Mainstreaming the Extreme
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Ecthr Milanovic V. Serbia
SECOND SECTION CASE OF MILANOVIĆ v. SERBIA (Application no. 44614/07) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 14 December 2010 FINAL 20/06/2011 This judgment has become final under Article 44 § 2 (c) of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision. MILANOVIĆ v. SERBIA JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Milanović v. Serbia, The European Court of Human Rights (Second Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Françoise Tulkens, President, Danutė Jočienė, Dragoljub Popović, András Sajó, Nona Tsotsoria, Kristina Pardalos, Guido Raimondi, judges, and Stanley Naismith, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 23 November 2010, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in an application (no. 44614/07) against Serbia lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by a Serbian national, Mr Života Milanović (“the applicant”), on 2 October 2007. 2. The applicant was represented by Ms T. Drobnjak, a lawyer practising in Belgrade. The Serbian Government (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent, Mr S. Carić. 3. The President of the Chamber gave priority to the application in accordance with Rule 41 of the Rules of Court. 4. The applicant complained about a series of religiously motivated attacks perpetrated against him. 5. On 16 November 2009 the Court decided to communicate the application to the Government. Under the provisions of Article 29 § 3 of the Convention, it was also decided that the merits of the application would be examined together with its admissibility. THE FACTS I. THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE CASE 6. -
On the 'Right' Side?
Fascism 2 (2013) 94–114 brill.com/fasc On the ‘right’ side? The Radical Right in the Post-Yugoslav Area and the Serbian Case Đorđe Tomić Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Institut für Geschichtswissenschaften, Lehrstuhl für Südosteuropäische Geschichte [email protected] Abstract The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emer- gence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic reforms, and slowly abandoning national- ism as a means of political mobilization/demobilization. The radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area were generally on the right side during the 1990s, but they now face margin- alization and even prosecution by state authorities. When pushed to the edge of the political field, however, these groups reorganize themselves. At the same time, several developments are fostering their existence and activities, namely the discursive normalization of nationalism, an unchallenged nationalist revisionism of history, and the reluctance of large parts of society to deal critically with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Finally, due to the lack of strong left-wing parties and organizations, the radical right groups represent the only political alternative to the new pro-European mainstream. -
Tolstoy and Zola: Trains and Missed Connections
Tolstoy and Zola: Trains and Missed Connections Nina Lee Bond Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2011 © 2011 Nina Lee Bond All rights reserved ABSTRACT Tolstoy and Zola: Trains and Missed Connections Nina Lee Bond ŖTolstoy and Zolaŗ juxtaposes the two writers to examine the evolution of the novel during the late nineteenth century. The juxtaposition is justified by the literary critical debates that were taking place in Russian and French journals during the 1870s and 1880s, concerning Tolstoy and Zola. In both France and Russia, heated arguments arose over the future of realism, and opposing factions held up either Tolstoyřs brand of realism or Zolařs naturalism as more promising. This dissertation uses the differences between Tolstoy and Zola to make more prominent a commonality in their respective novels Anna Karenina (1877) and La Bête humaine (1890): the railways. But rather than interpret the railways in these two novels as a symbol of modernity or as an engine for narrative, I concentrate on one particular aspect of the railway experience, known as motion parallax, which is a depth cue that enables a person to detect depth while in motion. Stationary objects close to a travelling train appear to be moving faster than objects in the distance, such as a mountain range, and moreover they appear to be moving backward. By examining motion parallax in both novels, as well as in some of Tolstoyřs other works, The Kreutzer Sonata (1889) and The Death of Ivan Il'ich (1886), this dissertation attempts to address an intriguing question: what, if any, is the relationship between the advent of trains and the evolution of the novel during the late nineteenth century? Motion parallax triggers in a traveler the sensation of going backward even though one is travelling forward. -
Fringe Politics in Southeastern Europe II - Conservative Social Movements and the Mainstreaming of Extremism in Southeast Europe
H-Nationalism CfP: Fringe Politics in Southeastern Europe II - Conservative Social Movements and the Mainstreaming of Extremism in Southeast Europe Discussion published by Cristian Cercel on Thursday, October 16, 2014 CfP: Fringe Politics in Southeastern Europe II – Conservative Social Movements and the Mainstreaming of Extremism in Southeast Europe The relationship between state and society in Southeastern Europe hasundergone a recent phase of intense restructuring, with protest politics and new waves of social movements from the political margins questioning the status quo and shaking up entrenched political systems. When approaching this development, scholarship has thus farpredominantly focused on social actors and groups with a distinctively democratic and progressive potential addressing various issues, suchas austerity, the privatisation of public space, the (non) provisionand privatisation of welfare and public utilities, poverty, corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, environmental concerns andauthoritarian tendencies. However, the recent anti-Cyrillic protestsin Vukovar (Croatia), football hooliganism or the rising influence of political Islam in parts of the region, have showed the particular power of social movements with a more conservative base, representing a kind of ‘grassroots nationalism’ or nationalism ‘from below’. While popular protest movements led by social groups and actors from theconservative spectrum of politics are often equated with ‘anti-democracy’ or ‘extremism’, this workshop’s rationale is to explore and -
We Rise Again Songs of Peace, Protest and Freedom
Valentine‛s Day is just around the corner. Let that special someone know how much you care. E TH 10% off any arrangement Use discount code: RWC ™ Offer expires 06/30/2015 Enhance any occasion Balloon Deliveries Private / Corporate Event Decor Graduations Baskets 408) 370-1075 www.BalloonCrew.com Order Early Rainbow Women’s Chorus Staff Ruth Huber, Co-Artistic Director, Composer-in-Residence Ruth Huber was instrumental in founding both RWC and Tapestry Singers (the Austin Women’s Chorus). She holds three music degrees, including a Master of Music in Composition from the San Francisco Conservatory, and has studied conducting at San Jose State University. Her compositions and songs have won awards from the American Choral Directors Association, the San Francisco ArtSong Competition, and the Austin Music Umbrella Songwriters Competition, and she receives commissions from choral groups around the country. A certified member of Music Teachers National Association, she teaches piano, serves as Music Director for Campbell United Congregational Church and resides in San Jose with her wife, Brenda Meng, and an assortment of adorable cats. Betsy Wagner, Co-Artistic Director, Choralographer Betsy Wagner has a Bachelor of Arts degree in Music Education with a dual major in voice and piano from Louisiana Tech University in Ruston, LA. She has been teaching music to students in grades K-12 since 1978. Since coming to the Bay Area in 1990, she has built an award-winning choir program at Morrill Middle School in San Jose. Betsy has been singing with Rainbow Women’s Chorus since 1997 and has been co-director since 2000. -
History of Organized Fascism in Serbia
History of Organized Fascism in Serbia Sava Devurić 2013. Contents 1. Emergence of organized fascism ..................... 3 2. Role of fascist groups in WW2, function of fascist ideas in WW2 . 5 3. Re-emergence during the wars in ex Yugoslavia, forms and reasons for the reappearance of fascism post 1989 / today’s scene / street fascism / role in the state apparatus ................. 6 Appendix I — Antifascism .......................... 11 Appendix II — On the authoritarian political culture in Serbia . 12 2 1. Emergence of organized fascism Although Serbia/Yugoslavia was and still is a generally conservative environ- ment, I think that it could be said fascism, in a strict definition, was a relatively small movement within it. Early on there were proto-fascist groups, like the con- spiratorial Black Hand in the pre-1918 period, and various fascistic groups in the 1920’s (ORJUNA and others). The first more ideologically well-defined fascist groups in Serbia and Yugoslavia appeared in the first half of 1930’s (not counting the Croatian Ustašas, which are a separate issue). These smaller groups united in 1935, and this is how the Yugoslav National Movement Zbor (Rally) was formed, led by a Serbian lawyer Dimitrije Ljotić. Zbor was an anti-democratic, anti-communist, anti-Semitic organization that propagated an idea of an integral Yugoslav nation, consisting of three “tribes” of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Macedonians, Montenegrins and Bosniaks – Bosnian Muslims, were then not recognized as separate ethnic groups), organized in a uni- tary, corporatist and monarchist state, dominated by Serbia. As is common in fascist practice, Zbor used a lot of the ideas that originated in the socialist movement and transformed them into tools for a nationalist ideology — into something completely opposite of their original purpose. -
Dead Heroes and Living Saints: Orthodoxy
Dead Heroes and Living Saints: Orthodoxy, Nationalism, and Militarism in Contemporary Russia and Cyprus By Victoria Fomina Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Professor Vlad Naumescu Professor Dorit Geva CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Budapest, Hungary Statement I hereby declare that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions and no materials previously written and / or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Victoria Fomina Budapest, August 16, 2019 CEU eTD Collection i Abstract This dissertation explores commemorative practices in contemporary Russia and Cyprus focusing on the role heroic and martyrical images play in the recent surge of nationalist movements in Orthodox countries. It follows two cases of collective mobilization around martyr figures – the cult of the Russian soldier Evgenii Rodionov beheaded in Chechen captivity in 1996, and two Greek Cypriot protesters, Anastasios Isaak and Solomos Solomou, killed as a result of clashes between Greek and Turkish Cypriot protesters during a 1996 anti- occupation rally. Two decades after the tragic incidents, memorial events organized for Rodionov and Isaak and Solomou continue to attract thousands of people and only seem to grow in scale, turning their cults into a platform for the production and dissemination of competing visions of morality and social order. This dissertation shows how martyr figures are mobilized in Russia and Cyprus to articulate a conservative moral project built around nationalism, militarized patriotism, and Orthodox spirituality. -
A Comparison of Responses to Political Mass Shootings in the United States and Norway
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Sociology & Criminal Justice Theses & Dissertations Sociology & Criminal Justice Summer 2016 What Can State Talk Tell Us About Punitiveness? A Comparison of Responses to Political Mass Shootings in The United States and Norway Kimberlee G. Waggoner Old Dominion University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/sociology_criminaljustice_etds Part of the Criminology Commons, Scandinavian Studies Commons, and the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons Recommended Citation Waggoner, Kimberlee G.. "What Can State Talk Tell Us About Punitiveness? A Comparison of Responses to Political Mass Shootings in The United States and Norway" (2016). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Dissertation, Sociology & Criminal Justice, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/6e42-3262 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/sociology_criminaljustice_etds/10 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology & Criminal Justice at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology & Criminal Justice Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHAT CAN STATE TALK TELL US ABOUT PUNITIVENESS? A COMPARISON OF RESPONSES TO POLITICAL MASS SHOOTINGS IN THE UNITED STATES AND NORWAY by Kimberlee G. Waggoner B.S. May 2009, Northern Arizona University M.S. May 2011, Northern Arizona University A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 2016 Approved by: Randolph Myers (Director) Mona J.E. Danner (Member) Tim Goddard (Member) ABSTRACT WHAT CAN STATE TALK TELL US ABOUT PUNITIVENESS? A COMPARISON OF RESPONSES TO POLITICAL MASS SHOOTINGS IN THE UNITED STATES AND NORWAY Kimberlee G. -
Learning to Live Together
Learning to Live Together An Intercultural and Interfaith Programme for Ethics Education Learning to Live Together Learning Live to Learning to Live Together is an intercultural and interfaith programme for ethics education, designed to contribute to the realisation of the right of the child to full and healthy physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development, and to education as set out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), in article 26.1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), in the World Declaration on Education for All and in the Millennium Development Goals (MDG). Learning to Live Together provides youth leaders and educators world- wide with the tools for an intercultural and interfaith programme, by which children and young people are able to develop a stronger sense of ethics. It is designed to help the young understand and respect people from other cultures and religions and to nurture their sense of a global community. e resource has been developed in close cooperation with UNESCO and UNICEF. Learning to Live Together Learning to Live Together An Intercultural and Interfaith Programme for Ethics Education Interfaith Council on Ethics Education for Children Global Network of Religions for Children Arigatou Foundation In cooperation with and endorsed by UNESCO and UNICEF Learning to Live Together The Interfaith Council Secretariat welcomes requests for permission to reproduce and translate this book in part or in full. Applications and enquiries should be addressed to Arigatou International, 1, rue de Varembé, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland, which will be glad to provide the latest information on any changes made to the text. -
14 European Far-Right Music and Its Enemies Anton Shekhovtsov
14 European Far-Right Music and Its Enemies Anton Shekhovtsov I’m patriotic, I’m racialistic, My views are clear and so simplistic (English Rose, 2007b) In a self-conducted interview that appeared in his manifesto, Norwegian would-be right-wing terrorist and killer Anders Behring Breivik, under the pen name Andrew Berwick, argued that specifi c music helps sustain ‘high morale and motivation’ of ‘self-fi nanced and self-indoctrinated single in- dividual attack cells’ (2011, p. 856). He went on to list several ‘motiva- tional music tracks’ he particularly liked. Breivik described one of these tracks, ‘Lux Æterna’, by Clint Mansell, which was featured in the trailer for Peter Jackson’s The Lord of the Rings : The Two Towers , as ‘very inspir- ing’ and as invoking ‘a type of passionate rage within you’ (2011, p. 858). On 22 July 2011, ‘Lux Æterna’ supposedly played in his iPod while he was killing members of the Workers’ Youth League of the Norwegian Labour Party on the island of Utøya (Gysin, Sears and Greenhill, 2011). Another artist favoured by Breivik in his manifesto is Saga, ‘a courageous, Swedish, female nationalist-oriented musician who creates pop-music with patriotic texts’ (2011, p. 856). Saga soared to the heights of right-wing fame in 2000, when she released three volumes of My Tribute to Skrewdriver on the Swedish right-wing label Midgård Records (2000a). Her three-volume album featured cover versions of Skrewdriver, a model White Power band, whose late leader, Ian Stuart Donaldson, founded the Blood & Honour (B&H) music promotion network in 1987. -
Contents Welome 2 Conference Programme 4 Abstracts 24 Panels
17th Biennial Conference of IASPM | Bridge Over Troubled Waters: Challenging Orthodoxies | Gijón 2013 Contents Welome 2 Conference programme 4 Abstracts 24 Panels 133 iaspm2013.espora.es 1 17th Biennial Conference of IASPM | Bridge Over Troubled Waters: Challenging Orthodoxies | Gijón 2013 Dear IASPM Conference Delegates, Welcome to Gijón, and to the 17th biennial IASPM Conference “Bridge over Troubled Waters”, a conference with participants from all over the world with the aim of bridging a gap between disciplines, perspectives and cultural contexts. We have received more than 500 submissions, of which some 300 made it to the programme, together with four outstanding keynote speakers. This Conference consolidates the increasing participation of Spanish delegates in previous conferences since the creation of the Spanish branch of IASPM in 1999, and reinforces the presence of Popular Music Studies at the Spanish universities and research groups. The University of Oviedo is one of the pioneer institutions in the Study of Popular Music in Spain; since the late nineties, this field of study is constantly growing due to the efforts of scholars and students that approach this repertoire from an interdisciplinary perspective. As for the place that hosts the conference, Gijón is an industrial city with an important music scene. I wouldn´t call it the Spanish Liverpool, but some critics called it the Spanish Seattle because it was an important place for the development of “noise music” in Spain during the 1990s. The venue, Laboral, is an exponent of the architecture of the dictatorship. Finished in 1956, it was conceived as a school for war orphans to learn a trade and in 2007 it was remodeled to become a “city for culture”. -
The Right-Wing Extremism in Serbia
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Right-Wing Extremism in Serbia JOVO BAKIC February 2013 n During the 1990s the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) was the most important promoter of the far right in Serbia. Slobodan Milošević’s regime managed to keep it under control, thanks to its control over the mass media, although the SRS managed to poll 30 percent of the vote. However, after the political changes of October, 5th, 2000 (the fall of the Milošević regime) and the former SRS leader Vojislav Šešelj becoming an indictee before the Hague Tribunal (ICTY), the SRS split in 2008. The majority of the party and its supporters turned to the duo Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić, who since then have made successful efforts to pragmatically re-profile the new Serbian Progressive Party (SNP) as a moderately conservative political party. Following the general elections of 2012 the SNP formed a coalition government to- gether with the post-Milošević SPS and Nikolić won last years’ presidential election. n Currently there is no powerful far-right party in Serbia that would unite the far right under one umbrella. This significantly weakens the action potential of the far right. After the defeat of the »old« SRS in the 2012 elections and the SNP’s evolution into a moderate national-conservative party, Serbia today is one of the countries in Europe with no far-right political party in parliament, for the first time since the break-up of former Yugoslavia. n However, there are strong movements at the far right of the political spectrum that despise parliamentarianism and political parties.