutzung amtlichen Materials (Berlin: Fischer, 1891), 203–4. 36. Benjamin Tarnowsky [Veniamin Mikhailovich Tarnovskii], Die krankhaften Erscheinungen des Geschlechtssinnes (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1886), 2, 108, 138, 107. 37. See Joseph Bristow, Effeminate England: Homoerotic Writing After 1885 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 1. 38. Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Gladius Furens: Das Naturräthsel der Urningsliebe und der Irrthum als Gesetzgeber (Kassel: Württemberger, 1868). 39. Ulrichs, Gladius, 34. 40. Ulrichs, Gladius, 37. 41. Ulrichs, Gladius, 35. 42. John Addington Symonds, A Problem in Modern Ethics: Being an Inquiry into the Phenomenon of Sexual Inversion (London, 1896), 102. 176 Notes

43. Quoted in Chris White (ed.), Nineteenth-Century Writings on Homosexuality: A Sourcebook (London: Routledge, 1999), 143. 44. Moll, Sexualempfindung, 119, 243. 45. ‘Rupfen’ is something of a slang word, meaning ‘to fleece’. According to Moll, however, the word ‘Rupfer’ was used to mean ‘blackmailer’ at the time he was writing. Moll, Sexualempfindung, 119. 46. Ludwig Frey, ‘Zur Charakteristik des Rupfertums’, Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen 1 (1899): 71–96. 47. Havelock Ellis and John Addington Symonds, Sexual Inversion (London: Wilson and Macmillan, 1897), 155. 48. Caspar, Handbuch, 167. 49. Tarnowsky, Erscheinungen, 101. 50. Moll, Sexualempfindung, 119. 51. Erich Wulffen, Der Sexualverbrecher: Ein Handbuch für Juristen, Verwaltungsbeamte und Ärzte (Berlin: Langenscheidt, 1910), 609. 52. Symonds, Modern Ethics, 62. 53. Symonds, Modern Ethics, 111, emphasis added. 54. Tarnowsky, Erscheinungen, 20. 55. Tarnowsky, Erscheinungen, 101. Kynaden is Tarnowsky’s word for passive young pederasts who are liable to make money by prostituting themselves. 56. Moll, Sexualempfindung, 232. 57. Wulffen, Sexualverbrecher, 602. 58. Wulffen, Sexualverbrecher, 604 59. For a discussion of ancient Greece and the Renaissance as positive models for same-sex desire, see Chapter 1 of the present study. 60. The ubiquity of such lists is attested to by Erich Mühsam’s vehement call for an end to them in 1903. Mühsam, a German fin-de-siècle anarchist and homosexual rights advocate, felt that this ‘wholesale’ claiming by homosexuals of ‘Uranian artists’ was ‘irresponsible’: ‘It makes a disagreeable impression to hear the names of such geniuses mentioned in connection with their sexual orientation over and over again’. Quoted in Walter Fähnders, ‘Anarchism and Homosexuality in Wilhelmine Germany: Senna Hoy, Erich Mühsam, John Henry Mackay’, Journal of Homosexuality 29:2/3 (1995): 133. 61. See, for instance, Edward Carpenter, Ioläus: An Anthology of Friendship (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1902) or Elisar von Kupffer, Lieblingminne und Freundesliebe in der Weltliteratur (1900; rpt Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1995). James Steakley draws our attention to the ‘sharp’ attack on Hirschfeld’s Scientific Humanitarian Committee that can be found in the introduction to von Kupffer’s anthology, in which concepts like ‘third sex’, ‘Uranian’, and ‘Urning’ are soundly rejected along with any and all medical interventions in the matter of love between men. See Steakley, Homosexual, 46. 62. Willy Pastor, ‘Eine Renaissance der Renaissance?’ Freie Bühne 5:1 (1894): 72–7. 63. Pastor, ‘Eine Renaissance der Renaissance?’ Freie Bühne 5:1 (1894): 77. 64. Of course, the popular account is not necessarily an accurate representation of Nietzsche’s ideas, but its very popularity is what makes it relevant to my argument here. 65. Rehm, ‘Renaissancekult’, 310. Notes 177

66. Max Stirner, Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, ed. Paul Lauterbach (Leipzig: Reclam, 1893); Max Stirner, ‘The Ego and His Own’, ed. James J. Martin, trans. Steven T. Byington (New York: Libertarian Book Club, 1963). 67. Stirner, Einzige, 236; Stirner, ‘Ego’, 202. 68. Several factors converge to bring about the Stirner revival. In 1888, Mackay stumbled upon Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, a text which immediately made an ‘enormous, incomparable impression’ on him. Mackay lobbied for a new edition of Stirner’s chef d’oeuvre from 1889 on. The detective work he engaged in while collecting material for a biography of the forgotten philosopher resulted in the ceremonious raising of several plaques in honor of Stirner. Meanwhile Stirner’s name had also come to the attention of Nietzsche enthusiasts. Eduard von Hartmann, who had mentioned Stirner in print as early as 1868, touched on the similarities between Stirner and Nietzsche in an 1891 essay in the Preußischen Jahrbüchern. As a result of the renewed interest in Stirner, a Nietzschean anti-Stirnerite named Paul Lauterbach persuaded Leipzig publishing giant Reclam to publish a cheap (yet unabridged) edition of Der Einzige und sein Eigentum in 1892, an edition which Lauterbach hoped would help readers see how inferior Stirner’s ideas were to those of Nietzsche. The swell of interest around 1892 is attested to by Mackay’s assertion that he was approached many times during those years to publish his biography of Stirner, despite the fact that he had not yet collected enough material to do his subject justice. See John Henry Mackay, Max Stirner: Sein Leben und sein Werk (Berlin: Schuster & Loeffler, 1898), 7, 12; Bernd A. Laska, Ein heimlicher Hit. 150 Jahre Stirners ‘Einziger ‘: Eine kurze Editionsgeschichte (Nuremberg: LSR-Verlag, 1994), 14, 20. 69. [Adolf Brand], ‘Dieses Blatt’, Der Eigene 1 (1896): 1. 70. For my discussion of the meaning of Der Eigene, I am indebted to Hubert Kennedy’s commentary in Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 22 n. 10. For more on the journal and its name, see Goodbye to Berlin? 100 Jahre Schwulenbewegung (Berlin: Verlag Rosa Winkel, 1997), 50. 71. John Lauritson and David Thorstad, The Early Homosexual Rights Movement 1864–1933 (New York: Times Change Press, 1974) 19; Fähnders, ‘Anarchism’, 127; Mosse, Nationalism, 42. 72. Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 2. Kennedy’s translation seems even more appropriate when we consider that ‘self-ownership’ was an expression used by Herbert Spencer, the nineteenth-century British philosopher of Social Darwinism. Spencer lamented what he saw as a general ‘drift towards a form of society in which private activities of every kind, guided by individual wills, are to be replaced by public activities guided by governmental will’, a trend which he summarized as the ‘lapse of self-ownership into ownership by the community’. Quoted in Lukes, ‘Individualism’, 65. Spencer’s stance, while not necessarily a direct inspiration for Brand, is certainly echoed in the early issues of Der Eigene. ‘Self-ownership’ is also one of the suggestions put forward by the translator of Stirner’s text, Steven Byington, for Stirner’s ‘Eigenheit’. Stirner, Ego, 155. 73. Quoted in Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 22. That Der Eigene could trace its roots to Stirner’s tract was a matter of public record from the time of Fürst von Bülow’s 1907 libel trial against Brand. Summarizing the trial in 1909, Erich Wulffen states: ‘Brand says he founded the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen 178 Notes

and at an early stage published a journal entitled “Der Eigene.” This journal apparently bases itself on Stirner’s book “Der Einzige und sein Eigentum” ’. See Wulffen, Sexualverbrecher, 605. 74. The journal’s title is perhaps not so cryptic after all. Almost all late nineteenth-century German texts that deal with love between men use the word ‘eigen-‘ when they wish to express the idea of sameness in descriptions of ‘same’-sex desire. As early as 1863, Caspar defined ‘the pederast’ as someone who feels attracted ‘ausschliesslich zu Individuen seines eigenen Geschlechts’ (‘exclusively to persons of his own sex’). In his pamphlets on man-manly love Karl Heinrich Ulrichs repeatedly uses a similar expression. At the start of his first pamphlet, for instance, he repeats three times on one page the idea that Urnings make up ‘eine eigene Classe’ (‘a separate class’) of individuals. He goes on to argue that they constitute ‘eine eigene Unterart’ (‘a separate subspecies’) of men and even ‘ein eigenes Geschlecht’ (‘a separate sex’). The word ‘eigene’ is also printed in emphatic typeface four times in the section where Ulrichs argues that the Urning’s whole life should be measured by his ‘eigene Natur’ (‘own nature’). In 1883, Richard von Krafft- Ebing defined contrary sexual feeling as an ‘abnorme Geschlechtstrieb zum eigenen Geschlecht’ (‘abnormal sexual drive towards one’s own sex’) and also noted that some felt that being this way made them ‘eigenartig’ (‘special’); and in the first edition of Psychopathia Sexualis he describes this ‘eigenartige Geschlechtsempfindung’ (‘unusual sexual feeling’) as ‘Neigung und Trieb zum eigenen Geschlecht’ (‘a leaning and drive towards one’s own sex’) and as feeling ‘der Person des eigenen Geschlechts gegenüber in der Rolle des Weibes’ (‘like a woman towards the person of one’s own sex’). The usage is so common that in 1892 a sub- specialist in the field, hypnosis expert Albert von Schrenck-Notzing, can define the pathology as a ‘Neigung zum eigenen Geschlecht’ (‘leaning towards one’s own sex’) or a ‘Trieb zum eigenen Geschlecht’ (‘drive towards one’s own sex’). See Caspar, Novellen, 34; Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Vindex: Social- juristische Studien über mannmännliche Geschlechtsliebe (Leipzig: Matthes, 1864), 4, 5, 7, 8; Richard von Krafft-Ebing, ‘Fall von conträrer Sexualempfindung’ in Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie (Stuttgart: Enke, 1883), 84, 85; Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia, 57; Albert von Schrenck-Notzing, Die Suggestions-Therapie bei krankhaften Erscheinungen des Geschlechtssinnes mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der conträren Sexualempfindung (Stuttgart: Enke, 1892), 120, 122, 123. 75. [Adolf Brand], ‘Die Gesetze’, Der Eigene 1 (1896): 5. 76. Stirner, Ego, 196, emphasis in original; Stirner, Einzige, 228–9. 77. Stirner, Ego, 5; Stirner, Einzige, 14. 78. [Brand], ‘Gesetze’, 5. 79. Eduard von Hartmann, ‘Letter’, Der Eigene 5 (1896): 36. In his introduction to the 1963 English edition of Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, James J. Martin reviews the debate about Stirner’s supposed influence on Nietzsche. He finds that most Nietzsche scholars now hold that the similarities between Stirner and Nietzsche are chance similarities and that Nietzsche was never really aware of his predecessor or of Der Einzige und sein Eigentum. See Stirner, Ego, xvi. 80. [Brand], ‘Blatt’, 1. Notes 179

81. Edward Carpenter, ‘Social Progress and Individual Effort’ in England’s Ideal, 4th edn (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1902), 55–74. 82. Carpenter, ‘Social Progress and Individual Effort’, 67. 83. Carpenter, ‘Social Progress and Individual Effort’, 72. 84. Carpenter, ‘Social Progress and Individual Effort’, 73, emphasis in original. 85. Chushichi Tsuzuki, Edward Carpenter 1844–1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 43. 86. Benedict Friedlaender, Renaissance des Eros Uranios. Die physiologische Freundschaft, ein normaler Grundtrieb des Menschen (Berlin: Verlag Renaissance, 1904), 69. Friedlaender, typically, explains the practice in terms of Greek love, with the rubric ‘working class’ functioning as shorthand for ‘young and beautiful’ and the attraction to it on the part of the middle- or upper-class (read: older) man understood to be a natural phenomenon. 87. Caspar, Novellen, 35–8. 88. Cajus was most likely a pseudonym for Reichsfreiherr van Malzen. See Klaus Pacharzina and Karin Albrecht-Désirat, ‘Die Last der Ärzte: Homosexualität als klinisches Bild von den Anfängen bis heute’ in Der unterdrückte Sexus, ed. Joachim S. Hohmann (Lollar: Andreas Achenbach, 1977), 106. 89. Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 67–71. 90. Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia Sexualis, trans. Charles G. Chaddock (London: F.A. Davis Co., 1893), 294–8. 91. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia Sexualis, 257. 92. Ellmann, Wilde, 266. 93. Isabel V. Hull, The Entourage of Kaiser Wilhelm II, 1888–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 170. 94. James Steakley, ‘Iconography of a Scandal: Political Cartoons and the Eulenberg Affair in Wilhelmin Germany’ in Hidden From History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past, ed. Martin Duberman, Martha Vicinus, and George Chauncey Jr. (New York: Meridian, 1989), 233–63. 95. There is, of course, a whole body of literature that posits homosexuality’s rootedness in the upper classes throughout this period: socialist ideology often characterized contrary sexual feeling as a vice peculiar to the leisured—that is, non-working—classes. See Hekma, Oosterhuis, and Steakley, ‘Leftist Sexual Politics’, 7, 25–30; Fähnders, ‘Anarchism’, 119, 137–8. Competing discourses do not cancel each other out, however. The member of the bourgeoisie or the aristocracy who has been accused (even metaphorically) of compromising his class membership will rarely find solace in a discourse that reassures him of his membership in that class but insults him and curses his class in the process. Edward Carpenter, an upper-middle-class invert who fully embraced working-class life, is the exception, not the rule. 96. Nietzsche, Werke, 5: 232–3. 97. Langbehn followed up his Rembrandt book with an unsuccessful collection of poetry, Vierzig Lieder (Dresden: Glöß, 1891). The volume was censored due to its graphic content. According to Fritz Stern, ‘only a few of the poems were erotic, but these were coldly explicit about the pleasures of sexual gratification. Almost all express a desperate craving for friends, for love, erotic or Platonic’. According to Stern, Langbehn’s male friends ‘had to be exclu- sive lovers and dumb disciples’. We also have it from the lifelong disciple 180 Notes

with whom he lived, Benedikt Momme Nissen, that Langbehn resigned in anger from what had been his student fraternity when ‘his “free manner with the [male] students was [ ... ] misconstrued” ’. See Stern, ‘Germanic Irrationalism’, 106, 110, 111. 98. Langbehn, Rembrandt, 2. 99. Langbehn, Rembrandt, 3–4. 100. Langbehn, Rembrandt, 39–40. 101. Langbehn, Rembrandt, 8. 102. Stirner, Ego, 179, emphasis in original; Stirner, Einzige, 210. 103. Although Ulrichs argues that all humans share the same physical features, and that it is merely the extent to which these features are developed that makes one a man or a woman—a theory not unlike Sigmund Freud’s idea of bisexuality. Ulrichs’s position hearkens back to what Thomas Laqueur has termed the one-sex model of human biology which, according to Laqueur, was superseded in the late eighteenth century by a two-sex model of human biology. Ulrichs’s comments do not disprove Laqueur’s thesis, however, as Laqueur specifies that he is talking about the ‘dominant discourse’ of sexuality; Ulrichs’s writings were not exactly part of a dominant discourse during the 1860s. See Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender From the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 5, 10. 104. This topos endures despite the fact that as early as 1869 an anonymous author (presumed to be Alois Geigel) can take someone like Ulrichs to task for making what he characterizes as an unscientific argument that there is a split between the human body and the human mind. Geigel attacks Ulrichs for building his argument ‘on the very small fact that there is a dualism between the body and the soul’. With such a foundation, Ulrichs’s arguments must crumble, argues Geigel, as ‘science has long since given up [ ... ] thinking of the soul and the body as separate and fundamentally different’. See [Alois Geigel?], Das Paradoxon der Venus Urania (Wurzburg: Stuber, 1869), 13–14. 105. Paul Derks characterizes Sodomie and Sodomiterei as the main legal terms for sodomy used in Germany from the late middle ages onwards, although occasionally he also finds these terms in non-juridical reference works. These words are occasionally replaced by ‘unchastity against nature’ or ‘vice’ in German legal documents. Derks also finds that a variety of terms for erotic encounters between men are used by sixteenth-, seventeenth- and eighteenth-century laymen, including florenzen (‘to florence’) ‘Greek love’, ‘pederasty’, ‘Platonic love’, or ‘Socratic love’; and that ‘warm brothers’ is already slang for ‘sodomites’ by the late eighteenth century. See Derks, Schande, 24, 25, 87, 88, 90, 142. 106. Friedrich W. B. Ramdohr, Venus Urania: Über die Natur der Liebe, über ihre Veredelung und Verschönerung (Leipzig: Göschen, 1798). 107. Ramdohr, Venus Urania, 379. 108. Quoted in Hössli, 78–9. 109. Quoted in Hössli, 79–80. 110. This awkward phrase serves as the subtitle for the study, and is repeated almost verbatim at regular intervals in the text. Quoted in Hössli, 2, 3, 4, 10, 12, 36, 39, 121. 111. Quoted in Hössli, 3, emphasis in original. 112. Quoted in Hössli, 3–4. Notes 181

113. Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 62. 114. Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 62–3. 115. Caspar and Liman, for instance, scoff at attempts by doctors to identify pederasts by means of their genitalia. Caspar, Handbuch, 177. 116. Caspar, ‘Nothzucht’, 62, 65, 76. 117. Caspar, Handbuch, 169; Caspar, Novellen, 35. 118. Caspar, Handbuch, 168. 119. Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, The Riddle of Man-Manly Love, trans. Michael A. Lombardi-Nash (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1994); Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Forschungen über das Rätsel der mannmännlichen Liebe (1898; rpt Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1994). 120. Ulrichs, Vindex, vii. 121. Ulrichs, like Hössli, uses the word ‘soul’ as a gloss for internal emotions and drives. In his third pamphlet, Vindicta, Ulrichs praises a letter in which one of his readers summarizes his (Ulrichs’s) argument as follows: ‘the sexual life of the soul [ ... ] is not tied to the sex of the body’. See Numa Numantius [Karl Heinrich Ulrichs], Vindicta: Kampf für Freiheit von Verfolgung (Leipzig: Heinrich Matthes, 1865), 14. 122. Ulrichs, Vindex, 4, emphasis in original. 123. Ulrichs, Vindex, 5. 124. Ulrichs, Vindex, 5. 125. Carl Westphal, ‘Die conträre Sexualempfindung: Symptom eines neuropathischen (psychopathischen) Zustandes’ in Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten, ed. Carl Westphal and L. Meyer (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1869), 2: 73–108. 126. Westphal, ‘Die conträre Sexualempfindung’, 107. 127. Westphal, ‘Die conträre Sexualempfindung’, 92. Interestingly, Westphal notes here the obscurity of Ulrichs, even among German doctors, reminding us that we should not overstate the impact Ulrichs had on his contemporaries during the 1860s. 128. Westphal demands authenticity from his patients, admiring the impulse that drives subject 1 to express her ‘inner truth’, while criticizing subject 2 for not being honest about his sexual contact with other men. In a sense, Westphal is therefore envisioning an ‘authentic’ invert whose inner drives are matched by an outer habitus—although his biological sex remains inconsistent with both drives and habitus. Westphal, ‘Die conträre Sexualempfindung’, 91. 129. Westphal, ‘Die conträre Sexualempfindung’, 73. He also characterizes this as a symptom of a neuropathic condition, yet he never elaborates on what he means by this. Ultimately the ‘symptom’ becomes the disease in Westphal’s model. 130. Tarnowsky, Erscheinungen, 37. 131. His theory, for instance, that sexuality is so complex as to be misrepre- sented when divided neatly into clear typologies seems to go unnoticed in the literature, as does his conclusion that relying solely on cases that have either come to the attention of the criminal-justice system or have been treated by doctors in insane asylums skews our perception of the (often fully socialized) Urning. Tarnowsky, Erscheinungen, 5, 9. 132. Krafft-Ebing, ‘Fall’, 84. 182 Notes

133. However, these changes are never so extreme as to cause the biological sex of the patient to become ambiguous (222). On a similar note, Krafft-Ebing dismisses arguments that attribute contrary sexual feeling to the actual organs of the opposite sex being present in the patient—a female brain being present in an otherwise male body, for instance (227). 134. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia (1893), 305, 309. 135. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia, 185. 136. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia, 197. 137. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia, 225. 138. Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia, 187. 139. He calls those who suffer from contrary sexual feeling ‘man-loving men’ and ‘woman-loving women’ in his 1883 essay. Krafft-Ebing, ‘Fall’, 84. 140. Krafft-Ebing, ‘Fall’, 84. 141. Schrenck-Notzing, Suggestions-Therapie, xii, xiv, 121, 195. 142. Schrenck-Notzing, Suggestions-Therapie, x. 143. Schrenck-Notzing, Suggestions-Therapie, x, 195. 144. Elisar von Kupffer, ‘The Ethical-Political Significance of Lieblingminne’, trans. Hubert Kennedy, in Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 39, 35. The original essay can be found in Kupffer, Lieblingminne, 1–18. 145. Kupffer, ‘Significance’, 36–7. 146. Kupffer, ‘Significance’, 45. 147. Kupffer, ‘Significance’, 35. 148. Kupffer, ‘Significance’, 35. 149. Kupffer, ‘Significance’, 45. 150. Edwin Bab, ‘The Women’s Movement and Male Culture’, trans. Hubert Kennedy, in Oosterhuis, Homosexuality, 406. The item originally appeared as Edwin Bab, ‘Frauenbewegung und männliche Kultur’, Der Eigene (1903): 393–407. 151. Bab, ‘Movement’, 404, 142. 152. Kupffer, Lieblingminne, 2. 153. Benedict Friedlaender, ‘Männliche und weibliche Kultur’ in Die Liebe Platons im Lichte der modernen Biologie (Treptow-Berlin: Bernhard Zack, 1909), 173–95. 154. Benedict Friedlaender, ‘Vorwort zu Arthur Schopenhauer’s “Über die Weiber” ’ in Die Liebe Platons im Lichte der modernen Biologie (Treptow-Berlin: Bernhard Zack, 1909), 269–74. 155. Friedlaender, ‘Männliche’, 185–6. 156. John Addington Symonds, Walt Whitman: A Study (London: John C. Nimmo, 1893), 76. 157. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 72. 158. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 82, 83. 159. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 2. 160. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 2. 161. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 39–40. 162. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 54. 163. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 10–11. 164. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 12. 165. Symonds, Walt Whitman, 35. Notes 183

166. Edward Carpenter, Days With Walt Whitman (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1921), 35. 167. Edward Carpenter, Homogenic Love, and Its Place in a Free Society (Manchester: Manchester Labour Society, 1894). That this work appeared in a German translation the very next year is yet another indicator of the close ties between German and British homosexual advocates during the 1890s. See Edward Carpenter, Die homogene Liebe und deren Bedeutung in der freien Gesellschaft (Leipzig: Max Spohr, 1895). 168. Quoted in White, Sourcebook, 130. In his later essay on ‘The Homogenic Attachment’, Carpenter would return to this formulation, varying it only slightly: ‘his love appears [ ... ] a necessary part of his individuality’. See Edward Carpenter, The Intermediate Sex: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women (New York and London: Mitchell Kennerley, 1912), 52. 169. Carpenter, Intermediate, 10, 26. 170. Quoted in White, Sourcebook, 127. 171. Carpenter, Intermediate, 6, 20. 172. Edward Carpenter, ‘The Sex Passion’ in Love’s Coming-of-Age: A Series of Papers on The Relations of the Sexes, 5th edn (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1906), 24. 173. Edward Carpenter, The Art of Creation: Essays on the Self and Its Powers (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1904). 174. Carpenter, Days, 189. 175. Carpenter, Days, 85. 176. Carpenter, Days, 89–90. 177. Carpenter, Days, 89. 178. Carpenter, Days, 88. 179. Stirner, Ego, 361; Stirner, Einzige, 423. 180. Mackay, Stirner, 9. 181. Mackay, Stirner, 157. That the object of Mackay’s feelings was male cannot be doubted when we look at poems published under the pseudonym ‘Sagitta’ in Der Eigene: in one, for instance, he celebrates the body of a wandering stranger—a man—with whom he spends the night and laments the fact that he may never again enjoy the sight of the stranger’s beautiful, naked limbs. See Sagitta [John Henry Mackay], ‘Der Fremde’ in Der Eigene: Ein Blatt für männliche Kultur. Ein Querschnitt durch die erste Homosexuellenzeitschrift der Welt, ed. Joachim S. Hohmann (Frankfurt am Main and Berlin: Foerster, 1981), 27–8.

3 Poison, Passion, and Personality: Oscar Wilde’s Renaissance Self-Fashioning

1. Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, ed. Donald L. Lawler (New York and London: Norton, 1988), 254. With very minor changes, this passage appears in both the 1890 and 1891 versions of Wilde’s novel. Compare Wilde, Dorian, 113. Citations from Dorian Gray throughout this chapter are taken from the 1890 text. 2. When Wilde visited these and other sites in Greece in 1877, the beauty of Argos seems to have struck him particularly. See Oscar Wilde, Miscellanies, 184 Notes

ed. Robert Ross (London: Methuen and Company, 1908), 10. That the survey was filled out some time after he returned from these travels is evident from the fact that he submits ‘Guido’s St Sebastian’—an artwork with which he became fascinated on that trip—as an example of his favorite ‘Style of beauty’. See Ellmann, Wilde, 68; Holland, Album, 44. 3. Holland, Album, 44–5. 4. Ellmann, Wilde, 261; Jonathan Fryer, Robbie Ross: Oscar Wilde’s Devoted Friend (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2000), 19, 25. 5. Richard Ellmann uses textual evidence from The Picture of Dorian Gray to argue that Wilde himself considered 1886 a watershed year. See Ellmann, Wilde, 260. 6. Joseph Bristow draws our attention to a letter written in 1897 in which Wilde expresses amazement at finding himself ‘tabulated’ by German scientists for whom he is simply ‘a pathological problem’. Quoted in Joseph Bristow, ‘ “A Complex Multiform Creature”—Wilde’s Sexual Identities’ in The Cambridge Companion to Oscar Wilde, ed. Peter Raby (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 199. 7. For a discussion of the appeal of Hellenism for Victorian homosexuals, see Chapter 1. 8. See Ellmann, Wilde, 29; Barbara Belford, Oscar Wilde: A Certain Genius (New York: Random House, 2000), 43. For a discussion of Wilde’s contributions to Mahaffy’s original volume and of Wilde’s ‘devastating’ review of a later (expurgated) edition of Mahaffy’s study, see Lawrence Danson, ‘Oscar Wilde, W. H., and the Unspoken Name of Love’, ELH 58:4 (1991): 990–2. 9. For the poems, see Oscar Wilde, The Complete Works of Oscar Wilde, introduced by Merlin Holland (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), 796–813; for the letters, see Oscar Wilde, The Complete Letters of Oscar Wilde, ed. Merlin Holland and Rupert Hart-Davis (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2000), 544, 559; for the full text of the Old Bailey speech, see Ellmann, Wilde, 435. See also the start of Chapter 1 of the present study for a discussion of that speech. 10. Indeed it is clear from Wilde’s ‘Notebook Kept at Oxford’ that he dedicated much of his time in the 1870s to studying the philosophy of history and the practice of historiography. See Oscar Wilde, Oscar Wilde’s Oxford Notebooks. A Portrait of a Mind in the Making, ed. with a commentary by Philip E. Smith II and Michael S. Helfand (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 152–7. 11. Wilde, Miscellanies, 269–70. 12. Wilde, Miscellanies, 270. 13. Wilde, Miscellanies, 270. 14. We must infer from Wilde’s language in his 1886 review that he had read the earlier volumes of Symonds’s study years before he read the two last volumes, around which the review is centered. See Oscar Wilde, ‘Mr. Symonds’s History of the Renaissance’ in A Critic in Pall Mall (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1919), 55–60. There is also evidence in Wilde’s Oxford notebooks that he encountered the early volumes of the study while he was an undergraduate. The editors of the Oxford Notebooks suggest that Wilde’s notes about Nicholas of Pisa may be traced back to Symonds’s volume on ‘The Fine Arts’; meanwhile Wilde’s thoughts on Renaissance tyrannicide quite possibly derive from a discussion in Symonds’s ‘The Age of the Notes 185

Despots’. See Wilde, Notebooks, 115, 130, 180; compare Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 97. 15. Ellmann, Wilde, 48. 16. William Butler Yeats, The Autobiography of William Butler Yeats (New York: Macmillan, 1953), 80; Oscar Wilde, ‘Mr. Pater’s Appreciations’ in Wilde, Pall Mall, 253; Wilde, Letters, 735. 17. Wilde, ‘Pater’s Appreciations’, 252. 18. It was in consequence of Wilde’s having sent him a copy of this review that Pater first wrote to the Irishman asking to make his acquaintance ; shortly thereafter they met at Oxford. See Wilde, Letters, 59. 19. Wilde, Miscellanies, 6–7. 20. Pater, Renaissance, 38. 21. Ruskin, Works, 12: 353, 22: 86, 94–7. 22. Pater, Renaissance, xxxii, 3, 27, 80. 23. Wilde, Notebooks, 143–4. 24. Ellmann, Wilde, 51. 25. A fourth characteristic Wilde mentions only in passing: the cosmopolitanism of Renaissance Italy. Having noted that ‘the rise of the philosophy of the history of Greece’ was accompanied by a ‘feeling of cosmopolitanism’, Wilde notes that ‘the same thing occured [sic] in Germany at the time of the German Illumination [...] and was a strong feature of the Italian Renaissance’. Wilde, Notebooks, 167. 26. Wilde, Notebooks, 115. 27. Wilde, Notebooks, 144, 170. 28. Wilde, Notebooks, 123–4. 29. Wilde, Notebooks, 124. 30. Wilde, Notebooks, 158. 31. Wilde, Notebooks, 124, 130. 32. Wilde, Notebooks, 124. 33. Based on the 1896 scenario, ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’ has been described as medieval (Belford, Wilde, 232) and as Jacobean (Ellmann, Wilde, 386); but an examination of actual drafts of the dialog places the work more squarely between these two eras and confirms its setting as the mid- to late-sixteenth century. The Hundred Years’ War (ca. 1337–1453) is over, but still has an immediacy in the imagery of the Cardinal: he laments the evils that have come ‘from England into France since the sun set on bloody Agincourt’ and he wishes that one could banish disturbing dreams ‘by the natural use of spear and shaft [...] as we drove the Englishmen from Calais’—events which occurred in the early fifteenth and mid sixteenth centuries respectively. References are made to other historical phenomena that are firmly associated with the Renaissance: when looking for an image that will convey the height of a cliff from which he dreamed that he jumped, the Cardinal settles on a structure ‘which overtops the Arno, hung in the air by Brunelleschi’, a clear reference to the (fifteenth-century) Duomo at Florence; and when describing a cruel storm at sea in that same dream, he compares it to the (early sixteenth-century) experiences of Hernando Cortez and his Conquistadors. Finally the Borgias, whose influence was felt throughout the closing decades of the fifteenth century and the opening decades of the sixteenth century, are proffered twice as examples 186 Notes

of the evils which surround the Papal throne. See Oscar Wilde, ‘Vera or The Nihilists’. Ms. Wilde W 6721M2 V473 [1880]. William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California, Los Angeles, 1r, 4v, 6r, 7r, 10r. 34. Little has ever been written about ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’, as scholars have generally been aware only of the scenario Wilde wrote for it around 1896. In their publication of another scenario for the play that dates to the early 1880s, however, Joseph Donohue and Justine Murison provide the first sustained—if short—discussion of the work, summarizing what is known of its inception, partial execution, and reception. Donohue and Murison argue convincingly that Wilde worked on the play in the early 1880s—a fact borne out by the as yet unexplored resonances between the ‘Vera’ manuscript and sections of Wilde’s 1883 play The Duchess of Padua, and—even more signif- icant—his 1881 work, Poems. On the scenario, see Stuart Mason [Christopher Millard], Oscar Wilde: A Bibliography, introduced by Timothy d’Arch Smith (London: Bertram Rota, 1967), 583–5; and Ian Small, Oscar Wilde Revalued: An Essay on New Materials and Methods of Research (Greensboro, NC: ELT Press, 1993), 120–3. On the fragment itself, see Joseph Donohue and Justine Murison, ‘The Princeton Scenario of Oscar Wilde’s The Cardinal of Avignon’, Princeton University Library Chronicle 62:1 (2000): 108–21. On Wilde’s poach- ing of the ‘Cardinal’ fragment for his poems, see Yvonne Ivory, ‘Oscar Wilde’s “The Cardinal of Avignon” and the Oxford Definitive Edition of His Poetry: Correspondences and Discrepancies’, Notes and Queries 53:3 (2006): 338–41. 35. Here I am citing an unpublished draft of ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’ that is held by the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library at UCLA. The 32-leaf draft is at the back of the notebook in which Wilde wrote his first play, Vera. It is thus filed under that title and referred to by me throughout the current piece as ‘Vera’. In addition to the early 1880s scenario published by Donohue and Murison, Princeton University holds a 61-leaf notebook containing a fair copy of some sections of the Clark manuscript. For the present purposes, however, I am quoting from the more extensive Clark manuscript. This discussion will soon be moot: in the upcoming edition of Wilde’s early plays that Joseph Donohue is preparing for Oxford University Press, ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’ will finally make its debut. See Small, Revalued, 107, 117, 153; Frances Miriam Reed (ed.), Oscar Wilde’s Vera, or, The Nihilist (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989), xliv; Rodney Shewan, Oscar Wilde: Art and Egotism (London: Macmillan, 1977), 214. 36. The 1896 scenario of ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’ does not name the protagonists. But within the (untitled) Vera-notebook draft, Astone’s name is associated (albeit in a stricken passage) with a surname once, and it is, indeed, Manfredi. See Wilde, ‘Vera’, 27r. 37. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 11r–14r, 20v–23r. 38. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 15r, 16r. 39. Ellmann, Wilde, 205. 40. Wilde, Miscellanies, 288. 41. Wilde, Miscellanies, 281. 42. Wilde, Miscellanies, 243. 43. Wilde, Works, 606. 44. Wilde, Works, 619. Notes 187

45. Wilde, Works, 652. 46. Wilde, Works, 607. 47. Wilde, Works, 611–12. 48. Wilde, Works, 627–9, 670; Wilde, ‘Vera’, 13r. 49. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 9r. 50. Wilde, Works, 629. 51. Fraser, Victorians, 225. 52. This image, which refers to an episode in Part II of Goethe’s Faust, is meant to convey the idea that late medieval humanism, when coupled with the rediscovery of antiquity, produced the blossoming of culture we think of as the Renaissance. 53. Wilde, Works, 616–18. 54. Wilde, Works, 635. 55. Wilde, Works, 615. 56. Wilde, Miscellanies, 244. This replicates a theory put forward by Burckhardt in Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien that the proper Renaissance wife was practically expected to commit adultery. 57. Wilde, Works, 626. 58. Wilde, Works, 640. 59. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 15r. 60. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 6r. 61. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 2r, 3r. 62. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 2r, 3r, 4r. 63. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 6r. 64. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 15r. 65. Wilde, ‘Vera’, 6r, 10r. 66. Wilde, Miscellanies, 258–9. 67. Wilde, Works, 619–23. 68. Wilde, Works, 613. 69. Wilde, Works, 641. 70. Wilde, Works, 680. 71. Wilde, Notebooks, 121. 72. Wilde, Miscellanies, 251. 73. Wilde, Miscellanies, 251. 74. Wilde, Miscellanies, 244, 251. 75. Wilde, ‘Mr. Symonds’s,’ 56. 76. Oscar Wilde, ‘Some Literary Notes IV’ in Reviews, ed. Robert Ross (London: Methuen and Company, 1908), 470. 77. Wilde, ‘Some Literary Notes IV’, 471. 78. Wilde, Works, 1140–1. 79. Wilde, Works, 1178. 80. Wilde, Works, 1178, emphasis in original. 81. Wilde, Works, 1175, 1177–8. 82. Wilde, Dorian, 185–6. 83. Wilde, Dorian, 64, 185. 84. Wilde, Works, 1179. 85. Wilde, Works, 1179. 86. Wilde, Works, 1105. 87. Wilde, Works, 1106. 188 Notes

88. Wilde, Works, 1106. This is essentially the premise of Wilde’s last Renaissance-themed work, the fragment ‘A Florentine Tragedy’, which he worked on through the 1890s. In the surviving scene, a Florentine Prince (also named Guido) tries to seduce the wife of a merchant. The merchant kills the Prince before the affair can go beyond mutual flirting. His wife witnesses the murder, and finds her husband transformed by it. The curtain closes on their embrace, his passion renewed by the beauty her brush with adultery has lent her; her love reinvigorated by the new strength his crime has brought him. Wilde, Works, 733. 89. Wilde, Works, 1106. 90. Wilde, Works, 1096. Majolica is a type of Spanish painted and glazed earthenware that was popular (some would say raised to the level of a fine art) in sixteenth-century Florence and which underwent an enormous revival during the latter half of the nineteenth century. 91. Wilde, Works, 1104. 92. Wilde, Works, 1095–8. 93. Wilde, Works, 1106. 94. Wilde, Works, 1107. In The Picture of Dorian Gray, Dorian becomes obsessed with a novel which contains just such a charming study of the great criminals of the Renaissance. ‘Vice and Blood and Weariness’ is the order of the day here, with poisoning, murder, fratricide, and debauchery each making a dramatic appearance in the fictional novel (Dorian Gray 254–5). Through his contact with this novel Dorian comes to a new understanding of the relationship between beauty and evil: ‘there were moments when he looked on evil simply as a mode through which he could realize his conception of the beautiful’ (255). 95. Reflecting on the fact that Thomas Griffiths Wainewright often used pseudonyms, ‘grotesque masks under which he choose to hide his seriousness or to reveal his levity’, Wilde finds that the murderer was doing more than protecting his anonymity, he was ‘[intensifying] his personality’. Gilbert, in ‘The Critic as Artist’, would agree: ‘What people call insincerity is simply a method by which we can multiply our personalities’. The very same sentiment is echoed by Dorian Gray: ‘Is insincerity such a ter- rible thing? I think not. It is merely a method by which we can multiply our personalities’. See Wilde, Works, 1094–5, 1145; and Wilde, Dorian, 252. 96. Wilde, Dorian, 244, emphasis added. 97. Wilde, Works, 1181. 98. Wilde, Works, 1181. 99. Oscar Wilde, ‘The Gospel According to Walt Whitman’ in Pall Mall, Wilde, 197, 198. 100. Wilde, ‘The Gospel According to Walt Whitman’, 199. 101. Wilde, ‘The Gospel According to Walt Whitman’, 198. 102. Wilde, ‘The Gospel According to Walt Whitman’, 202. 103. Wilde, ‘The Gospel According to Walt Whitman’, 200. 104. Wilde, Works, 1181. 105. Wilde, Works, 1108. 106. Wilde, Dorian, 236. 107. Alan P. Johnson has argued that Wilde’s appreciation of the Renaissance constituted ‘the extreme of admiration for satanic egoism’ and that Notes 189

Wilde’s Renaissance reception was nothing more than an ‘ethic of [...] self-satisfaction’. To argue thus is to misunderstand the utopian nature of Wilde’s theory of personality and to ignore completely the implications for a criminal of the rehabilitation of criminal acts. See Alan P. Johnson, ‘The Italian Renaissance and Some Late Victorians’, The Victorian Newsletter 36 (1969): 23–6. 108. Wilde, ‘Gospel’, 198. 109. Wilde, ‘Gospel’, 203. 110. Wilde, Works, 1184. 111. Wilde, Works, 1119. 112. Wilde, Works, 1193. 113. Wilde, Works, 1102. 114. Wilde, Works, 1196. 115. Wilde, Works, 1192. 116. Wilde, Works, 1197. 117. The short story first appeared in 1889, but may have been a project of Wilde’s from as early as 1887. See Ellmann, Wilde, 279. Wilde added to the story after its publication and it is from that revised version that I am citing here. 118. ‘The Portrait of Mr. W. H.’ has not received as much critical attention as other short works by Wilde, but it has not been neglected, either. Scholars have tended to focus on the nature of forgery itself (Ellmann, Wilde, 279–82; Linda C. Dowling, ‘Imposture and Absence in Wilde’s “Portrait of Mr. W. H.” ’ The Victorian Newsletter 58 [1980]: 26–9; Gerhard Joseph, ‘Framing Wilde’ The Victorian Newsletter 72 [1987]: 61–3); on the narrative techniques and framing devices in the text (Ellmann, Joseph), or on the function of criticism and interpretation as elucidated in the story (Bruce Bashford, ‘Hermeneutics in Oscar Wilde’s “The Portrait of Mr. W. H.” ’ Papers on Language and Literature 24.4 [1988]: 412–22; William E. Buckler, ‘The Agnostic’s Apology: A New Reading of Oscar Wilde’s “The Portrait of Mr. W. H.” ’ The Victorian Newsletter 76 [1989]: 17–23; Regenia Gagnier, Idylls of the Marketplace: Oscar Wilde and the Victorian Public [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986], 39–46.) Almost all commentators note that love between men is a central theme of the work, although only Danson and Bristow have thought through the implications of this fact. See Danson, ‘Unspoken’ and Bristow, ‘Complex’. For a broad discussion of critical responses to ‘The Portrait of Mr. W. H.’, see Horst Schroeder, Oscar Wilde, The Portrait of Mr. W.H.: Its Composition, Publication, and Reception (Braunschweig: Technische Universität Carolo-Wilhelmina, 1984). 119. Wilde, Works, 314. 120. Wilde, Works, 314. 121. Wilde, Works, 343. 122. Wilde, Works, 343. 123. Wilde, Works, 343. 124. Wilde, Works, 324. 125. Wilde, Works, 324–7. 126. Wilde, Works, 326–7. 127. Wilde, Works, 321. 128. Wilde, Works, 302. 129. Wilde, Works, 302–3. 190 Notes

130. Wilde, Works, 305. 131. Wilde, Works, 325. 132. Wilde, Works, 324. 133. Several critics have attempted to interpret the trope of the portrait as it appears in ‘The Portrait of Mr. W. H.’ Gerhard Joseph, while using Wilde’s own words from the preface to The Picture of Dorian Gray to warn us against explicating the ‘symbolic meaning’ of the portrait, nonetheless ventures a reading of the portrait’s ‘intentionality’: it is an element that simultaneously puts framing and forgery at the center of the work. See Joseph, ‘Framing’, 61. Linda Dowling argues that the forged portrait is ‘the presiding symbol for secrets’ in the story, and that it renders visible the notion at the heart of ‘The Portrait of Mr. W. H.’ that ‘absence is presence’. She goes on to claim that if there is anything filling the absence— the ‘imaginative space’—at the core of the story, it is the ‘apologia for pas- sionate friendship’ presented by the narrator. Thus Dowling sees the portrait as an indirect representation of same-sex desire. See Dowling, ‘Imposture’, 27–8. 134. Wilde, Works, 325. As Dennis Denisoff puts it, ‘[w]hen it comes to issues of sexuality, the visual artifacts that are most invested are those depicting humans, the predominant site of our desires. Portraiture has proven an especially illuminating genre in this regard because it is distinguished from others by its central aim of rendering a familiar image of the human figure, an intent that enhances the emotional interaction between object and viewer’. Denisoff, Sexual Visuality, 1. 135. The narrator is so convinced by the phantom Hughes that he practically falls in love with the figure: ‘Willie Hughes became to me a kind of spiritual presence, an ever-dominant personality. I could almost fancy that I saw him standing in the shadow of my room, so well had Shakespeare drawn him, with his golden hair, his tender flower-like grace, his dreamy deep- sunken eyes, his delicate mobile limbs, and his white lily hands. His very name fascinated me. Willie Hughes! Willie Hughes! How musically it sounded!’ Wilde, Works, 319. 136. Wilde, Works, 343. 137. Wilde, Works, 303 138. Wilde, Works, 310. 139. Pater, Appreciations, 34. 140. Pater, Appreciations, 34. 141. Pater, Appreciations, 34. 142. Pater, Appreciations, 10. 143. Wilde, ‘Pater’s Appreciations’, 255. 144. Wilde, Dorian, 180. 145. Wilde, Works, 1097, emphasis added. 146. Wilde, Works, 1101. 147. Wilde, Works, 1095. 148. Wilde, Dorian, 277. 149. Mary Warner Blanchard, Oscar Wilde’s America: Counterculture in the Gilded Age (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 18. 150. Ellmann, Wilde, 177n. 151. Yeats, Autobiography, 79–80. Notes 191

4 The Erotics of Fame; or, How Thomas Mann Conquered the Renaissance

1. Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1953–1955, ed. Inge Jens (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1995), 188. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. 2. Thomas Mann, Notizbücher, ed. Hans Wysling and Yvonne Schmidlin, 2 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1991–92), 2: 46. The second line of this piece is destined to be repeated twice in Mann’s contemporaneous short stories: in Tonio Kröger when Tonio realizes that his love for the Hans Hansens and Inge Holms of this world has not been diminished by a life devoted to the mind and by the narrator of ‘Die Hungernden’ (‘The Hungry’), who berates himself for leading a life filled with these qualities. Thomas Mann, Gesammelte Werke, 13 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1974), 8: 267, 336. 3. Thomas Mann, Diaries, 1918–1939, ed. Hermann Kesten, trans. Clara Winston and Richard Winston (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1982), 210. Compare Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1933–1934, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1977), 411. 4. While the editors of the catalogue of Thomas Mann’s letters suggest that the painter referred to in a letter of 1898 may be Ehrenberg, commentators generally agree that the two men first became acquainted late in 1899. See Hans Bürgin and Hans-Otto Mayer (eds), Die Briefe Thomas Manns. Regesten und Register, 5 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1976–87), 1: 21; Hans Wysling, ‘Zu Thomas Manns “Maja”-Projekt’ in Quellenkritische Studien zum Werk Thomas Manns, ed. Paul Scherrer and Hans Wysling (Bern: Francke, 1967), 27; Peter de Mendelssohn, Der Zauberer: Das Leben des deutschen Schriftstellers Thomas Mann, 2 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1975–92), 1: 376. Certainly Mann’s first definite mention of Ehrenberg occurs in a December 1899 letter to Hilde Distel, the woman with whom Ehrenberg was raised as a brother. See Thomas Mann, Briefe in drei Bänden, ed. Erika Mann, 3 vols (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1961–65), 1: 13. 5. Hans Wysling (ed.), Thomas Mann-Heinrich Mann Briefwechsel 1900–1949 (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1984), 21. 6. Mann, Diaries, 210. Mann, Tagebücher 1933–1934, 411–12. 7. Indeed, throughout his life Mann insisted that homosexual love was an expression of the attraction of Leben (‘life’) and Schönheit (‘beauty’) for Geist (‘the intellect’), of vitality and beauty for spirituality, which would suggest that any attempt to understand Mann’s sexuality in terms of ‘sameness’— ‘same-sex attraction’, ‘narcissism’, and even ‘homo’sexuality—is bound to miss the mark. Mann’s own private conception of sexuality points to the inadequacy of sexologists’ (and, indeed, our own) language in representing erotic attraction. See Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 25; Mann, Briefe, 1: 179; Mann, Werke, 12: 568–9; Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 21. 8. Thomas Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1975), 137–8. 9. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 138. 10. Some time after his Florence trip of May 1901, Mann listed Goethe’s translation of Cellini’s autobiography as essential reading for his Renaissance drama. He probably read the text during the early summer of 1901, filling 192 Notes

24 notebook pages with his thoughts on it. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 211, 219–31. 11. As early as January 1901 Thomas Mann wrote to Heinrich that he was planning to read Villari over the winter, yet his (extremely detailed) reading notes on the text directly follow his notes on Cellini’s autobiography, which we know he did not read before the summer of 1901. Almost all of Notebook 5 is taken up with notes on Villari’s Savonarola; they are interspersed with notes about diet restrictions which Hans Wysling suggests were recorded in the latter half of 1901. See Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 15; Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 231–40, 247–73; Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 245. 12. Mann read Burckhardt very carefully, filling the first 38 pages of his seventh notebook with names, themes, buildings, sayings, and ideas from the 1860 study. Two letters to Heinrich indicate that he purchased the two-volume, 1899 edition of the text late in 1900. Yet despite his enthusiasm for the purchase, he did not begin to read the text until the latter half of 1901, at some point after he had finished reading Cellini and Villari. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 212–13, 231–2; 2: 11–34, 11n; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 10, 12. 13. Heyck’s Die Mediceer was an important visual source for Mann’s Renaissance- themed works. Most likely he bought it in the summer of 1901; he certainly began reading it immediately after he had finished reading Burckhardt that year. Interestingly, only one note separates the last comment on Kultur der Renaissance from notes on the first page of Mediceer: a reminder to read Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 201, 205, 211; 2: 35–7, 50–2. 14. It is generally presumed that Mann read Giorgio Vasari’s Lives of the Artists in preparation for writing Fiorenza; Hanno-Walter Kruft, attribut- ing to Mann what is in fact Grautoff’s assessment of Vasari, goes so far as to claim that Mann found the text dreadfully boring; and Ilsedore B. Jonas even has it that Mann paid special attention to Vasari’s accounts of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Pico della Mirandola while visiting Florence in 1901. However, there is no evidence in letters, notebooks, or later reflec- tions that Mann ever actually read Vasari. While he undoubtedly intended to do so (he ordered the text), upon being informed by Grautoff that the particular edition he had ordered was going to cost a lot of money, Mann decided not to pick it up. Instead he would have to use the copy at the library, he informed his brother Heinrich, and at all costs he would have to avoid going to the bookstore where he had ordered the item. See Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, xxv, 18; Ronald Hayman, Thomas Mann: A Biography (London: Bloomsbury, 1996) 158, 197; Hans Wysling and Yvonne Schmidlin (eds), Bild und Text bei Thomas Mann: Eine Dokumentation (Bern and Munich: Francke Verlag, 1975), 5; Lothar Pikulik, ‘Thomas Mann und die Renaissance’ in Thomas Mann und die Tradition, ed. Peter Pütz (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1971), 106; Hanno-Walter Kruft, ‘Renaissance und Renaissancismus bei Thomas Mann’ in Renaissance und Renaissancismus von Jacob Burckhardt bis Thomas Mann, ed. August Buck (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1990), 91; Ilsedore B. Jonas, Thomas Mann and Italy, trans. Betty Crouse (Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1979), 31. Notes 193

15. For details on this novella and its fate, see Wysling, ‘Maja’. 16. Mann’s last lengthy letters to Ehrenberg are written during the summer of 1903, shortly before Mann first saw Katja Pringsheim. His work on Fiorenza ended just over a year later, only weeks before the actual wedding took place. On returning from his honeymoon in March 1905, Mann wrote to Kurt Martens that he never wanted to see the text again. See Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 89; Hans Bürgin and Hans-Otto Mayer (eds), Thomas Mann: Eine Chronik seines Lebens (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1965), 27; Thomas Mann, ‘Thomas Mann-Kurt Martens Briefwechsel I’, Thomas Mann Jahrbuch 3 (1990): 220. 17. In her treatment of Fiorenza, Elisabeth Galvan finds much veiled eroticism in the play. Savonarola’s desire for Fiore, she argues, is only the most obvious example of the play’s erotic subtext: Fiore herself is a figure defined by desire, Poliziano’s tendencies are clearly homoerotic, and even the play’s very form—associated with the love poems of August Graf von Platen— signals its erotic content. See Elisabeth Galvan, ‘Verborgene Erotik: Quellenkritische Überlegungen zu Thomas Manns Drama Fiorenza’, Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch 40 (1999): 237–54. 18. I use the word ‘erotic’ here following Mann’s own usage as a young man. In a 1903 letter to Heinrich, Thomas attacked his brother’s novel Die Jagd nach Liebe for containing too much Sexualismus (‘sexualism’), by which he means the graphic depiction of sex acts, including tribady and pederasty. He himself prefers to portray the erotic: ‘Sexualism is not eroticism. Eroticism is poetry, is that which speaks from the depths, is the unnamed element that gives everything its allure, its sweet thrill, and its secret. Sexualism is naked, unimaginative, it is that which is simply spelled out’. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 36–7. 19. I am not suggesting that Mann’s marriage was nothing more than a façade—it was, no doubt, the most important relationship of his life. If hard work was invoked in the ‘disciplined happiness’ formula of his marriage, so, too, was satisfaction. But it must be acknowledged that, initially at least, the affair was more contrived than spontaneous. In an essay on marriage in 1925, Mann goes so far as to admit publicly that this was the case—he made a decision to marry and learned to love his wife after they were wed. But the price of the idyll, of Mann’s new ‘constitution’, was high, as he confided to Heinrich in 1906: ‘I don’t tell anyone around here how bad and exhausted and used up and dead and finished I feel. Without a wife and child [and trappings] things would go better and I’d be more indifferent. I’m tormented by the thought that I was wrong to allow myself to be attached and tied down. I already suspected at the time that it was with the last of my energies that I won my external happiness.’ See Mann, Works, 2: 363, 10: 201; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 71, 77–8; Hans Wysling (ed.), Letters of Heinrich and Thomas Mann, 1900–1949, trans. Don Reneau, Richard Winston, and Clara Winston (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 83. 20. Heinrich Mann, Die Göttinnen, oder, Die drei Romane der Herzogin von Assy (Düsseldorf: Claassen, 1976). For more on the German inflection of European Renaissance revivalism at the turn of the century, see Uekermann, Renaissancismus. 194 Notes

21. Not that Heinrich or his novel Göttinnen are proponents or even defenders of the ‘hysterical’ Renaissance: as Gerhard Goebel-Schilling has pointed out, the phrase coined by a figure in Heinrich’s novel is used by Heinrich from the start as a derogatory label for a certain kind of Renaissance mimicry. Walther Rehm and others make the mistake of lending too much credence to Mann’s claim in Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen that his brother’s novel is a perfect example of the ‘hysterical Renaissance’. See Gerhard Goebel-Schilling, ‘Zur Kritik der “Hysterischen Renaissance” im Frühwerk Heinrich Manns’ in Buck, Renaissance und Renaissancismus, 79. For a useful guide to the concept of the ‘hysterical’ Renaissance, see Uekermann, Renaissancismus, 100–26. On Klaus Schröter’s polemic against Walther Rehm on this issue, see Egon Eilers, Perspektiven und Montage: Studien zu Thomas Manns Schauspiel Fiorenza (Marburg: Privately Printed, 1973), 64–6. 22. Rehm, for instance, reads as semi-autobiographical Tonio’s declaration on the subject of the fully lived life: ‘I love life [...] you are smiling, Lisaweta, and I know why. But I swear to you, don’t presume I’m just saying something literary! Don’t think of Cesare Borgia or of any drunken philosophy that raises him as its mascot! He is nothing to me, this Cesare Borgia, I don’t care about him for even a second and I will never understand how anyone can idealize the extraordinary or the demonic.’ (Mann, Werke, 8: 302.) The mention of Cesare Borgia and the ‘drunken philosophies’ that lionize him are indirect allusions to Nietzsche, for whom Cesare Borgia is celebrated as the quintessential Renaissance individualist (as discussed in Chapter 1 of the current study). It is generally argued that Mann rejected this aspect of Nietzsche’s vision of the Renaissance: Tonio’s outburst is reproduced in every treatment of Mann’s Renaissance reception along with the assump- tion that it fully represents Mann’s position. Apart from the fact that it is a dangerous proposition to directly equate the fictional character of Tonio Kröger with Mann himself, and that to pluck these words out of context is to do a disservice to the novella as a whole, it is important to note that Tonio Kröger is not rejecting Nietzsche wholesale here. Tonio’s criticism, rather, is of the idolatry of extraordinary individuals, the kind of idolatry practiced by Nietzschean disciples who profoundly misunderstood Nietzsche. In Nietzsche’s scheme of things, the true individualist, the truly vornehme (‘strong’) figure is strong precisely because he does not idolize others—or even concepts—in any way. Tonio Kröger’s words thus do not signal outright rejection of the Renaissance or of Renaissance individualism on Mann’s part. In fact, Mann uses Nietzschean models of asceticism and individualism to refine his characters and plotline in Fiorenza. Mann’s Lorenzo de’ Medici is the fruit of the same tree as Nietzsche’s Cesare Borgia. 23. Rehm, ‘Renaissancekult’, 296. 24. See Volkmar Hansen and Gert Heine (eds), Frage und Antwort. Interviews mit Thomas Mann 1909–1955 (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1983), 156; Kruft, ‘Renaissance’, 89; Eilers, Perspektiven, 64–6. 25. Only Lothar Pikulik has acknowledged that Mann’s apparent rejection of the Renaissance was something of a contrived move on Mann’s part—in Pikulik’s view, an element of Mann’s attempt to assert his Deutschtum Notes 195

(‘German character’) before and during World War One. Pikulik, ‘Thomas Mann’, 113. 26. George Mosse has written extensively on the notion of bourgeois respectability with which someone like Mann would have been surrounded during these years. For Mosse, respectability is ‘a term indicating decent and correct manners and morals as well as the proper attitude toward sexuality’, and it is closely tied to the institution of marriage. See Mosse, Nationalism, 1. 27. Bürgin, Chronik, 14; Hans Rudolf Vaget, ‘Thomas Mann und Oskar Panizza: Zwei Splitter zu Buddenbrooks und Doktor Faustus’, Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 25:2 (1975): 232. 28. Mann’s first short story, ‘Gefallen’, appeared in the October 1894 issue of Die Gesellschaft; a short poem was printed in the journal in January 1895. There is also evidence that Conrad was, at the time of Mann’s Panizza review, considering other examples of Mann’s work for possible publication. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 16, 24. 29. Mann, Werke, 13: 367. 30. Oskar Panizza, ‘Das Liebeskonzil. Eine Himmels-Tragödie in fünf Aufzügen’ in Neues aus dem Hexenkessel der Wahnsinns-Fanatiker, ed. Michael Bauer (Darmstadt and Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1986), 17–85. Parts of the play seem to have been inspired by Oscar Wilde’s Salomé, especially its dénouement. In a scene that evokes the death of Wilde’s Salomé, officers of the Church almost crush Salomé’s daughter in their rush to have sex with her. Furthermore, Salomé’s daughter is known only as ‘das Weib’—the noun used to describe Salomé in the closing words of the German translation of Wilde’s play. Not only their works display an uncanny intertextuality: Wilde’s first trial for gross indecency (which included counts of obscenity for portions of Dorian Gray) finished the day before Panizza’s trial on 30 April 1895. 31. Mann, Werke, 13: 367. 32. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 60. 33. Vaget, ‘Panizza’. 34. In his invaluable dissertation on Fiorenza, Egon Eilers concludes that Savonarola was the inspiration for the ‘King of Florence’ project. Eilers argues that two forces pointed Mann in the direction of the ascetic monk: the 400-year anniversary of Savonarola’s death, widely commemorated in Munich in 1898; and the analysis of asceticism in Friedrich Nietzsche’s Morgenröte, which Mann had purchased in 1896. While these two influences are undoubtedly central to the project, Mann’s earliest introduction to Savonarola (that we know of) was the pamphlet containing Panizza’s courtroom speech. See Eilers, Perspektiven, 11, 71, 72, 75. On Mann’s purchase of Morgenröte, see Herbert Lehnert, Thomas Mann: Fiktion, Mythos, Religion (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1965), 26. 35. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 211. 36. Oskar Panizza, ‘Bayreuth und die Homosexualität’, Die Gesellschaft 11 (1895): 88–92. Mann’s ‘See, child, I love you’ appeared on page 34 of that issue; Panizza’s essay ran from pages 88 to 92. Vaget presumes, too, that Mann must have read the Panizza article. Vaget, ‘Panizza’, 233. 37. In Panizza’s text, one of the Pope’s diversions involves watching naked men wrestle each other. In Heaven, meanwhile, erotic ties are hinted at between 196 Notes

God and his personal servant, a Cherubim who looks like Antinous, the lover of Hadrian. Finally not only men but also women are smitten by ‘Das Weib’, the avatar for syphilis created by the Devil. Even the Virgin Mary cannot resist kissing the archetypal woman. 38. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 228–9. The idea of Renaissance painters having sexual relations with their models is imported directly (sometimes following his notes word for word) into Fiorenza. Mann, Werke, 8: 989. 39. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 236. 40. Pasquale Villari, Geschichte Girolamo Savonarola’s und seiner Zeit, trans. Moritz Berduschek (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868), 33–4. 41. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 254. 42. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 254–6. 43. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 262. 44. Mann, Werke, 8: 1027. 45. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 17, 23, 27, 31. 46. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 27, 33. 47. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 26. 48. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 26, 34. Same-sex desire also makes an appearance in the final version of Fiorenza: Giovanni de’ Medici claims no-one can sing the praises of a beautiful boy more sweetly than Poliziano, while Lorenzo is transfixed even in his dying hour by the beauty of a page’s legs. Mann, Werke, 8: 969, 1053. 49. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 198. 50. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 200–5, 207, 210–14. 51. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 216–18, 242; Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 11, 43, 51–2, 60. 52. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 41n. 53. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 45, emphasis in original. 54. Mann began reading Nietzsche in the mid-1890s and had read many of his main works by the turn of the century. Of those studies in which Nietzsche touches on the Renaissance, Mann read Jenseits von Gut und Böse in 1894 and purchased Der Antichrist in 1895. He had also certainly read Zur Genealogie der Moral by 1901, perhaps even encountering it as early as 1891. It is unlikely that he read Menschliches, Allzumenschliches until around 1914, when he was writing Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 33–5, 50, 150, 179, 250; 2: 222; and Eilers, Perspektiven, 42. For a detailed account of Mann’s engagement with the works of the philosopher, Peter Pütz, ‘Thomas Mann und Nietzsche’ in Thomas Mann und die Tradition, ed. Peter Pütz (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum Verlag, 1971), 225–49. 55. Nietzsche, Human, 113; Nietzsche, Werke, 2: 199. 56. Nietzsche, Works, 16: 228; Nietzsche, Werke, 6: 250. 57. Nietzsche, Werke, 6: 251. See Chapter 1 of the present study for more on Nietzsche’s Renaissance. 58. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 254. 59. Heyck, Mediceer, 39. 60. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 50, emphasis in original. 61. Heyck, Mediceer, 39. 62. Heyck, Mediceer, 39. 63. Mann, Werke, 8: 1064. Notes 197

64. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 50, emphasis added. 65. Mann, Werke, 8: 1064. 66. We can be reasonably sure of the dates here, as several notebook pages later Mann records spending the afternoon of 30 January 1902 reconciling with Paul Ehrenberg following a quarrel. 67. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 138. 68. Klaus Schröter (ed.), Thomas Mann im Urteil seiner Zeit (Hamburg: Christian Wegner, 1969), 19–20. 69. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 139, emphasis added. 70. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 139–40. 71. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 16. 72. An 1898 letter to Korfiz Holm offers a typical example of Mann’s concern about his own appearance. He apologizes to his friend for not having been to see him since returning from a long trip. His excuse: his tailor has not yet finished making him new clothes, so with ‘almost nothing on my body’ he can’t go out. ‘I might have been able to receive you at my house, albeit with a blush. But I don’t dare venture forth to other people’s houses. In any case: as soon as I can offer a slightly more bourgeois sight, I will take the liberty’. Mann, Briefe, 1: 8. 73. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 13, 16. The very tenor of Mann’s friendship with Grautoff reflects Mann’s concern with his own image: Grautoff’s less privileged background causes some tensions in their relationship in the late 1890s. Mann admits in one letter that he avoided all contact with Grautoff for a period in order to ingratiate himself with some aristocrats who dis- dained Grautoff. Mann had listened to his new friends—an ‘example of bad taste’ for which he now feels some guilt. The letter is itself a response to Grautoff’s conviction that their friendship must remain epistolary in nature in order to avoid the awkwardness of being seen together. (Mann ‘reassures’ Grautoff that they can meet in person as long as their meetings are discreet.) Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 37. 74. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 7, 17, 20, 39, 70. 75. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 31. 76. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 123. 77. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 138. 78. Mann, Briefe, 3: 426. 79. Mann, Briefe, 3: 443. 80. Mann, Werke, 11: 740; Karl Kerényi (ed.), Thomas Mann-Karl Kerényi Briefwechsel (Zurich: Rhein-Verlag, 1960), 198. 81. Pikulik, ‘Thomas Mann’, 101. 82. Pikulik, ‘Thomas Mann’, 102. 83. Pikulik, ‘Thomas Mann’, 122. 84. The first work for which Mann collected a large amount of visual material was Fiorenza; Wysling finds only one or two (if any) images each for works that predate the play. My contention that it was during the Ehrenberg period that Mann began to pay close attention to the visual arts is bolstered by Wysling’s findings. Wysling, Bild und Text, 30–43. 85. Kruft’s piece on Mann and the Renaissance does little more than summarize briefly Mann’s work on the period. He does, however, list (unfortunately, without much analysis) some of the visual cues Mann encountered while 198 Notes

working on Fiorenza—most notably the Renaissance-style home of the Pringsheims, which I discuss below. 86. On his first trip to Rome, he makes a note about visiting the Galleria Doria, where he likes an image of the Pope by Velasquez and a painting by Saraceni; and in an 1896 letter to Grautoff he writes of the deep enthusiasm he is once again experiencing for his favorite places in Rome. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 45; Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 79. 87. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 31. 88. Mann’s Galleria Doria experience as well as his enjoyment of the sculpture at the Trevi fountain in Rome are worked into this short story. Mann, Werke, 8: 55, 60. 89. Paolo, the painter in ‘Der Wille zum Glück’, loves Munich because ‘your social position as a painter, even one who is completely unknown, is really exquisite, it can’t be beaten anywhere’. In her memoirs, Katja Pringsheim suggests that Munich was a city so enthused by the visual arts during those years that even when Mann became famous he was celebrated primarily because of his writing’s similarity to painting—he was called ‘Herr Kunstmaler’ (‘Mr Art-painter’) when he entered shops. See Mann, Werke, 8: 46; Katia Mann, Meine ungeschriebenen Memoiren (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1974), 13. 90. Peter de Mendelssohn, the most important authority on Mann’s early years in Munich, is one of the few who draws attention, however slight, to the fact that Ehrenberg inspired Mann’s interest in the visual arts. De Mendelssohn, Zauberer, 1: 383. 91. Mann, Briefe, 3: 424–5. 92. Not that this interest was limited to the Ehrenberg sphere: Heinrich Mann certainly picked up on the new enthusiasm for art Thomas was experiencing at this time, sending Thomas a copy of a Madonna by the seventeenth- century Spanish painter Murillo as well as a print of Napoleon for Christmas in 1900. This would appear to be the first time Heinrich sent Thomas a gift of this nature. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 12. 93. Mann, Briefe, 3: 427. 94. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 13. 95. The editors of Mann’s notebooks and Bild und Text think the description of Lorenzo found in Mann’s fourth notebook is taken directly from the portrait of Lorenzo shown Heyck’s frontispiece. However, Mann had not yet purchased Heyck when this note was written, during his 1901 stay in Florence. It is more likely that he studied the original portrait at the Uffizi, which he visited during that trip. See Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 202, 205; Wysling, Bild und Text, 54; Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 137. 96. See Hans Wysling (ed.), Thomas Mann: Ein Leben in Bildern (Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1994), 174; Wysling, Bild und Text, 44–61. The visual materials for the Renaissance project do not stop at portraits, of course, nor are they all documented in Wysling’s Bild und Text bei Thomas Mann. Notes from the Florence trip refer to photographs he either wishes to find or has already found of ‘Atrio, Villa Petraia’, ‘Villa Poggio a Caiano’, ‘Appartement der Bianca Capello’, and Savonarola burning at the stake. In a letter to Grautoff later that same year he asks his friend, who is in Florence, to send him more details about Lorenzo’s Villa Careggi, adding ‘I already own all the Notes 199

photographs there are of the Villa’. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 200–1; Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 137. 97. The photograph on which the dedication is written would appear to be at the Thomas Mann Archive in Zurich. However, either no-one has published this photograph or, if they have, they have not identified it as the photograph sent to Ehrenberg at this time. See Bürgin, Regesten, 28. 98. Mann, Briefe, 3: 423. 99. Mann, Briefe, 3: 424, 437, 443, 446; Wysling, Leben, 129; Bürgin, Regesten, 44, 51, 52. 100. Mann, Briefe, 3: 434. 101. Reproduced in Wysling, Leben, 129. 102. Mann, Briefe, 444–5. 103. Mann, Briefe, 446; translation in Anthony Heilbut, Thomas Mann: Eros and Literature (New York: Knopf, 1996), 136. 104. Reproduced in Wysling, Leben, 128. 105. For a discussion of the rise of portraiture during the Renaissance, and especially of genre’s association with the rise of individualism, see Burckhardt. For an analysis of Burckhardt’s views on Renaissance portraiture and individualism, see Peter Burke, ‘The Renaissance, Individualism and the Portrait’ History of European Ideas 21:3 (1995): 393– 400. For a very short introduction to the notion of the portrait, see Joanna Woodall, ‘Introduction: Facing the Subject’ in Portraiture: Facing the Subject, ed. Joanna Woodall (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), 1–25. See the Introduction to the present volume for a discussion of recent research into modern sexualities and portraiture. 106. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 19. 107. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 21–3, 25; James Northcote-Bade, ‘Thomas Manns Brief an Paul Ehrenberg vom 26. Mai 1901’, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 108: 4 (1989): 573. 108. Mann, Werke, 13: 113. 109. Savonarola in fact railed against such depictions in some of his own sermons and Mann has him do so again in Fiorenza. Mann, Werke, 8: 997–8. For more on the figure of the Madonna in ‘Gladius Dei’, see Ernest Wolf, ‘Savonarola in München: Eine Analyse von Thomas Manns Gladius Dei’, Euphorion 64 (1970): 93–4; Ernst Fedor Hoffmann, ‘Thomas Mann’s “Gladius Dei” ’, PMLA 83 (1968): 1358; Joachim Wich, ‘Thomas Manns Gladius Dei als Parodie’, Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 22 (1972): 400; and Wolfgang Frühwald, ‘ “Der christliche Jüngling im Kunstladen”: Milieu- und Stilparodie in Thomas Manns Erzählung “Gladius Dei” ’ in Bild und Gedanke: Festschrift für Gerhart Baumann, ed. Gunter Schnitzler, Gerhard Neumann, and Jurgen Schroder (Munich: Fink, 1980), 328–30. 110. The short story has been read as an outright parody of fin-de-siècle Munich (Hoffmann, ‘Gladius Dei’, Wich, ‘Savonarola’); as an attack on art as a commercial enterprise (Frühwald, ‘christliche Jüngling’, 330, Hansen, Frage, 153); as a satire that reflects contemporary debates about Jews and art, and presages the dark days of Nazi Munich (Frühwald, ‘christliche Jüngling’); as an intervention in a turn-of-the-century Bavarian debate regarding standards of decency in shop-window displays (Stephan Fussel, 200 Notes

‘Thomas Manns “Gladius dei” [1902] und die Zensurdebatte der Kaiserzeit’ in Zwischen den Wissenschaften. Beiträge zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte, ed. Gerhard Hahn, et al. [Regensburg: Pustet, 1994], 427–36); and as a response to the Catholic censorship initiatives that plagued the art world in Munich around 1900 (Maria Makela, ‘The Politics of Parody: Some Thoughts on the “Modern” in Turn-of-the-Century Munich’ in Imagining Modern German Culture, 1889–1910, ed. Françoise Forster-Hahn [Hanover and London: National Gallery of Art, Washington, 1996], 185–207). Walther Rehm’s characterization of the Renaissancekult as a business bears further investigation, especially when one considers the fact that Baedeker’s guide to Munich in 1903 describes an ‘arts and crafts industry’ in the city; and where it finds dozens of art shops to be visited in Munich, it finds only a handful in Nuremberg, and none at all in Frankfurt, Mannheim, Strasburg, Basel, or Stuttgart. See Rehm,’Renaissancekult’, 311; Baedeker’s Süd-Deutschland: Handbuch für Reisende, 28th edn (Leipzig: Karl Baedeker, 1903), 188. 111. Mann, Werke, 8: 197–8. 112. Mann, Werke, 8: 199. 113. Mann, Werke, 8: 199. 114. Mann, Werke, 8: 207. 115. Baedeker’s Süd-Deutschland, 211, 219–20. The Technische Hochschule, the Villa Lenbach, and the Akademie der bildenden Künste are just some of the ‘rich creations in a style developed here using Renaissance and Baroque forms’ that are offered up by Baedeker for the amusement of the discerning tourist. Baedeker’s Süd-Deutschland, 189, 191, 206, 231. 116. In the section on Munich, almost all of the businesses listed in the ‘Shopping’ section are art dealerships. In contrast, the other major cities in Southern Germany either have a very small number of such outlets (Nuremberg), or none at all (Frankfurt, Mannheim, Strassburg, Basel, Stuttgart). 117. Mann, Briefe, 1: 20 118. Mann, Briefe, 1: 21. 119. Mann, Werke, 8: 199. 120. Mann, Werke, 8: 204. 121. Mann, Werke, 8: 201. For a discussion of the parallels between Savonarola and Hieronymus, Florence and Munich, see Theodor C. van Stockum, ‘Savonarola, die historische Gestalt und ihre doppelte Spiegelung im Werke Thomas Manns’ in Von Friedrich Nicolai bis Thomas Mann (Groningen: J. B. Wolters, 1962), 320–33; and Wolf, ‘Savonarola’, 85–96. 122. Mann, Werke, 8: 200, 212. 123. Mann, Werke, 8: 200. 124. Mann, Werke, 8: 200. 125. Mann, Werke, 8: 201, 208. Indeed, Mann was generally very concerned that the public recognize the humor of his writings during these early years. In a letter to Kurt Martens, for instance, he stresses that he wants people to laugh at public readings of his work (Mann, Briefe, 1: 13); and newspaper reports mention the hilarity with which some of his readings were greeted. See Mann, ‘Thomas Mann-Kurt Martens’, 1: 192n; Schröter, Urteil, 18; and Wich, ‘Savonarola’, 398n. 126. Mann, ‘Thomas Mann-Kurt Martens’, 1: 197; Mann, Briefe, 3: 431. 127. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 299n. Notes 201

128. Mann, Werke, 8: 1067. 129. Mann, Werke, 8: 967, 972, 974, 982, 989, 999, 1002, 1010, 1013. 130. Mann, Werke, 8: 963. 131. Mann, Werke, 8: 1058. 132. Mann, Werke, 8: 1067. 133. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 4, 10, 11, 13; Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 128, 134, 137 134. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 46, 48. 135. Bürgin, Regesten, 49; Mann, Werke, 13: 387. 136. Bürgin, Regesten, 52. 137. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 150. 138. There has been some confusion regarding a comment made by Mann to Kurt Martens in a letter of December 1903. Hans Bürgin and Hans-Otto Mayer, Egon Eilers, and Erika Mann all contend Thomas’s dismissal of Heinrich’s latest novel refers to Göttinnen. It refers, of course, to Jagd nach Liebe. See Bürgin, Regesten, 26; Eilers, Perspektiven, 63; Mann, Briefe, 1: 448. 139. Mann, Letters, 58; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 37. 140. Among Mann’s notes on Villari is the observation that the poets of Lorenzo’s Florence were in fact nothing more than visual artists— concerned with surfaces, not content. The example provided is Pulci’s Morgante, a work of ‘decoration, play, and showmanship’. In the same note, Mann compares the Pulci of Villari’s description not to Heinrich, but to Heinrich’s colleague, Frank Wedekind, whose ‘sexual verses’ Mann sets on the same level as Lorenzo’s obscene carnival songs. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 238. 141. Mann, Letters, 58; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 37. 142. Bürgin, Regesten, 50 143. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 156. 144. Mann, Briefe, 3: 445; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 48, 57, 74; Mann, ‘Thomas Mann-Kurt Martens’, 1: 220; Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 156. 145. Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1918–1921, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1977), 247, emphasis added. 146. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 33. 147. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 49. A photograph of the now- destoyed room in which the frieze was displayed can be found in Kruft, ‘Renaissance’, 100. 148. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 50. 149. Mann, Werke, 11: 116–17. 150. Mann, Werke, 11: 117. 151. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 147. 152. Mann became very close to a woman named Mary Smith during his stay in Florence. He mentions her in his Lebensabriß and even dedicates ‘Gladius Dei’ to her. ‘She is so very clever’, he writes to Heinrich, ‘and I am stupid enough to always love the ones who are clever’. But his comments about Miss Mary to Ehrenberg make the encounter seem more aesthetic than emotional: although he describes harmless flirting becoming oddly serious, ‘serious—o wonder of wonders!—on both sides!’ (exactly the same expression he had used to describe his feelings for Ehrenberg to Heinrich only two months earlier), he refers to the woman only as ‘the little Englishwoman’, describes her as a ‘Boticelli [sic]’, and avows that their 202 Notes

goodbye scene belonged in the theater. Miss Mary was soon forgotten. See Mann, Werke, 11: 117; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 27; Northcote-Bade, ‘Brief’, 573. 153. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 49. 154. The portrait is reproduced in Wysling, Leben, 161. 155. Mann, Werke, 8: 366. 156. Mann, Werke, 8: 367. 157. On Pringsheim as a collector, see Mann, Briefe, 1: 448; Kruft, ‘Renaissance’, 94; and especially Jörg Rasmussen, ‘Die Majolikasammlung Alfred Pringsheims in den Schriften Thomas Manns’, Jahrbuch des Museums für Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg 2 (1983): 111–24. 158. He writes to Paul’s brother, Carl, twice in 1904 to ask for Paul’s Augsburg address (Regesten 58, 63). 159. Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 149, 155, 159, 163, 167, 168. 160. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 56–7. 161. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 56. 162. Mann, Werke, 13: 388–9. 163. Mann, Werke, 13: 390, 391. 164. For example, to Grautoff he had written in 1900 ‘you are an egotist, just like me’, several months later he convinced Heinrich that his life without Ehrenberg—the typical artistic life—consisted of ‘egotistical barrenness and artificiality’, to Hilde Distel he confided that artists are full of ‘Renaissance-style ruthlessness’ when it comes to exploiting others’ lives for the sake of their art, while to Ida Boy-Ed he confessed an empathy for Rousseau’s ‘egotism’. See Mann, Briefe an Otto Grautoff, 120, 152; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 19; Mann, Briefe, 1: 33. 165. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 42, 43, 52. 166. The tedium of Mann’s play is matched only by the tedium of the commentaries that have approached this question. In a text that is ultimately about manipulation, Mann manipulates the audience to such an extent that either case can be argued, and both can even be argued at the same time. Mann flip-flops in the opinions he expresses about the question: When distancing himself from Heinrich’s Göttinnen in the essay ‘Das ewig Weibliche’ (‘The Eternal Feminine’), Mann aligns himself with the ascetic priest. A year later, he denies to Heinrich that the play expressed anti- aesthetic values: it was written, rather, from the perspective of a follower of Lorenzo. To his close friend Kurt Martens he writes in March 1906 that Lorenzo was the play’s hero. In a 1908 letter to a Catholic newspaper he writes that he was not glorifying but criticizing the Renaissance and that the play’s real hero is Savonarola, not Lorenzo. And so on. See Mann, Werke, 11: 560–3; 13: 387; Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 60; Mann, ‘Thomas Mann-Kurt Martens’, 1: 227. 167. Mann recognized Savonarola in Nietzsche’s portrayal of the ascetic priest, the type who embodies all that Cesare Borgia is not and who, driven by ressentiment, propagates Christian ideology. In the margin next to Nietzsche’s description of the ascetic priest in aphorism eleven of ‘What are Ascetic Ideals?’ in On the Genealogy of Morals, Mann drew a line and wrote ‘Savonarola!’. See Mann, Notizbücher, 5: 250n. For a full account of how Savonarola fits the profile of Nietzsche’s ascetic priest, see Eilers, Perspektiven, 42–9, 76–80, 104. Notes 203

168. One early note on the play, for instance, makes it clear that Mann has little sympathy for Savonarola, whose Nietzschean ressentiment saps Lorenzo’s energy. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 250. 169. Mann, Werke, 8: 1063–4. 170. Mann, Werke, 8: 1064. 171. Mann, Werke, 8: 1067. 172. Mann, Werke, 12: 94. 173. Mann, Werke, 11: 114–15. 174. Mann, Briefe, 1: 101, emphasis added. 175. In Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen Mann explains that the play’s title, Fiorenza, was chosen to underscore the parallels between the love of fame and the love of women: Fiore represents Florence and fame at the same time; and both Lorenzo de Medici and Savonarola desire her. Mann, Werke, 12: 94. 176. Mann, Briefe, 1: 101. Eilers also notices this aspect of the play, citing the letter to Bab and concluding that fame is an important element in the drama (101). However, he sees it as a ‘personal’ element, something that deserves little attention (156–7). Ultimately the observations about fame have no impact on any of his conclusions about the play. 177. Mann, Werke, 12: 96. 178. Mann, Werke, 13: 113. 179. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 90–1. 180. For more on those scandals, see Steakley, ‘Iconography’. 181. Mann, Werke, 2: 363. 182. Wysling, Thomas-Heinrich Briefwechsel, 49. 183. Mann, Notizbücher, 2: 158. 184. Mann, Werke, 2: 63. 185. Of course, Mann is not some unified, completely representable force of respectability accurately represented by the present narrative. During these years he also writes ‘Wälsungenblut’ and Der Tod in Venedig, both undisguised treatments of illicit desire; he resigns his position on a censorship board over Frank Wedekind’s scandalous Lulu plays; and he publicly defends Maximilian Harden, whistle-blower in the empire-rocking Eulenburg Affair. But my point is that over a two-year period—from 1903 to 1905—Mann believed that it was possible to transform himself into the ideal of a representative German bourgeois artist and also believed that such a transformation was necessary if he wished to control and promote his own fame. Once married and estab- lished, he was free to relax these controls somewhat. 186. Mann, Werke, 13: 113. 187. See, for instance, the relatively severe photographic portrait of Mann reproduced in Wysling, Leben, 158. 188. Mann, Notizbücher, 1: 299n. 189. Mann, Briefe, 1: 25, 33.

5 Orlando Emergent: Vita Sackville-West’s Renaissance Personae

1. Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson, Vita and Harold: The Letters of Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson, ed. Nigel Nicolson (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1992), 34–5. Although the tone of the letter 204 Notes

is undoubtedly tongue-in-cheek, Sackville-West’s characterization of herself as ‘not 1913, but 1470’ is, given her interests at the time, an accurate one. 2. Nigel Nicolson, Portrait of a Marriage: V. Sackville-West & Harold Nicolson (New York: Atheneum, 1973). In Portrait of a Marriage Nicolson alternates chapters taken from his mother’s brutally honest account of the love affair with his own biographical essays, which attempt to contextualize the relationship—and which privilege his parent’s marriage in the process. In one of the few pieces of literary criticism on Portrait of a Marriage, Georgia Johnston usefully analyzes the discourse of authenticity unpinning Sackville-West’s confession. The BBC’s dramatization of Portrait of a Marriage in the 1990s lead to a revival of interest in the figure of Vita Sackville-West and in her writings. See Georgia Johnston, ‘Counterfeit Perversion: Vita Sackville-West’s Portrait of a Marriage’, Journal of Modern Literature 28:1 (2004): 124–37. For a critique of the Public Broadcasting System’s censorship of the BBC mini-series, see Portia Cornell, ‘How Vita Sackville-West Survived the Masterpiece Theatre Massacre’ in Virginia Woolf: Emerging Perspectives, ed. Mark Hussey and Vara Neverow (New York: Pace University Press, 1994), 189–91. 3. Nicolson, Portrait, 23. 4. Nicolson, Portrait, 22. In her sanitized 1952 memoir Don’t Look Round, Keppel uses strikingly similar language when describing her first encounter with Sackville-West: ‘I met a girl older than myself, but, apparently, every bit as unsociable. [...] I do not remember who made the first step. Anyhow, much to my family’s gratification I asked if I might have her to tea. She came. We were both consummate snobs, and talked, chiefly, as far as I can remember, about our ancestors’. The echo between the two passages (Sackville-West’s ‘send me to tea. I went’ and Keppel’s ‘have her to tea. She came’ for instance; or the repeated use of the word ‘ancestors’) seems more than coincidental. Yet Keppel never read Sackville-West’s memoir (Nicolson waited until after her death to publish it), and Sackville- West’s memoir was written well before the appearance of Keppel’s autobiography. The explanation probably lies in the fact that the women revisited this scene many times over the years, and developed a common narrative of the origins of their grand passion. See Violet Trefusis, Don’t Look Round, introduction by Peter Quennell (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989), 41. 5. With the 1928 novel Orlando, Woolf produced Sackville-West’s mock- biography, a ‘Vita Nouva’ that, Sandra M. Gilbert has argued, effectively provides the reader with a meta-critical ‘theory of biography’. Sackville- West’s younger son Nigel Nicolson’s describes Orlando thus in Portrait of a Marriage: ‘The effect of Vita on Virginia is all contained in Orlando, the longest and most charming love-letter in literature, in which she explores Vita, weaves her in and out of the centuries, tosses her from one sex to the other, dresses her in furs, lace, and emeralds, teases her, flirts with her, drops a veil of mist around her, and ends by photographing her in the mud [...] with dogs, awaiting Virginia’s arrival the next day’. See Virginia Woolf, Orlando: A Biography, ed. Brenda Lyons, introduction by Sandra M. Gilbert (London: Penguin Books, 2000); Sandra M. Gilbert, ‘Orlando: Notes 205

Virginia Woolf’s Vita Nuova’ in Woolf, Orlando (London: Penguin Books), xxix; Nicolson, Portrait, 225. 6. Sackville-West published biographies of her maternal grandmother, Saints Teresa of Avila and Thérèse of Lisieux, Joan of Arc, Aphra Behn, Andrew Marvell, and Anne Marie Louise d’Orleans. English Country Houses explores the history of some of Britain’s most important stately homes, while Knole and the Sackvilles mixes family and architectural history. In researching the latter Sackville-West became interested in the figure of Lady Anne Clifford, whose diaries she edited and published in 1923. Sackville-West’s historical fiction includes The Edwardians, ‘Gottfried Künstler’, and a number of unpublished plays and novels set in the early modern period. See Vita Sackville-West, Pepita (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1937); Vita Sackville-West, The Eagle and the Dove (London: Michael Joseph, 1943); Vita Sackville-West, Saint Joan of Arc (London: Quartet Books, 1973); Vita Sackville-West, Aphra Behn, The Incomparable Astrea (London: G. Howe, 1927); Vita Sackville-West, Andrew Marvell (London: Faber & Faber, 1929); Vita Sackville-West, Daughter of France (London: Michael Joseph, 1959); Vita Sackville-West, English Country Houses (London: Collins, 1941); Vita Sackville-West, Knole and the Sackvilles, 4th edn (London: Ernest Benn, 1976); Lady Anne Clifford, The Diary of the Lady Anne Clifford, ed. with an introduction by Vita Sackville-West (London: Heinemann, 1923); Vita Sackville-West, The Edwardians, introduction by Victoria Glendinning (London: Virago, 1983); Vita Sackville-West, The Death of Noble Godavary and Gottfried Künstler (London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1932). 7. Vita Sackville-West, Timgad (London: The Poetry Society, 1944), 1. 8. Leopold von Ranke’s formula—‘as it actually was’—is not one Sackville- West used, but one which is reflected in her own historiography. She was herself a reader of Ranke’s works. See Sackville-West, Vita and Harold, 22. 9. Sackville-West, Pepita, 4. 10. Sackville-West, Pepita, 5–6. 11. Sackville-West, Knole, 216. 12. Sackville-West, Knole, 40. 13. Sackville-West, Knole, 41. 14. Most of Sackville-West’s early published works—including The Heir, Heritage, Challenge, and Dragon in Shallow Waters—play with the theme of inheritance, both material and genetic. In Heritage (1919), for instance, direct lines are drawn between the forces of genetics and the ‘Fate’ of a number of central characters. The narrator refers repeatedly to Francis Galton’s genetic experiments with mice in order to explain why the protagonists, a couple in the Cathy-Heathcliff mold, are irresistibly drawn to one another despite the mutually destructive nature of their relationship. There is also a sustained discussion in the novel on the potential of eugenics—a word coined by Galton—to improve the lot of humanity. See Vita Sackville-West, Heritage (London: Collins, 1919), 62, 100, 141, 153, 161, 171, 193, 203. See also Vita Sackville-West, The Heir: A Love Story (Bath: C. Chivers, 1973); Vita Sackville-West, The Dragon in Shallow Waters (London: Collins, 1921); Vita Sackville-West, Challenge, foreword by Nigel Nicolson (New York: Avon Books, 1975). 206 Notes

15. Vita Sackville-West, Poems of West and East (London and New York: John Lane, 1917), 16. 16. Sackville-West, Poems of West and East, 17. 17. Sackville-West, Poems of West and East, 16. 18. Sackville-West, Poems of West and East, 15. 19. Trefusis, Don’t Look, 42. 20. The parallels between the biographies of Woolf’s Orlando and of Vita Sackville-West have been treated by many scholars. On Knole in Orlando see Frank Baldanza, ‘Orlando and the Sackvilles’, PMLA 70:1 (1955): 274–9; Louise A. DeSalvo, ‘A Note on the Orlando Tapestries at Knole House’, Virginia Woolf Miscellany 13 (1979): 3–4; David Bonnell Green, ‘Orlando and the Sackvilles: Addendum’, PMLA 71:1 (1956): 268–9; and Vita Sackville-West, ‘Virginia Woolf and Orlando’, The Listener 53 (1955): 157–8. On Sackville-West’s writings and those of Orlando, see Susan Bazargan, ‘The Uses of the Land: Vita Sackville-West’s Pastoral Writings and Virginia Woolf’s Orlando’, Woolf Studies Annual 5 (1999): 25–55. For a more general comparison of Sackville-West’s story with that of Orlando, see Gilbert, ‘Orlando’; Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, No Man’s Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century, vol. 3 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994), 412 n. 64; Sherron E. Knopp, ‘ “If I Saw You Would You Kiss Me?” Sapphism and the Subversiveness of Virginia Woolf’s Orlando’, PMLA 103:1 (1988): 24–34; Karyn Z. Sproles, Desiring Women: The Partnership of Virginia Woolf and Vita Sackville-West (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 70–3; chapter 5 of Trautmann, The Jessamy Brides: The Friendship of Virginia Woolf and V. Sackville-West (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1973); and Victoria Glendinning, Vita: The Life of V. Sackville-West (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983), 202–7. 21. In her authoritative study Vita and Virginia: The Work and Friendship of V. Sackville-West and Virginia Woolf (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), Suzanne Raitt argues that Woolf’s display of her knowledge of Sackville-West’s life in Orlando can also be read in a negative light, that ‘[b]eneath the desire to compliment and flatter [ ... ] lay a more sinister impulse to punish and to hurt’. Woolf’s ambivalence about her relationship with Sackville-West was thus played out in the novel, according to Raitt, and meant that Orlando did not merely sustain, but effectively became their relationship. See Raitt, Vita, 18. More recently, Karyn Z. Sproles has used a psychoanalytic model to explore how the women mutually constituted each other in their writings, arguing that they ‘engaged in a collaborative project [ ... ] to imagine each other’ as desiring women. See Sproles, Desiring Women, 5–6. Denis Denisoff agrees that Orlando is an attempt to imagine seemingly impossible desires, although he looks to the photographs used by Woolf in the novel to make his case. See Dennis Denisoff, ‘The Forest Beyond the Frame: Picturing Women’s Desires in Vernon Lee and Virginia Woolf’ in Women and British Aestheticism, ed. Talia Schaffer and Kathy Alexis Psomiades (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999), 251–69. A number of other scholars have explored the personal and literary implications of the Woolf—Sackville-West relationship. See Louise A. DeSalvo, ‘Lighting the Cave: The Relationship Between Vita Sackville-West and Notes 207

Virginia Woolf’, Signs 8:2 (1982): 195–214; Kirstie Blair, ‘Gypsies and Lesbian Desire: Vita Sackville-West, Violet Trefusis, and Virginia Woolf’, Twentieth Century Literature 50:2 (2004): 141–66; and Trautmann, The Jessamy Brides. For a moving and witty dramatization of their affair and its aftermath, see Aileen Atkins, Vita and Virginia (London and New York: Samuel French, 1995). 22. Vita Sackville-West, ‘Sir Roger West’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, Letters and Diaries: From Sissinghurst Castle, Kent, The Huntington Library, California, and Other Libraries (Brighton: Harvester Microform, 1988), reel 3, file 1. 23. Quoted in Glendinning, Vita, 28. Sackville-West was not encouraged by anyone in her writing projects, but this never deterred her. The very first entry in her earliest extant diary (begun in July 1907, and written partially in code) complains about the lack of support her parents show for her efforts to become a writer. She has just won a prize for a poem, but rather than praise her, ‘dada told [mother] he did not approve of my writing’. See ‘Diary, July 1907–July 1910’, V. Sackville-West Mss. Collection, The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, n.p. 24. Vita Sackville-West, ‘The City-States of Italy, from 1300 to 1500’, Privately owned manuscript. What remains of this work is currently in the hands of a book dealer, and comprises about a thousand manuscript leaves, with ‘occasional verses [and] printed illustrations’. Sarah Funke and Sue Fox, Vita Sackville-West (New York: Glenn Horowitz Bookseller, 2004), 25. 25. Nigel Nicolson discusses his mother’s childhood writings briefly in Portrait of a Marriage, as does Victoria Glendinning in her unrivalled biography of Sackville-West. See Nicolson, Portrait, 66–9; and Glendinning, Vita, 24–6, 33, 37. 26. Nicolson, Portrait, 21. As a published author, Sackville-West would dismiss the Italian history project with similar language: ‘later came a history of the Italian city-states from 1300–1500, full of murderous and probably inaccu- rate detail. I enjoyed this enormously, partly owing to the amount of research it involved, for I had not yet shed the priggishness and pedantry of my schooldays’. Quoted in Funke, Vita, 24–5. 27. Vita Sackville-West, The Letters of Vita Sackville-West to Virginia Woolf, ed. Louise DeSalvo and Mitchell A. Leaska (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1985), 278. 28. Glendinning, Vita, 24. 29. Trefusis, Don’t Look, 52 30. To this day, the shelves of Sackville-West’s preserved library at Sissinghurst are weighed down with tomes on such luminaries as Leonardo da Vinci and Cesare Borgia; histories of Rome, Florence, and Venice; and guides to the art and architecture of the Renaissance in general. Many of these were most likely purchased during the First World War, when she was working on—in Nigel Nicolson’s words—her ‘vast history of the Italian Renaissance that she rightly decided not to publish’. (See Nicolson, Portrait, 107.) She buried herself in this project for years, and the scope of the task seems to have delighted and overwhelmed her by turns. She writes to her mother of 208 Notes

‘feeling very dusty and scholarly’ sitting ‘in the reading room of the London Library, [...] studying an Italian volume so ponderous that it cannot be taken away’. (Quoted in Glendinning, Vita, 81.) And in February 1912 she con- fesses to Harold her boredom asking him for suggestions on ‘something to read. I am tired of the Italian Renaissance and Ranke’s History of the Popes’. (See Sackville-West, Vita and Harold, 22.) Harold’s ambivalence about the project does not stop his supporting her: ‘I love you for your keenness about your beastly dead Italians’, he writes in the summer of 1916. (Quoted in Glendinning, Vita, 81.) 31. Nicolson, Portrait, 23, 26. Grosvenor, whom Sackville-West called ‘Roddie’, was a close friend and schoolmate from a very young age. In the summer of 1907, Sackville-West confided to her diary—in code—that ‘After Roddie was gone I cried because I missed her. What a funny thing it is to love a person as I love Roddie’. Their relationship intensified around the Spring of 1910, becoming more physical for the following two years, and petering out only upon Sackville-West’s marriage in 1913. When Sackville-West looks back at that period of her life in her 1921 confession, she characterizes her attraction to Rosamund as not at all ‘intellectual’, but rather ‘completely physical’. Rosamund was the woman with whom Sackville-West first recognized her sexual orientation: ‘I have implied, I think, that men didn’t attract me, that I didn’t think of them in what is called “that way.” Women did. Rosamund did’. Still, despite the relationship’s intensity, Sackville-West asserts that they did not ‘make love’. See Glendinning, Vita, 24; Sackville-West, ‘Diary, 1907–1910’, 3 August 1907; Nicolson, Portrait, 30, 31, 35. 32. Glendinning, Vita, 41. 33. Sackville-West, Vita and Harold, 34–5. Domenico Ghirlandaio (1449–94) was an important Florentine painter renowned for his realistic style. His skilled use of perspective—especially when rendering architectural features—and his masterful tromp-l’oeil effects make him a ideal reference for Sackville- West when she describes the decoration of her room. 34. Trefusis, Don’t Look, 19. 35. Nicolson, Portrait, 24, emphasis in original. 36. Violet Trefusis, Violet to Vita: The Letters of Violet Trefusis to Vita Sackville-West, 1910–21, ed. Mitchell A. Leaska and John Phillips (New York: Viking, 1990), 61. 37. Vita Sackville-West, ‘The City of the Lily’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 5, file 9. 38. Vita Sackville-West, ‘Giuliano’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 1, file 5, item 36. Vita Sackville-West, ‘Untitled Play Set in Florence’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 5, file 10, item 2. 39. Sackville-West, ‘The City of the Lily’, 3, 16, 20, 27–9, 59, 92, 109, 197, 247–9. The manuscript of ‘The City of the Lily’ is contained in a notebook, to which someone has added page numbers. These are the numbers referenced in my discussion of the novel. There is, however, one error in the page numbering: a single loose leaf has been numbered 235 and placed in the middle of the notebook, but its content proves it to be in fact the final page of the novel. Notes 209

40. Sackville-West, ‘The City of the Lily’, 5–10, 12–6, 49–50, 55, 64, 67, 77, 123, 188, 206, 222, 246–55. 41. Sackville-West, ‘The City of the Lily’, 11. 42. Sackville-West, ‘The City of the Lily’, 193. 43. Vita Sackville-West, ‘The Cenci’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 6, file 13, item 20, 6–7. 44. If anything, Sackville-West’s research may have merely strengthened her in this opinion, as can be seen in the following frenzied passage from the Cenci review, which may also offer a taste of what is to be found in her ‘City States of Italy’ manuscript: ‘The Cenci afford no isolated instance; for that one race immortalised for us, we may find a dozen as romantically tragic, as calamitous, as incredible. We find Giovanni Bentivoglio pounded to death in a wine-vat; seventy of the Cavalcabò done to death in a remote castle; three hundred corpses of the Rasiglia heaped on donkeys [...]; Corrado Trinci and his two sons strangled together in a dungeon; [eleven] of the Varana [...] died violent deaths at the hands of their relations; [nine] of the Chiavelli [...] were butchered in their own cathedral on Ascension Day; of the Ordelaffi, Sinibaldo and Scarpetta were murdered by their nephew Cecco, Lucrezia Ordelaffi [...] was poisoned by her own father, Caterina by her own son Pino, who further poisoned two of his wives and murdered his elder brother; of the Polentani, Guido was murdered by his seven sons, Francesca by her husband, Lamberto and Pandolfo by their brother; the Bentivoglio were wiped out to a man at a christening-feast; the Visconti fed their dogs with the bodies of their victims; and as for the Baglioni, Astorre Baglioni was stabbed to death on his wedding-night though his bride tried to shield him with her body and saw the assassin tear out Astorre’s heart through a wound he had in his breast, and on the same night nearly every member of the house of Baglioni was done to death as he lay sleeping.’ Sackville-West, ‘Cenci’, 7–8. 45. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 168. 46. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 137. 47. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 26. 48. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 55, 60. 49. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 56. 50. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 54. 51. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 92, 197. 52. Burckhardt’s theory, discussed in Chapter 1, is that ‘it was not merely the sensual desire, not merely the vulgar appetite of the ordinary man, which trespassed upon forbidden ground among the Italians of that day, but also the passion of the best and noblest; and this [...] because the man, in proportion to the completeness of his own nature, felt himself most strongly attracted by the woman whom marriage had developed’. See Burckhardt, Civilisation, 272–3. 53. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 128 54. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 149, 150. 55. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 150. 56. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 55–6, 75. 57. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 62, 93. 58. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 236. 210 Notes

59. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 41, 43, 105, 192, 259. 60. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 122–3, 127. Notably, no suggestion of same-sex attraction between women occurs in this or any of Sackville- West’s juvenile works; men are the sole actors on the field of love. 61. Trefusis, Violet to Vita, 70. 62. Trefusis, Violet to Vita, 70–1. A shortened version of this letter in a slightly different translation—the original was in French—appears in Portrait of a Marriage. Nicolson, Portrait, 82. 63. Lucrezia’s father was Rodrigo Borgia, a Spaniard from Valencia who became Pope Alexander VI in 1492. 64. Here she describes her mother as ‘the illegitimate daughter of a gipsy and a Spanish duke; the gipsy had been a circus acrobat [...] and the duke descended from Lucrezia Borgia’. Nicolson, Portrait, 8–9. 65. Quoted in Glendinning, Vita, 55. 66. Trefusis, Violet to Vita, 64. 67. Trefusis, Violet to Vita, 65. 68. Nicolson, Portrait, 11–12. 69. Trefusis, Don’t Look, 47. 70. Nicolson, Portrait, 87. 71. Glendinning, Vita, 51. 72. Sackville-West, ‘Diary, 1907–1910’, 21 February 1913. In Der Rosenkavalier Octavian is initially the lover of the Marschallin but he soon falls in love with another, younger woman. In order to win her, he participates in intrigues that include dressing up as a woman several times. Gender- confusion reigns, as the part of Octavian, considered one of opera’s greatest ‘trouser roles’, is always sung by a mezzo-soprano. Keppel and Sackville-West had seen the opera together the night before their own impromptu performance. Sackville-West, ‘Diary, 1907–1910’, 20 February 1913. 73. Nicolson, Portrait, 119. 74. Vita Sackville-West, All Passion Spent (London: The Hogarth Press, 1931), 148–9. 75. Sackville-West, ‘Giuliano’. 76. Actually, da Vinci is not named in ‘The City of the Lily’, but Sackville-West’s descriptions of the character’s appearance, habits, and stories are either borrowed from Vasari’s description of da Vinci, or are repeated in other works in which Sackville-West names him outright. For instance, Giuliano’s artist friend in ‘The City of the Lily’ expresses great pity for caged birds, and even sympathy for worms; and the same sentiments are attributed directly to da Vinci in Sackville-West’s unpublished 1913 essay ‘Out of the Darkness and Confusion of Centuries’. See Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 33; and Vita Sackville-West, ‘Out of the Darkness and Confusion of Centuries’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 5, file 10, item 5, pp. 8–9. 77. Sackville-West, ‘City of the Lily’, 39, 40, 131, 134, 195, 198, 211, 256. 78. Vita Sackville-West, ‘L’Ignoto’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 5, file 10, item 3. A handwritten note on the manuscript of this fragment dates it to 1914, but the text contains what is clearly a draft of Sackville-West’s unpublished Renaissance poem ‘A Notes 211

Missal’, which she finished in 1912 while in Fiesole. The note itself is written in such a way as to suggest that it was added later, perhaps even by a different hand. On internal and external evidence, then, I would suggest that ‘L’ignoto’ was in fact composed in early 1912. See Vita Sackville-West, ‘A Missal’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 1, file 5, item 4. 79. Sackville-West, ‘Darkness’. 80. Vita Sackville-West, ‘Leonardo Da Vinci’ in The Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson Manuscripts, reel 1, file 4, item 9a. 81. Sackville-West, ‘Darkness’, 3. 82. Sackville-West, ‘Darkness’, 12. 83. Glendinning, Vita, 405. 84. Glendinning, Vita, 405. 85. Sproles, Desiring Women, 37. 86. Nicolson, Portrait, 95. 87. Nicolson, Portrait, 112. 88. Nicolson, Portrait, 36. 89. Nicolson, Portrait, 11. 90. Nicolson, Portrait, 12. 91. Sackville-West, ‘Darkness’, 15.

Conclusion

1. Symonds, Renaissance, 1: 28. 2. Michael Field [Katherine Harris Bradley and Edith Emma Cooper], Sight and Song (London: Elkin Matthew and John Lane, 1892). For a discussion of Michael Field’s ekphrastic poetry as a kind of queering of the Renaissance, see Jill Ehnenn, ‘Looking Strategically: Feminist and Queer Aesthetics in Michael Field’s Sight and Song’, Victorian Poetry 43 (2005): 109–54. 3. [Katherine Harris Bradley and Edith Emma Cooper], Borgia: A Period Play (London: A. H. Bullen, 1905). 4. ‘The Temple’ exists only as a scenario in a small notebook held by the Bodleian Library and written mostly in the hand of Edith Emma Cooper. The scenario dates to 1 January 1903, according to a note by the author. The play was to deal with a crisis in the personal and public life of the Renaissance tyrant Sigismondo Malatesta. The plot revolves around Malatesta’s plans to consolidate his power while building a temple to ideal love, and it contains many of the features that we might expect of a fin-de-siècle Renaissance-themed play: illicit relationships, consummate personalities, and cloak-and-dagger conspiracies (Malatesta plots to assassinate the Pope at one point). See Michael Field [Katherine Harris Bradley and Edith Emma Cooper], ‘The Temple’, English Miscellaneous Collection, MS.ENG.MISC.d.337, The Bodleian Library, Oxford University. 5. See Louis Couperus, ‘Of Monotony’, trans. Duncan Dobbelmann, Conjunctions 31 (1998): http://www.conjunctions.com/archives/c31-lc.htm (accessed 20 May 2008). Louis Couperus, Lucrezia (Amsterdam: Querido, 1927). 212 Notes

6. Meta von Salis-Marschlins, Philosoph und Edelmensch. Ein Beitrag zur Charakteristik Friedrich Nietzsches (Leipzig : C. G. Naumann, 1897). 7. Glendinning, Vita, 356. 8. The piece in question was his self-portrait from 1498, which is on permanent display at the Museo del Prado in Madrid. 9. d’Addario, John. ‘Bronzino’s Portrait of a Young Man: Notes Towards a Queer Semiotics’ (MA thesis, Columbia University, 1996), www.jonno.com/ words/bronzino.html (accessed 1 April 2005). 10. Bullen, Myth, 305–7. Bibliography

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§175, see Paragraph 175 conflicting with souls, 67–73, 77, 93, 151, 180, 182, 183 Abelard, Peter, 25 and degeneration, 27 adultery, 34, 35, 37, 92, 94, 99–100, see also asceticism; Renaissance, 145–6, 187, 188 association of beautiful bodies Alexander the Great, 83 with Allen, Grant, 20, 170–1 Boiardo, Matteo Maria, 128 anarchy, 3, 50, 59–61, 157, 171, Borgia family, 31, 93–4, 113, 148, 155, 172–3, 176 164, 185, 211 see also individualism, and Cesare Borgia, 20, 31, 37, 45–7, capitalism 111, 113, 116, 168, 194, 202, Andrews, Marian, see Hare, 207 Christopher Lucrezia Borgia, 37, 93, 147–8, 155, Anglo-German intellectual exchange, 210, 211 6, 17–19, 173, 183 Rodrigo Borgia, see Papacy, Argos, 83, 183 Alexander VI Aristotle, 13 Botticelli, Sandro, 87, 130, 165, 201 art history, 6, 15, 17–18, 30, 86, 89, Boy-Ed, Ida, 128, 129, 131, 191, 202 119, 153, 160, 162 Bradley, Katherine Harris, see Field, asceticism, 23–4, 27, 96, 97, 101, 194, Michael 195 Bräm, E. Max, 160, 165 askesis, 51, 170 Brand, Adolf, 3, 51, 52, 59–61, 64, 73, Nietzschean, 116, 125–6, 132–3, 202 79, 152, 154, 174, 177–8 see also Savonarola, Girolamo see also Der Eigene Assisi, 33, 167 Brandenburg, Martin, 120 Athens, 35, 83, 85–6 Brandi, Karl, 13, 15, 19, 22, 33, 46, Atkins, Aileen, 207 159, 160, 164, 167, 168, 169 Bristow, Joseph, 184, 189 Bab, Edwin, 74, 182 Bronzino, Agnolo, 4, 156, 212 Bab, Julius, 133, 203 Browning, Robert, 7, 159 Baedeker, 19, 20, 22, 44, 124, 200 Brunelleschi, Filippo, 185 Baglioni family, 33, 88, 209 Buck, August, 160, 162, 194 Bann, Stephen, 5 Bullen, J. B., 6, 15, 156, 158, 159, 160, Bargello Palace, 109 161, 163, 166, 212 Bashford, Bruce, 189 Burckhardt, Jacob, 5, 18, 19, 23, 49, Bauer, Hans, 160 144, 152, 157, 160, 162–3, 164, Berenson, Bernard, 155 192 Berlin, 54, 63, 133, 161–2 definition of art, 21 blackmail, 16, 53, 54–6, 161–2, 176 Phantasie (imagination) theory, Blair, Kirstie, 207 34–5, 38, 47, 167 Böcklin, Arnold, 120 on Renaissance bodies, 21–2, 25, 26 bodies, 2, 15, 17, 20, 23–8, 54, 75, 77, on Renaissance criminality, 28, 87, 149, 161, 165 30–1, 32, 34, 41

229 230 Index

Burckhardt, Jacob – continued class, 20, 22, 50, 52, 62–6, 75, 119, on Renaissance individualism, 8, 131, 132, 136, 165–6, 179 21, 30, 39–41, 44, 116, 145, 199 Cleveland Street scandal, 63 on Renaissance sexuality, 34–5, Clifford, Lady Anne, 205 37–8, 145, 187, 209 Clouet, François, 105–6, 108 on Renaissance women, 21 Condottieri, 30 on the state as a work of art, 21–2 Conrad, Michael Georg, 113, 195 theory of occult influence, 37–8 the Consummate, 4, 7, 47, 48, 144, on transition from Middle Ages to 150, 152, 169, 211 Renaissance, 21 contrary sexual feeling, 57, 62, 70, works by: Die Kultur der Renaissance 71–2, 173, 178, 179, 182 in Italien, 7, 18, 21–2, 23, 25, 26, see also homosexuality 30–1, 32, 33–5, 37–8, 39–41, Cooper, Edith Emma, see Field, 110, 115, 129, 142, 159, 162, Michael 164, 166, 167, 168, 187, 209 Cornell, Portia, 204 Burke, Peter, 158, 199 corporeality, see bodies Burne-Jones, Edward, 87 Correggio, Antonio da, 98 Byington, Steven, 177 Cortegiano (courtier), 40–1, 43, 46–7, 144 Cajus, Graf, 63, 179 Couperus, Louis, 4, 155, 158, 211 Capri, 63, 88 courtier, see Cortegiano Cardinal Wiseman, 50, 170 Crawford, Robert, 2, 157 Carlyle, Thomas, 50 criminality, 53 Carpenter, Edward, 51, 52, 61–2, ‘degenerate’, 53, 56–7 76–8, 154, 179 and homosexuality, 53–62 works by: The Art of Creation, 77; ‘juridical’, 53, 54–6 Homogenic Love, 55, 76, 173, ‘opportunistic’, 53–4 183; The Intermediate Sex, 77, see also Renaissance, criminality 151, 183; Ioläus, 176; ‘The Sex during Passion’, 77, 183; ‘Social Cruickshank, J. W. and A. M., Progress and Individual Effort’, 20, 163 61–2, 179 Culler, A. Dwight, 15, 161 Caspar, Johann Ludwig, 53–4, 56, 63, 68–9, 70, 71, 175, 178, 181 d’Addario, John, 156 Castiglione, Baldassare, 40, 43, 144, d’Agincourt, Jean Baptiste Seroux, 6 168 da Vinci, Leonardo, 20, 41, 142, 144, see also Cortegiano 145, 149, 150, 154, 167, 168, 207, Cavalieri, Tommaso, 103 210, 211 Cellini, Benvenuto, 88, 90, 100, 109, La Giaconda, 26 110, 114, 116, 154, 191–2 degeneration, 26–7, 28, 32, 36, 47, 57, Channing, William E., 50, 170, 171 62, 72, 166–7 chantage, see blackmail Dellamora, Richard, 2, 157, 161, 166, Christianity, 23, 27, 29–30, 39, 45–6, 174 99, 101, 116, 202 della Robbia, Luca, 120 see also Renaissance, and Denisoff, Dennis, 4–5, 158, 190, 206 secularization; Papacy Der Eigene, 3, 52, 59–61, 73–4, 79, 154, The Civilization of the Renaissance in 170, 172, 177–8, 182, 183 Italy, see Burckhardt, Jacob, Die Derks, Paul, 172, 180 Kultur der Renaissance in Italien DeSalvo, Louise, 206–7 Index 231 despotism, 21, 30–1, 32–4, 35, 36–8, Thomas Mann visits, 110, 39, 40–2, 60, 88, 94, 101, 111–12, 115–16, 124, 130, 191, 144, 163, 184, 211 192, 198, 201–2 Dilke, Emilia Frances Lady, 96 Sackville-West visits, 142–3, 148 discourse, 1, 5, 9–10, 171 Villa Careggi, 125–6, 198 Distel, Hilda, 136, 191, 202 Wilde’s fondness for, 83 Donatello, 109, 123 see also Mann, Thomas, Fiorenza; Donohue, Joseph, 186 Medici family; Sackville-West, Douglas, Lord Alfred (‘Bosie’), 17, 85 Vita, ‘The City of the Lily’; Dowling, Linda, 2, 157, 161, Savonarola, Girolamo 189, 190 forgery, 30, 84, 98, 104–5, 107, 189, Doylen, Michael, 50–1, 170 190 Dublin, 85 Foucault, Michel, 1, 5, 151–2, 157, Duff Gordon, Lina, 31, 167 164, 171–2 Fraser, Hilary, 6, 15–16, 158, 160, 161, Eastlake, Charles Lock, 162 165, 187 Ehrenberg, Carl, 118, 202 Frey, Ludwig, 55, 176 Ehrenberg, Paul, 109–12, 115, 118, Friedlaender, Benedict, 51, 63, 64, 120–3, 131, 136, 191, 193, 197, 74–5, 179, 182 198, 199, 201–2 eigen-, meaning of, 59, 178 Gagnier, Regenia, 189 see also Der Eigene Galvan, Elizabeth, 193 Eilers, Egon, 112, 194, 195, 196, 201, Gartenlaube, 33 202, 203 gay style, 3–4, 70, 156 ekphrasis, 4, 155, 158, 211 Geigel, Alois, 180 Eliot, George, 20, 163 Geiger, Ludwig, 5, 18, 22, 33, 44, 160, Ellis, Havelock, 55–6, 151, 173 163, 164, 167, 168, 169 Ellmann, Richard, 87, 184, 185, 189 gender, 4–5, 9, 35, 51, 66–76, 100, epilepsy, 70 109, 113, 133, 138, 142, 146, Este family, 35 148–50, 151, 152, 165, 210 Eulenburg, Phillip zu, 63, 179, 203 see also masculinity Euripides, 83 gender dysphoria, 68, 72 see also homosexuality, ‘split self’ Farnese family, 31, 32 model of; inversion; compare Pier Luigi Farnese, 37–8 transgender experience; Febvre, Lucien, 5, 158 transvestism Ferguson, Wallace K., 160, 162 Die Gesellschaft, 113, 114 Ficino, Marsilio, 103, 120 Giorgione, 98 Field, Michael, 4, 155, 158, 211 Glavey, Brian, 4, 158 Fiesole, Mino da, 120, 123 Glendinning, Victoria, 151, 207 Firenzuola, Agnolo, 25 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 74, Fischer, Samuel, 122 92, 191 Florence, 20, 23, 90, 93, 114–17, 125–6, Walter Pater compared to, 19 133, 163, 185, 188, 191–2, 195, works by: Faust II, 19, 92, 187; 198–9, 200, 201, 203, 207, 208 Italienische Reise, 18, 162 ‘Florence on the Isar’, 124–5 Gothic style, 14, 20 ‘florenzen’, 180 Grautoff, Otto, see Mann, Thomas individualism associated with, 40, Greek love, 2, 14, 16–17, 36, 51–2, 67, 114, 116–17, 145 75, 85–6, 159, 161, 172, 179, 180 232 Index

Greek revival, see Hellenism and Hellenism, 2, 13–15, 16–17 Greenblatt, Stephen, 49–50, 51, 170 and inconsistency, 52, 66–73 Gregorovius, Ferdinand, 18, 163 and individualism, 8–9, 49–80, gross indecency, 16–17, 195 84–5 Guicciardini, Francesco, 37 legislation against, 16, 51, 52, 53–4, 56–7, 58, 60, 62, 84–5, 161, 162, Halberstam, Judith, 10, 159 174 Hale, John R., 29, 158, 160, 166 lists of famous homosexuals, 58, Halperin, David, 171–2 176 Hammerstein, Notkar, 34 medicalization of, 52, 54, 85 Hansen, Volkmar, 112, 119 mentioned by Renaissance Harden, Maximilian, 203 historians, 36, 37–8, 168 Hare, Christopher, 19, 163 and mobility, 52, 62–6 Hartmann, Eduard von, 61, 177, 178 and over-active imagination, 38, 47 Hekma, Gert, 172–3, 179 and Renaissance revivalism, 2, 3, 4, Hellenism, 2, 13–17, 22, 58, 85–6, 97, 13–48, 58 154, 157, 161, 162 ‘split self’ model of, 8, 67–73, 77, Herder, Johann Gottfried, 19 151, 180, 181 hermaphrodites, 66, 67, 68, 69 terms for, 52, 69, 173, 180, 191 Heyck, Eduard, 20, 110, 116–17, 120, see also blackmail; contrary sexual 163, 192 feeling; gay style; Greek love; Hirschfeld, Magnus, 51, 53, 73, 161–2, homosexual; inversion; ‘The 175, 176 Love that Dare Not Speak its see also Jahrbuch für sexuelle Name’; pederasty; platonic Zwischenstufen; Scientific- love; Sapphism; sexology; Humanitarian Committee sodomy; Uranismus historicism, 15–16, 85–6 Hössli, Heinrich, 13–14, 67–8, 69–70, historiography, 5–6, 8, 17–19, 139, 72, 159–60, 172, 180, 181 161, 184, 205 Hovey, Jaime, 4–5, 158 of the Renaissance, 13–48 humanism, 15, 28, 31, 40, 44, 61, 110, Holm, Korfiz, 197 112, 115, 119, 187 homogenic love, 55, 76–7, 173, 183 hypnotism, see suggestion therapy see also Carpenter, Edward; homosexuality illegitimacy, 35, 37, 210 homosexual Imperial Germany, 6, 16 as a type, 7–8, 16, 48, 52, 174 incest, 33–4, 37–8 term coined, 8 in Wilde’s ‘Cardinal of Avignon’, see also homosexuality; Uranian; 89, 92–3, 167 Urning individualism, 1, 2, 3, 6, 8–9, 10, homosexuality, 1–3, 8, 37–8, 47–8, 51, 50–2, 153–5, 156, 170–1, 54, 103–4 194, 199 and class, 62–6, 179 and capitalism, 3, 96 and compromised masculinity, 53, ‘gender’ of, 9, 152 73–9 and homosexuality, 8–9, 49–80, and criminality, 52, 53–62 99–100, 172–3 forensic evidence for, 54 for Oscar Wilde, 84–5, 95–7, and ‘friendship’ movements, 51, 58, 99–102, 106, 108 172 redeems criminality, 52, 53–62, 85, and good taste, 3 86, 99–100, 104 Index 233 individualism – continued Laqueur, Thomas, 180 as Renaissance hallmark, 2, 3, 15, Lauterbach, Paul, 177 17, 20, 30–1, 38–48, 80, 84–5, Law, John E., 160 95–7, 99, 116 Lee, Vernon, 2, 4, 28, 33, 47, 92, 99, and socialism, 3, 96, 170–1, 172–3 144, 154, 160 for Thomas Mann, 111, 116–17, 119, on the human form, 27, 165 122, 127, 129, 136, 138, 194 influence of Burckhardt on, 18 for Vita Sackville-West, 9, 144, 145, influence of Pater on, 19, 27 149, 150 –2 influence of Ruskin on, 27 see also Nietzsche, Friedrich; influence of Symonds on, 18, 19, Stirner, Max; Brand, Adolf; self- 27, 163 culture; self-fashioning lesbianism of, 165–6 inversion, 8, 51, 53–4, 56, 62, 69, works by: Euphorion, 18–19, 163, 76–7, 161, 173, 174, 175 165–6, 167; Renaissance Fancies see also homosexuality; Symonds, and Studies, 19, 163 John Addington, Sexual Lenbach, Franz von, 129, 130 Inversion lesbian desire, 9, 137–52, 162, 165–6 Jahrbuch für sexuelle Lessing, G. E., 19 Zwischenstufen, 55, 174, 176 Lombroso, Cesare, 32, 56–7, 166 Janitschek, Hubert, 18, 22, 23, 28, 33, ‘The Love that Dare Not Speak its 41, 47, 163, 164, 167, 168, 169 Name’, 13–14, 16–17, 133 Jesus of Nazareth, 99 Lübeck, 128, 131 see also Christianity Luther, Martin, 34, 45 Johnson, Alan P., 188–9 Johnston, Georgia, 204 Machiavelli, Niccolo, 31, 41–3, 47, 88, Joseph, Gerhard, 189, 190 94, 124–3 Mackay, John Henry, 3, 51, 52, 59, Kant, Immanuel, 19 78–9, 154, 176, 177, 183 Kennedy, Hubert, 59, 172, 177, 182 biography of Max Stirner, 3, 78–9, Keppel, Violet, 137–8, 141, 142–3, 177 147–8, 151, 154, 204, 208, 210 writing as ‘Sagitta’, 59, 183 and Doge’s ring, 143, 148 Mahaffy, J. P., 85, 184 loves Spain, 147 majolica, 98, 188, 202 Klinger, Max, 120 Malatesta, Sigismondo, 31, 37–8, 42, Krafft-Ebing, Richard von, 49, 63, 88, 168, 211 71–3, 170, 175, 178, 179, 181, 182 Malzen, Reichsfreiherr van, 179 Kruft, Hanno-Walter, 112, 192, 197–8, see also Cajus, Graf 201, 202 Mann, Heinrich, 112, 113, 118, 122, Krupp, Friedrich Alfred, 63 127–8, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, Kugler, Franz, 18, 162 192, 193, 194, 198, 201, 202 Kupffer, Elisar von, 73–4, 176 works by: Die Göttinnen, 111–12, 127–8, 136, 193, 194, 201, 202; Labouchère Amendment, 16, 53, 54, Die Jagd nach Liebe, 112, 128, 62, 84, 174 193, 201 La Scala family, 32 Mann, Katja, see Pringsheim, Katja Langbehn, Julius, 2, 52, 64–5, 79, Mann, Thomas, 2, 4, 7, 9, 173–4, 179–80 109–36, 154 Languet, Hubert, 105 on the erotic versus the sexual, 193 234 Index

Mann, Thomas – continued ‘Gladius Dei’, 110, 112, 116, fame of, 9, 111–12, 116–18, 122, 120, 123, 124–5, 127, 136, 129, 131, 132–4, 135–6, 154, 199–200, 201; Königliche Hoheit, 203 112, 134–5, 136; Der Tod in friendship with Otto Grautoff, 110, Venedig, 203; Tonio Kröger, 111, 114, 117–18, 131, 191, 192, 197, 118, 191, 194; ‘Der Wille zum 198, 202 Glück’, 119, 198 Geist/Kunst dialectic, 126–7, 132 see also Mann, Heinrich; Geist/Leben dialectic, 132, 191 Pringsheim family; Pringsheim, meets Mary Smith, 201–2 Katja and Nietzsche, 116, 126–7, 132–3, Mannerism, 4, 105–6, 157 196, 202, 203 Männerliebe, 13–14, 68 and photographs, 120–3, 134, see also homosexuality 198–9, 203 Martens, Kurt, 116, 117, 131, 193, 200, plays Werle in Ibsen’s Wilde Geese, 201, 202 118 Martin, James J., 178 and Pubertätserotik, 109, 112, 136 masculinity, 9, 51, 53, 66, 68, 72–5, reads Burckhardt, 110, 115, 129, 79, 109, 148–50 142, 192 see also gender rejects ‘hysterical’ Renaissance, masturbation, 74 111–12, 127, 194 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 95 relationship with Paul Ehrenberg, McCarthy, Anna, 3, 157 109–12, 115, 118, 120–3, 131, Medici family, 20, 32, 36, 124, 125–6, 136, 191, 193, 197, 198, 199, 144, 146, 147, 148, 196 201–2 Giuliano de’ Medici, 144, 145, 149 and Renaissance Italy, 109–36 Heyck’s Die Mediceer, 20, 110, research on the Renaissance, 116–17, 120, 163, 192 110–11, 114–18 Lorenzo de’ Medici, 41, 114, 115, respectability of, 9, 111, 112–13, 117, 125–7, 132–3, 144–5, 146, 119, 128, 136, 195, 203 149, 192, 194, 196, 198–9, 203 and Ruhmeserotik, 112, 133, 136 Medici Florence, 115, 117 and Savonarola, 110, 114–17, 120, Piero de’ Medici, 120, 124 123, 125–7, 132–3, 192, 193, Villa Careggi, 125–6, 198 195, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203 see also Roscoe, Henry; Mann, and Vasari, 192 Thomas, Fiorenza visits Florence, 110, 115–16, 124, Meyer, Conrad Ferdinand, 20, 130, 191, 192, 198, 201–2 163–4 and the visual arts, 112, 119–22, Michelangelo, 14, 20, 24, 25–6, 87–8, 135, 192, 197–9, 201 90, 93, 98, 103, 105, 154 works by: ‘Beim Propheten’, 130–1; Michelet, Jules, 5, 6–7, 26, 39, 49–50, Betrachtungen eines 158, 165 Unpolitischen, 133, 136, 194, Middle Ages, 6, 7, 20–1, 23–4, 25, 196, 203; Buddenbrooks, 111, 26–7, 28, 29, 31, 33, 34, 39, 40, 117–18, 128, 135; Fiorenza, 110, 41, 87, 95–6, 101, 165, 180, 187 112, 116, 117, 119, 120, 125–8, Mill, John Stuart, 50 132–3, 135, 136, 145, 192, 193, Miller, Toby, 157 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, Moll, Albert, 55, 56, 57, 71, 175, 176 202, 203; ‘Gefallen’, 119, 195; Momme Nissen, Benedict, 180 ‘Die Geliebten’, 110–11, 115–16; Montaigne, Michel de, 100, 103, 154 Index 235

Montesecco, Giovanni Battista da, Papacy, 30, 31, 34, 36–7, 39, 42, 46, 145, 146 88, 101, 102, 114, 144, 146, Munich, 110, 112, 113, 118, 119–20, 195–6, 198, 211 123–5, 129, 130, 195, 198, Alexander VI, 37–8, 113, 210 199–200 Leo X, 40 Munich Secession, 120 Paul II, 36 murder, 30, 32, 33, 37, 56, 84, 92, 93, Sixtus IV, 36–7 94, 98, 104, 113, 144, 147, 188, see also Ranke, Leopold von; Wilde, 207, 209 ‘The Cardinal of Avignon’ Murison, Justine, 186 Paragraph 175, 16, 53, 56–7, 161, 174 Murray’s Handbook for Travellers, 20, Paris, 56, 63, 148 29, 166 Pastor, Willy, 58, 160 Pater, Walter, 2, 4, 7, 13, 15, 27, 51, nationalism, 64–5 152, 154, 157, 159, 167 nepotism, 33, 37 on da Vinci, 26 new historicism, 9, 159 definitions of Renaissance, 25, 44, Nicolson, Ben, 155 161 Nicolson, Harold, 137, 143, 147, 151, and German tradition, 19 203, 204, 208 and Oscar Wilde, 86–8, 91, 107, 186 Nicolson, Nigel, viii, 137, 203–4, 205, Paterian aestheticism, 27 207 on Renaissance bodies, 25–6, 87, Nietzsche, Friedrich, 3, 18, 61, 174, 165 176, 177, 178 on Renaissance criminality, 28, 33 and individualism, 44–6, 52, 58–9, on Renaissance individualism, 26, 61, 64, 65–6, 79, 116, 155, 169, 43–4 194, 212 Vernon Lee dedicates Euphorion influence on Thomas Mann, 116, to, 19 126–7, 132–3, 194, 195, 196, works by: Appreciations, 87, 185; 202, 203 Studies in the History of the on the Renaissance, 18, 44–6, 169, Renaissance, 19, 25, 43–4, 86–7, 194, 202 91, 101, 163; ‘Style’, 13, 106–7 north/south dialectic, 35, 64, Pazzi conspiracy, 144, 146 87, 128 see also Sackville-West, Vita, ‘The Numa Numantius, see Ulrichs, Karl City of the Lily’ Heinrich pederasty, 34, 36, 54, 57, 63, 68–9, 70–1, 173, 175, 176, 178, 180, 181, Oliphant, Mrs., 20, 163 193 Oosterhuis, Harry, 172–3, 179 personality, 2, 4, 17, 40, 43–4, 46, 47, Orlando, see Woolf, Virginia, 51, 58, 61, 75–6, 118, 144, 145, Orlando 150, 151–2, 155, 188 Østermark-Johansen, Lene, 160 Wilde’s theory of, 9, 84–5, 94–105, Oxford, 2, 8, 83–4, 86, 87, 88, 102, 107–8, 188–9 161, 184, 185 Phantasie, see Renaissance, and imagination (Phantasie) Paget, Violet, see Lee, Vernon Philippi, Adolf, 160 Palestrina, 119 photography, 4, 119, 120–3, 134, 156, Palgrave, Sir Francis, 29, 162, 166 204, 206 Panizza, Oskar, 113–14, 195–6 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, 25, Panofsky, Erwin, 160 103, 110, 120, 192 236 Index

Pietzsch, Richard, 120 Renaissance Pikulik, Lothar, 119, 192, 194–5 aestheticization of everyday life Pisano, Niccolo, 120 during, 2, 3, 17, 20–4, 89–90, 95 Platen, August Graf von, 7, 193 association of beautiful bodies Plato, 13–14, 83, 103, 105, with, 2, 15, 17, 20, 23–8, 87, 89, 126, 154 161, 165 platonic love, 66, 85, 105, 179, 180, association of individualism with, 182 2, 3, 15, 17, 20, 30–1, 38–48, Plotinus, 103 80, 84–5, 95–7, 114–15, 116, Poliziano, Angelo, 115, 120, 126, 193, 144 196 association of sexual transgression Popes, see Papacy with, 2, 7, 15, 17, 20, 29–30, portraiture, 4–5, 105–6, 190, 199 33–8, 86, 88, 95, 99, 113, photographic portraiture, 120–2, 114–15, 144–5, 146, 161, 168 134, 156, 203, 204, 206 concept of, 6–7, 14–16, 29, 34, 158, Pre-Raphaelites, 95 160, 166 Pringsheim, Katja, 111, 112, 129, 135, criminality during, 2, 7, 15–16, 17, 136, 193, 198 20, 27–33, 86, 88–9, 95, 99, Pringsheim family, 129–31, 135, 144–5 197–8, 202 criticism of, 20–1, 24–5, 28–30, 39, prostitution, 33–6, 53, 56, 63, 74, 115, 86–7, 115, 169 168, 176 cults of, 1, 20, 44–5, 52, 111–12, Psychopathia Sexualis, 49, 71–2, 178 127, 200 see also Krafft-Ebing, Richard von good balances evil during, 28, publishers, 19, 113 31–3, 34, 41, 47, 86, 167 E. A. Seemann Verlag, 19, 163 as golden age, 13, 28 J. M. Dent & Co., 19, 163 as Greek revival, 2, 14, 15, 22, 23, see also Baedeker 24, 29, 35, 86, 88, 115, 161 Pugin, Augustus Welby, 28–9, 166 historiography of, 2, 5, 15, 17–18 Pulci, Luigi, 120, 128, 201 and imagination (Phantasie), 34–5, Pütz, Peter, 196 38, 44, 47, 167 in popular culture, 19–20, 33 queer ekphrasis, 4 portraiture, 4–5, 199 see also ekphrasis revivalism, 1, 2, 4, 6, 17–18, 20 Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, 3, 156, and secularization, 21, 23, 25, 157 29–30, 39–40 as scientific revolution, 24–5, 40, Raitt, Suzanne, 206 45 Ramdohr, Friedrich W. B., 66 style, 2–3 Ranke, Leopold von, 34, 139, 167, topoi associated with, 2, 5, 7, 17, 205, 208 20–48, 84, 88, 89, 95, 144 rape, 13, 32, 33–4, 37–8, 54, 56, 167, see also self-fashioning; see also 168, 175 under individual names of artists Raphael, 24, 101, 166 and politicians Reformation, 34, 45 Renaissancismus, 111, 113, 124, 127, Rehm, Walther, 1, 58, 111–12, 157, 160, 163, 192, 194 160, 194, 200 Repräsentieren, 134, 135–6 Rembrandt als Erzieher, see Langbehn, Reuter, Gabriele, 128, 131–2 Julius Richter, Simon, 172 Index 237

Rimini, 37, 88, 145 Heir, 205; Heritage, 205; Knole Robinson, A. Mary F., 99 and the Sackvilles, 140, 205; Rome, 18, 20, 36, 37, 45, 83, 89, 93, ‘L’Ignoto’, 150, 210–11; ‘Out of 102, 119, 198, 207 the Darkness and Confusion of Roscoe, Henry, 18, 162 Centuries’, 210; Pepita, 139, Rosenkavalier, Der, 148 205; Portrait of a Marriage, 137, Rumohr, Carl Friedrich von, 18, 162 147, 151, 204, 207, 210; review Ruskin, John, 18, 23, 160 of Shelley’s Cenci, 8, 144–5, on Browning, 7, 159 159, 209; ‘Sir Roger West’, 141; criticism of Renaissance, 20–1, ‘Timgad’, 139, 205 24–5, 29–30, 39, 86–7, 169 see also Keppel, Violet; Nicolson, on the human form, 24, 87 Ben; Nicolson, Harold; influence on Wilde, 86–8, 95 Nicolson, Nigel; Woolf, works by: ‘The Relation of Michael Virginia, Orlando Angelo and Tintoret’, 24; The Sagitta, see Mackay, John Henry Stones of Venice, 7, 29–30 Salis-Marschlins, Meta von, 155 Salomé, 113, 195 Sackville, Cranfield, 141 Sapphism, 14, 206 Sackville, Thomas, 137 Sappho, 83, 161 Sackville-West, Vita, 9, 137–52 Sarony, Napoleon, 4, 158 affair with Violet Keppel, 137–8, Savonarola, Girolamo, 20, 88, 93, 110, 141–3, 147–8, 151, 154 114–15, 116–17, 120, 123, 125–7, and corporeality, 141 132–3, 192, 193, 195, 196, 198, as descendent of Lucrezia Borgia, 147 199, 200, 202, 203 Ghirlandaio room, 137, 143, 208 see also Mann, Thomas, Fiorenza; gypsy fantasies of, 146–7, 207, 210 ‘Gladius Dei’ interest in Renaissance, 2, 4, 8–9, Saxnot, 49, 170 137–52 scandals, 134 as keen cross-dresser, 148–9 see also Cleveland Street scandal; and Knole, 137–8, 140–1, 143, 149, Eulenburg, Phillip zu; Krupp, 150, 205, 206 Friedrich Alfred; Panizza, lives in Constantinople, 141 Oskar; Wilde, Oscar, trials of marriage to Harold Nicolson, 137, Schaeffer, Emil, 160 143, 151, 208 Schiller, Friedrich von, 19 relationship with Rosamund Schmidgall, Gary, 169 Grosvenor, 143, 151, 208 Schmidt, Johann Kaspar, see Stirner, relationship with Virginia Woolf, 8, Max 9, 141, 142, 152, 204, 206–7 Schopenhauer, Arthur, 74 uses discourse of heredity, 140–1, Schramm-Zittau, Rudolf, 120 152, 205 Schrenck-Notzing, Albert von, 71, 72, on the uses of history, 138–40 178 works by: All Passion Spent, 149; Schroeder, Horst, 189 Challenge, 205; ‘The City of the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee, Lily’, 143–6, 148, 149–50, 208, 73, 176 210; ‘The City-States of Italy’, 9, see also Hirschfeld, Magnus; 142, 207–8, 209; Dragon in Jahrbuch für sexuelle Shallow Waters, 205; The Zwischenstufen Edwardians, 8, 142, 150–1, 159, Selbsterziehung, 50 205; ‘Giuliano’, 149–50; The see also self-culture 238 Index self-culture, 38, 50–1, 52, 80, 84, 94, style, 3–4, 70, 98, 106–8, 152, 157, 95, 96–7, 98, 99, 101, 108, 153, 159 154, 170, 171, 173 suggestion therapy, 72 see also self-fashioning Swart, Koenraad W., 170, 171 self-fashioning, 2, 3, 8, 9, 35, 40–1, Symonds, John Addington, 2, 3, 4, 5, 43, 44, 47, 49–52, 59, 138, 154–5, 7, 18, 19, 47, 51, 71, 87, 92, 99, 157, 170 160, 175 see also self-culture, Cortegiano influenced by Burckhardt, 18, 22, sexology, 1, 2, 6, 13, 51, 52–7, 62–3, 31, 34, 36, 37, 38, 162–3 66–73, 74, 85, 173 Phantasie (imagination) theory, 38 sexual dissidence, 2, 3, 4, 9–10, 14, on Renaissance aestheticization of 33–4, 48, 84, 108, 142, 154 everyday life, 22 and imagination, 34 on Renaissance bodies, 26 see also homosexuality; on Renaissance criminality, 28, Renaissance, association of 31–3, 144 sexual transgression with on Renaissance duplicity, 42, 47 Sforza family, 31, 32, 88 on Renaissance individualism, 41–3 Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 36 on Renaissance sexual excess, 36–8, Shakespeare, 14, 100, 102, 150, 154, 47 190 theory of occult influence, 37–8 see also Wilde, Oscar, ‘The Portrait uses theories of degeneration, 26–7, of Mr. W. H.’ 32, 36, 47, 57, 166–7 Shearman, John, 157 and Walt Whitman, 27, 52, 75–6, Sidney, Philip, 105 165 Smiles, Samuel, 50 works by: A Problem in Greek Ethics, socialism, 3, 50, 157 36, 161; A Problem in Modern versus capitalism, 3, 96 Ethics, 55, 56–7; Renaissance in and individualism, 3, 170–1 Italy, 18, 22, 23–4, 26–7, 28, see also Wilde, Oscar, ‘The Soul of 31–3, 36–8, 41–3, 86, 96, 153, Man under Socialism’ 162–3, 166, 184; Sexual Sodom, 30, 93, 115 Inversion, 55–6, 151, 173; Walt sodomy, 2, 7, 13, 16, 33–4, 37, 38, 55, Whitman, 75–6 66, 159–60, 171–2, 180 syphilis, 34, 113, 161, 196 Somerset, Lord Alfred, 63 Spencer, Herbert, 177 Taeger, Angela, 174 Springer, Anton, 19, 22, 44 Tardieu, August, 56 Sproles, Karyn, 151, 206 Tarnovskii, Veniamin Mikhailovich, Stadler, Gustavus T., 3, 157 see Tarnowsky, Benjamin Steakley, James, 172–3, 176, 179, 203 Tarnowsky, Benjamin, 54, 56, 57, 71, Stern, Fritz, 174, 179–80 176, 181 Stirner, Max, 3, 52, 58–61, 64–5, Theocritus, 83 78–9, 177–8 Third Sex, 73, 161, 173, 176 Stirner’s influence on Nietzsche, see also homosexuality 178 Thoma, Hans, 129, 130 Stoll, Otto, 14, 161 Tintoretto, 18, 24, 98 Straayer, Chris, 157 Titian, 124, 130 Strauss, Richard, 148 Titlebaum, Richard, 158 Strozzi, Filippo, 36, 42 Torres, Sasha, 157 Stuck, Franz von, 120 transgender experience, 148–9 Index 239 transvestism, 57, 70, 148–9 on cloaks and daggers, 90–1 Trautmann, Joanne, 206–7 defense of criminality, 93–4, 98–9 travel guides, 19–20, 29, 33, 166 defense of sexual transgression, see also Baedeker; Murray’s Handbook 91–4, 99–101 for Travellers; Ruskin, John, The on history as a model, 85, 108 Stones of Venice ‘Love that dare not speak its name’ Trefusis, Violet, see Keppel, Violet speech, 13–14, 16–17 and J. P. Mahaffy, 85, 184 Uekermann, Gerd, 20, 46, 193, 194 at Oxford, 83–4, 86–8, 95, Ulrichs, Karl Heinrich, 51, 53, 55, 184, 185 69–70, 72, 73, 77, 175, 178, 180, portraits by Sarony, 4, 158 181 and the Renaissance, 83–108, 185 Uranian, 52, 73, 173, 176 and John Ruskin, 86–8, 95 Uranismus, 55 theory of personality, 9, 84–5, see also homosexuality 94–105, 107–8, 188–9 Urbino, 40 and Walter Pater, 86–8, 91, 106–7, Urning, 52, 55, 63, 69–70, 72, 73, 77, 185 173, 175, 176, 178, 181 trials of, 13–14, 16–17, 53, 63, 85, 184, 195 Vaget, Hans-Rudolf, 114, 195 works by: ‘Astone and Beatrice Vasari, Giorgio, 142, 158, 192, 210 Manfredi’, see ‘The Cardinal Veeser, H. Aram, 9 of Avignon’ under this main Venice, 7, 20, 29–30, 33, 36, 85–6, level; ‘The Cardinal of 207 Avignon’, 89, 91, 92–4, 95, see also Ruskin, John, The Stones of 185–6; ‘The Critic as Artist’, Venice 94, 96, 100, 101, 188; The Verdi, Giuseppe, 7 Duchess of Padua, 89, 90–2, Verrocchio, Andrea del, 109, 146 94–5, 99, 144, 186; ‘The Vienna, 22, 63 English Renaissance of Art’, Villari, Pasquale, 110, 114–15, 116, 85, 91–2, 93, 95; ‘A Florentine 120, 192, 201 Tragedy’, 188; ‘House Visconti family, 31, 32, 209 Decoration’, 90, 91; ‘Pen, Voigt, Georg, 18, 160, 163 Pencil, and Poison’, 84, 94, 98–9, 104, 107, 188; Wagner, Richard, 7, 114, 195 The Picture of Dorian Gray, 83, Wainewright, Thomas Griffiths, see 84–5, 94, 97, 99, 100, 107–8, Wilde, Oscar, ‘Pen, Pencil, and 183, 184, 188, 190, 192, 195; Poison’ poetry, 85, 186; ‘The Portrait Waugh, Tom, 157 of Mr. W. H.’, 84–5, 94, 102–6, Weber, Max, 171 145, 189, 190; ‘The Soul of Wedekind, Frank, 201, 203 Man Under Socialism’, Weininger, Otto, 151 84, 94, 96–100, 101 Westphal, Carl, 70, 73, 181 Wilhelm II, 63, 179 White, Hayden, 5 Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 18, Whitman, Walt, 3, 27, 51, 75–9, 100, 19, 74, 100–1, 103, 172 101, 154, 165 Wissenschaftlich-humanitäres Komitee, Wilde, Oscar, 2, 4, 7, 8–9, 51, 83–108, see Scientific-Humanitarian 144, 145, 152, 154, 155 Committee as aesthete, 4, 85, 86, 87, 91, 95, 108 the ‘Woman Question’, 74–5 240 Index

Woolf, Virginia, 8, 9, 138, 141–2, Wysling, Hans, 115, 116, 119, 191, 204–5, 206 192, 193, 197, 198, 202 works by: Orlando, 8, 9, 138, Xenophon, 13 141–2, 152, 159, 204–5, 206 Yeats, W. B., 108 Wulffen, Eric, 57, 177–8 youth movement, 51, 74, 172