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Home , Ife, Igbo name, Ijebu Ode, Kakaki, Nigerian National Museum, Oba (ruler)

Kings, Crowns, and Rightsof Succession:Obalufon Arts at and OtherYoruba Centers

Suzanne Preston Blier

The life-size from Ife (Fig. 1), the ancient re- and technically accomplished of all works from ancient Ife. ligious center of the Yoruba in southwestern (Fig. Ekpo Eyo and Frank Willett date the mask to the twelfth 2), is one of the most familiar, yet enigmatic, of all African through fifteenth centuries A.D.5 works in metal.1 It was first published in 1937 by the late Like related Ife and copper heads (Figs. 3, 4), the king (Oni) of Ife, Adesoji Aderemi, in the journal Nigeria.2 Obalufon mask is a work of extraordinary naturalism. Ex- The king identified the mask at the time as representing cept for the characteristic Ife- almond-shaped eyes and Obalufon II, a legendary early ruler of Ife who is credited the distinct stylization of the ears, the face of the mask with the invention of brass-casting at that center. This life- shows striking physiognomic accuracy. The naturalism of size mask was said by the king to have been kept on an this work is heightened by its fully life-size proportions, altar in the Omirin room of the royal at Ife ever and by the fact that it was apparently intended to incor- since its manufacture.3 A near flawless casting in ninety- porate an attached beard, for holes have been placed around nine percent pure copper,4 it is one of the most beautiful the mouth and chin areas so that a beard could be inserted.

1 This paper was previously presented at a symposium in honor of the dan, and Zaire (Thurstan Shaw, Nigeria: Its Archaeology and Early His- late Douglas Fraser held at Columbia University on April 15-16, 1983. tory, London, 1978, 72). O. Werner and F. Willett have published the The analysis shares Fraser'sconcerns with some of the more difficult ques- results of spectographic analyses of several Ife castings ("The Composition tions in Nigerian art history. As with many studies of historical art tra- of from Ife and ," Archaeometry, xvii, 1975, 141-163), which ditions in , the ultimate answers may never be known. The sug- suggest, however, that the metal may have come from Lower Saxony (in gestions presented here, if in part conjectural, provide an alternative to the Harz region) in , where mines producing related ores were being the hypotheses about Ife art currently espoused. These findings have the worked during the 12th and 13th centuries. (Corresponding evidence of additional advantage of conforming more closely with Ife oral traditions, copper being transported by caravan across the Sahara in the 11th or 12th royal succession rites, and religious beliefs. Future fieldwork on Yoruba century [1090 A.D. ? 1081 has been found in Mauritania; Theodore Obalufon ceremonies and art undoubtedly will add further insight into Monod, "Majabat al-Koubra," Bulletin de lInstitut Francais dAfrique traditions discussed here. Noire, xxvi, 1964, 1394-1402). During this period, the African Berbers My interest in Yoruba coronation arts began in 1969-1971, when I was (Almoravid and Almohad Moslems) controlled much of the Western Sa- living in the Yoruba royal city of Save (in the of Benin). At that hara, the Mediterranean, and Spain. Presumably it was through them that time, considerable discussion focused on the selection and installation of metals were traded into this area, either by way of Spain (which, as R. a new Save king. My more recent interest in the topic began after viewing W. Southern notes [The Making of the Middle Ages, New Haven, 1953, the exhibit, "The Treasures of Ancient Nigeria," organized in 1980 by 42], had trade contracts at this time with eastern Germany) or through Michael Kan and the Detroit Institute of Arts and curated by Ekpo Eyo, Sicily (and the Holy Roman ) both of which benefited from trade Director of Nigerian National Museums. As a result of that exhibit, the ties with the Moslem world. Obalufon mask and other Ife works came to this for the first country s P. 93. D.H. Jones suggests ("Problems of African Chronology," Journal time. of African History, 11, 2, 1970: 160-176) that the average king's reign in The essay would not have been without the of a present possible help similar African societies was probably thirteen years. Forty-eight kings number of scholars. I wish to thank Rowland Abiodun, Richard Brilliant, are believed to have ruled at Ife from the time of its founding to the Henry and Margaret Drewal, Kate Ezra, William Fagg, Jeff Hammer, present. Kenyo's list (in Smith, 20) cites forty-seven kings, but since he Jack Pemberton, and Frank Willett, all of whom offered critical comment wrote a new ruler was enthroned. Allowing an average of thirteen years and shared their information and ideas. Shirley Glazer carefully checked per reign, Obalufon II, Ife's third king, would probably have lived some my sources; Sarah Travis made the drawings and Michael Kan maps. time in the 14th century. At Ife, this date is also corroborated by other secure thanks to all of them. Plates 1, 3, 4, 10, helped photographs. My evidence. First, several stylistically similar Ife works from the Ita Yemoo Dirk 11, 12, 14 were photographed by Bakker. site have been shown to date to the 12th to 14th centuries A.D. on the 2 Aderami, the Oni of Ife, "Notes on the City of Ife," Nigeria, xiixx,1937, basis of radiocarbon tests at that site (P.S. Garlake, "Excavations at Ob- 3. Among the first of the Ife works to reach the West were those brought alara's Land, Ife: An Interim Report," West African Journal of Archae- to Europe by the British colonial governor Gilbert Thomas Carter. Ac- ology, iv, 1974, 146; Frank Willett, "Radiocarbon Dates and Cire-perdue cording to Samuel Johnson (p. 647) "three of those national and ancestral Castings in Ife and Benin," Abhandlungen und Berichte des Museums filr works of art known as the 'Ife marbles' "were given to Carter in 1896 by Volkerkunde. Forschungsstelle, xxxiv, 1975, 291-300). Two cire-perdue Adelekan, the then recently crowned king of Ife. Johnson explains that heads that are close in style to the Obalufon mask have been dated by the king gave them to Governor Carter in an effort to gain a positive Frank Willett and S.J. Fleming ("A Catalogue of Important Copper-Alloy decision concerning the resettlement of Modakeke residents outside the Castings Dated by Thermoluminescence,"Archaeometry, xviii, 1976, 136- city (see nn. 68 and 69). 37) using thermoluminescent analysis to 1440 A.D. ( 65 ) and 1490 A.D. because the heads were found in a second 3Kenneth C. Murray, "Nigerian : Works from Ife," Antiquity, ( ?85) respectively. However, xv, 1941, 73; Willett, 29. burial context, which precluded the possibility of subsidiary soil analyses, these latter dates are not completely reliable. 4Ancient copper exploitation took place in , Mauritania, , Su- 384 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3

1 Copper mask said to represent Ife king Obalufon II, 12th- 15th century A.D., h. 29.5cm. From king's palace, Ife. Nigeria, Museum of Ife Antiquities, No. 12

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4 Zinc brass head from Ife, 12th-15th century A.D., h.29.5cm. Wunmonije compound of king's palace, Ife. Nigeria, Museum of Ife Antiquities, No. 12

3 Ife copper head, 12th-15thcentury A.D., h. 29cm. Tracesof white pigmentin cornersof eyes, black on pupils, and red aroundeyes and on neck. FromWunmonije compound of king'spalace, Ife. Nigeria, Museumof Ife Antiquities,No. 6 OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 385

stylistically similar life-size mask - this one in terra-cotta - which was unearthed on Obalufon Street, appropriately enough, twenty feet from the site of the city's Obalufon shrine. This mask (Fig. 5), like the copper Obalufon mask, / 4 was also intended to be worn, for slits are incorporated beneath the eyes. The terra-cotta mask is different from the op copper one, however, in that incised striations cover the face, and both a headdress and stylized beard have been included in the modeling.6 Eluyemi, who published the mask, notes (p. 41) that this find does not necessarily offer conclusive proof of the identity of the copper mask with Obalufon, but it does the that the two oo? suggest possibility may ultimately be linked. in any medium are ex- tremely rare among extant works from ancient Ife.7 The identification of the life-size copper mask from Ife with Ob- alufon II is further supported by the importance of metal masks in the corpus of later Yoruba Obalufon religious arts. It is quite possible that the copper Obalufon mask may have served as a prototype for this later Obalufon cire- perdue tradition. The meaning and role of the Obalufon mask at ancient Ife have not been thoroughly explored. Only three scholars have attempted to discuss the possible function of this work. Leon Underwood was the first.8 He noted that "The slits beneath the eyes indicate its use . . . in some sort of cer- emony." Justine Cordwell commented that it may have had a funerary use, asserting that ". . . the life-size, na- turalistic portrait mask . . . could be worn on the head of 5 Ife terra-cottamask from Obalara'sCompound (Obalufon a living man, who. . . bowing and waving, thus [carried] St.), Ife, 12th-15thcentury, A.D., h. 32cm. NigeriaMuseum of to the ultimate the illusion of the return of the dead ruler." Ife No. OC2 Antiquities, Most recently, Frank Willett presented two theories for its possible use (pp. 29, 150). His first theory supports Cord- well's view that the work may have been worn during fu- Additional holes around the hairline, Willett notes (p. 20), nerals.10He noted that were probably used to secure a separate headdress, perhaps a prototype of the divine crowns worn today by Yoruba Unlike the other [Ife] bronzes, this is a true mask in- kings at Ife and other royal centers. Although close in style tended to be worn over the face, with slits below the eyes and decorative detail to the life-size brass and copper heads so that the wearer could see out . . . In the course of from Ife, the Obalufon mask is distinct from these, for it Yoruba funerals nowadays an masquerader was intended to be worn, and has narrow slits beneath the takes it upon himself to speak as the voice of the de- eyes, so that its wearer could see. In addition, holes have ceased, to reassure the living that he has been satisfied been placed around the mask's lower edge for the attach- with his burial . . . It is possible that this mask was used ment, presumably, of a costume or robe. in such a funeral ceremony . . Unlike Ife brass and copper heads that at one time were buried (and eventually forgotten), this mask, remaining at According to Willett's second theory, the mask may have the palace, could have retained its original identity. A re- been linked to an Ife tradition in which a servant imper- cent find at Ife offers evidence that supports the identifi- sonating the king put on the robes and crown of state in cation of this mask with Obalufon. The find consists of a to prolong the ruler's reign. The mask, Willett sug-

6 This terra-cotta Obalufon mask, which weighs 4.52 kilograms, is the Willett, Northwestern University slide collection), the other a terra-cotta largest of the terra-cotta heads from Ife (Eluyemi, 41). Henry Drewal has identified by Willett (fig. 67) as a "masked head?" found at Igbo Obameri, pointed out (personal communication, April 9, 1984) that this headdress 8 Leon Underwood, Bronzes of , London, 1949, 34. is similar to that depicted in several Ife identified by Willett as 9 Justine Cordwell, "Naturalism and Stylization in ," Magazine queens (p. 156, IX). In view of the clearly defined beard and mustache pl. of Art, 1953, 224. portrayed on the Obalufon terra-cotta mask, Willett's identification of 10 attribute to this mask is this headdress type exclusively with women should be reconsidered. The funerary role that Cordwell and Willett based on their theory that Ife brass and copper heads were also used in 7 Only two other examples of masks from ancient Ife are known to me, funerary contexts (see text below, pp. 394-395). one a terra-cotta fragment from Igbodo Street (photographed by Frank 386 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3

gests, might have been used in the course of such an from the Ife shrine of Obalufon.12 Perhaps the ancient Ob- impersonation." alufon mask also once had a role in Ife coronation rites. Except for Underwood's very general idea about a cer- Because it is life-size, it could easily have been worn in emonial use, there is no real evidence to support these the- related ceremonies. Holes placed around the hairline prob- ories. The key to the mask's symbolism, it is suggested here, ably served to secure a crown. Fabunmi notes that the is found instead in the figure of Obalufon II himself, both in charge of Obalufon is chief Obalara (p. 10). Obalara's as a historic ruler at Ife, and, following his death, as a deity descendants, this author explains, play a major part in the of the . In this analysis the first theme will coronation ceremonies of the new king. The original Ob- be coronation ceremonies at Ife. It will be argued that the alara was the son of Obalufon, and, as Eluyemi has noted mask is integrally associated with these ceremonies and with (p. 41), the Obalufon priesthood to has remained the related rites of rulership transition. Following this, the within this family. figure of Obalufon II and his place in the early formation The possible association of the Obalufon mask with Ife of the Ife state will be discussed. The mask will be seen to coronations is reinforced by the fact that, according to the symbolize Obalufon's role in assuring the future of the city- late king of Ife (quoted in Verger, 439), the crown is brought state through his association with problems of the succes- from the Obalufon shrine (a sanctuary identified with the sion of rulers and popular support for the throne. Later deified Obalufon). As the late king of Ife explained it, "The Obalufon religious arts and liturgies (explored as a distinct Oni of Ife is proclaimed king at the temple of Odudua but corpus here for the first time), can be seen to reinforce the he receives his crown the following day at the temple of identity of the mask both with themes of coronations and Orisala [Obatala] where it has been brought from the tem- with the exigencies of autochthonous rule. The well-known ple of Obalufon."13On this same day, the new king pays Ife brass and copper heads as well as a number of other homage to the dignitaries and people of Ife, showing them cire-perdue works from the period also may be associated the throne of Obalufon, according to Palau-Marti (p. 22). with these ideas, for they, like the mask, appear to be iden- Additional support for this linking of the Obalufon mask tified with Obalufon and with succession to the throne. with ceremonies of royal investiture is found in the fact, discussed by Ogunba, that the word Obalufe (the for The Arts and the Succession of Rulers: certain Ife priest-chiefs), means "king or chief at Ife" or the Ife Coronation Ceremonies and the Obalufon Mask "the king or important person who owns Ife."14The word Present-day traditions at Ife provide us with clues as to "" in Obalufon likewise refers to "king," implying that the possible functioning and symbolism of the Obalufon Obalufon was closely identified with Ife rule and, by ex- mask in the city in ancient times. Contemporary evidence tension, with the transfer of royal power. suggests that the mask traditionally may have had a role If the mask was worn, as its design suggests it was in- in Ife coronation ceremonies. M. A. Fabunmi, author of a tended to be, it was probably in the context of related cor- 1969 catalogue that inventories local Ife religious shrines onation ceremonies. According to Lloyd, during Yoruba and ceremonies, explains in this light that during Ife cor- coronations reenactment scenes drawn from the early pe- onations the royal crown was placed on "the head of Ob- riod of the city-state were often presented.15 In such per- alufon" before the new ruler was allowed to wear it (p. 11). formances, the indigenous inhabitants of the city had a cen- What is meant here by the phrasing "the head of Obalufon" tral place. Indeed in many Yoruba cities, the event often is not clear, but it appears to be a reference to a took place at one of their compounds. In view of the im-

11 Willett's most recent discussion of the mask (in Eyo and Willett, 34) at Ideta in the Ilode quarter. According to K.C. Murray (in Willett, per- suggests that today he is less sure about either of these possibilities. He sonal communication, March 7, 1985), the king is crowned at Ojubo Ob- notes that "the function of the mask. . . is not at all certain. . Whether alufon. This is near the shrine of Obatala. The to Fabunmi .. king, according it was used to impersonate someone during the burial ceremonies, or at (p. 25), must also ". . . spend a period of probation before taking up some subsequent event, we simply do not know, and it seems unprofitable residence at the palace at Atobatele house, at present occupied by Barclays to guess." Bank, which stands to the northwest of the palace." Abraham also de- 12 K.C. Murray (in Frank Willett, personal communication, March 7, scribes (p. 279) the coronation of the Ife king. He notes that "the coro- nation is a as he has to attend rites at of the 201 1985). Jack Pemberton III notes ("Descriptive Catalogue," in William Fagg long ceremony many shrines believed to have been established Odudua in Ife et al., Yoruba Sculpture of West Africa, New York, 1982, 160) that it is traditionally by . . On another occurs the iwesu wherein a stone is washed generally women who place the crown on the new king's head. day ceremony to ward off the evil influence of Esu . . . On his appointment . . . a 13 By maintaining control over the crown in this way, the Obalufon ceremony takes place at the Igbo-ade where he receives gifts in multiples could also control those who were to be crowned, thereby assuring that of 201 on the day before the work of the new Oni begins." H.L. Ward a ruler was indeed to the throne. The importance for legitimate coming Price (Dark Subjects, London, 1939) also discusses Ife coronations. I thank Ife coronations of Obatala, the deity of the autochthonous people, should Frank Willett for pointing this out to me. not be underestimated. Not only does the coronation take place at the 14 0. Ogunba, "Ceremonies," in Sources of Yoruba ed. S. O. temple of Obatala, but the royal scepter is also associated with this deity History, Oxford, 1973, 99. (Idowu, 28-29). Willett suggests (personal communication, March 7, 1985), Biobaku, however, that the crowns were probably kept in the palace. Is P. C. Lloyd, "Yoruba Myths - A Sociologist's Interpretation," Odu, The coronation rites at Ife are discussed by several scholars. Fabunmi i, 1955, 25. (p. 25) notes that the new king is crowned on a spot called Igbo Kubolaja OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 387 portant place of Obalufon in the Ife coronation rite, it is lufon II is said to have been buried near the Wunmonije quite possible that a scene drawn from the life of Obalufon compound (Fig. 6) at the palace.18 It is here that the brass (similar perhaps to the Ede reenactment - see p. 389) may and copper heads that are stylistically similar to the Ob- have been incorporated. A priest wearing the Obalufon alufon mask were also buried. mask might have had a central role in such a dramatization. The events surrounding Ife's founding and Obalufon II's role in the early Ife city-state are described in some detail Obalufon II: A King Who Ruled Twice in Ife oral accounts. Present-day scholars of Yoruba In view of the apparently close association of the Ob- such as Idowu (p. 23) and Awolalu (p. 27) see the city as alufon mask with coronations, the question naturally arises developing its political and religious primacy as a result of as to why Obalufon II would have been so closely identified the arrival of a militarily powerful group of foreigners who with the succession of rulers at Ife. The answer appears to were part of a distant branch of the Yoruba people. Un- lie in the figure of Obalufon II himself, who, as Ife's third fortunately the of the leader of this group is not ruler, played a decisive role in political events of the early known, because in the accounts his identity is subsumed city-state. Obalufon II is presented in Ife oral accounts as by that of his patron deity, Odudua.19 At the time of the a powerful ruler who, after being dethroned, returned to arrival of this outsider and his party, Ife was occupied by power and brought the city's diverse factions into accord, an indigenous people who were under the leadership of a thereby assuring the future of the newly emerging state.16 hunter named Ore (Oreluere). Not surprisingly, the orig- Three aspects of his reign will be explored here: his de- inal inhabitants of Ife do not appear to have supported this thronement by Oranmiyan and subsequent return to foreigner, "Odudua," in his attempts to gain control of power; second, his identity as a valiant warrior, protector the city.20 of the local populace, and symbol of political harmony, This foreign ruler was, however, by all accounts a strong and third, his association with the society and the and politically effective leader. One of his most important arts of casting. Obalufon's central role in the early Ife city- decisions was to establish a series of marriage alliances with state is reinforced by the meaning of his name, which, as the local populace. Accordingly, both he and his party mar- suggested above, incorporates the word "Oba" (king), in- ried indigenous women "of the land," in order to create a dicating his important place in Ife rule. Obalufon II, like new generation of Ife residents who, in Idowu's words many Yoruba kings, also had several subsidiary . One (p. 24), "... . would be at home in both worlds . . . people of these was Alaiyemore, meaning "owner of the world who were without bitterness towards either of the opposing known as Oreluere," Ore or Oreluere referring to an ab- parties." In the course of these marriages, the new ruler fa- original hunter who was a menace to the foreign ruler thered a number of children, many of whom eventually set "Odudua."17The significance of this last name will be seen out to found their own dynasties in other Yoruba states. shortly, in that Obalufon II played a central part in the On "Odudua's" death, one of his sons, Obalufon I (Og- dispute between the autochthonous peoples of Ife and sup- bogbodirin), succeeded him to the throne. Obalufon I's porters of "Odudua" over rule of the city-state. Since the reign appears to have been beset with problems. Unlike his oral accounts do not discuss any trauma or difficulty as- father, "Odudua," he was a weak ruler. Indeed, the state sociated with Obalufon II's death, it can be inferred that that his father had recently formed seems already to have he died peacefully of old age. Following his death, Oba- begun to disintegrate in the course of his reign.21 In addi-

16 Although there are potential problems with the use of oral traditions after the primordial divinity whose worship he had encouraged. Thus and mythological accounts when attempting to trace historical events and Odudua is portrayed as a primordial divinity and as a deified ancestor. there is considerable the accounts of events 21 persons, consistency among According to the Oni of Ife (in Verger, 141-42), Obalufon I's father, associated with Obalufon II's Thus the oral traditions in this case reign. Odudua, would have preferred to leave the throne to his oldest son, the to be well founded. appear warrior . When the latter died, Odudua remarked, "I have no longer 17 Adedeji, 325, n. 13; Willett, 123. a powerful son to watch over the totality of my kingdom; Obalufon is 18 not the and he will divide Ekpo Eyo, Highlights of 2,000 Years of Nigerian Art, , 1976, pl. enough warrior, the lands among his diverse sons." Odudua here seems to be the 15. Frank Willett, however, believes (personal communication, March 7, anticipating breakup of the kingdom under the of Obalufon I. It was this and the 1985) that this grave is identified with Lafogido rather than Obalufon. reign division, question of who would rule at Ife, which, as will be seen, played a central part in the 19 Idowu, 26. rule of Obalufon I's own son, Obalufon II. Little else is known about the 20 The leader "Odudua" also appears to have suppressed the worship of reign of Obalufon I, but there is some evidence that the deity Obatala the local Ife deity, Obatala. Awolalu summarizes (p. 27) the situation at (the of the autochthonous people - and presumably of Obalufon I's Ife at this time as follows: mother) may have been made a state deity around that time. This was a) that the original inhabitants of Ife knew and acknowledged Obatala most probably in response to the continued pressure on the new ruler by as the deity that created the earth and to whom worship was due and the local populace for royal support of local religious belief. Evidence for given; b) that at a stage in the early history of Ife, some intruders who this comes from the statements of Johnson (p. 11) and Beier (p. 18) that were migrating from somewhere, came into Ife, and conquered the orig- during the reign of Obalufon I's eventual successor, Oranmiyan, an Ob- inal inhabitants who were devotees of [Obatala]; c) that the newcomers atala priest had a position of great importance in the palace. Presumably suppressed the worship of Obatala and embraced that of who this priesthood had already been established by the time he came to power. was possibly a female divinity; d) that at the death of the conquering As already noted, Odudua and his successors married local women, and leader, his followers and admirers deified him and called him Odudua they also may have been instrumental in bringing Obatala into the palace. 388 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3 tion, during his rule there appear to have been frequent attacks against the palace by the indigenous occupants * of Ife.22 * . .-..;.4 Into this insecure situation Obalufon II was -Moo t political e 1Shrine thrust when, following Obalufon I's death, he appears to I dan Rd have ascended the throne. So weakened was the Obalufon city-state 0oShrine S Iw~inrin of Ife this time, that soon after he came to Ob- rem by power, Grove ovMQ I Shrine alufon II was forced from the throne by a man named Or- 0 aa nuorogbo A of Omitoto- anmiyan.23 This latter figure, a powerful warrior who is Tc \ o lo uri rinj Ose also said to have ruled at Oyo and Benin, is identified var- gboKubolaja f Obatala as Obalufon's I's brother and as his Little Sta / S9irine I iously nephew.24 \O0ran is told of Obalufon II's short reign prior to his overthrow, Sta but he to have had the of 46 1 woN appears already strong backing *jm the local populace, for it was he, rather than Oranmiyan, Shrin who they are said to have supported as ruler. *Moremi Obalufon II, although forced from the throne by Or- anmiyan, waged a hard battle to regain control of the king- dom. In the end, his endeavors appear to have been suc- the accounts indicate that he returned cessful, for eventually 0 to power.- In his fight against Oranmiyan to regain rule, he benefited from the support of the indigenous Ife pop- one mile ulation.26 The Obalufon II at this time as legends portray . . CityWall cIS.8so an ingenious military leader. In his campaign against Or- mm Inner City Wall anmiyan, he is said to have dressed the local warriors in straw masks which made them appear to be spirits from 6 Map of Ife. After Willett (fig. 2) and Fabunmi(n.p.) another world. This disguise frightened and confused Or-

22 This is based on Johnson's assertion (p. 147) that the raids that plagued II may have taken place after Oranmiyan's death during the reign of his the reign of Obalufon I's successor, Oranmiyan, had been going on for son, Layiamisan. This, as Adedeji points out, also ". . . usefully explains "a series of years," thus suggesting that this situation antedated his rise the reason for Alaiyemore's [Obalufon II 's] return to the throne as one to power. of the terms of the rapprochement." This also explains Obalufon II's even- tual to who in some accounts is said to have been 23 According to one account (Verger, 329), it was against Obalufon I that marriage Moremi, married to Oranmiyan fought to take over Ife rule. This account states that when previously Oranmiyan. 26 Oranmiyan ". . . learned that Odudua had died and that Obalufon had Adedeji, 326. This conflict between Obalufon II and Oranmiyan over inherited from his mother, and had become first king of Ife, Oranmiyan the throne parallels a conflict in religious doctrine between the followers sent a message to Obalufon, menacing him with death; Obalufon fled to of Obatala and Odudua, the patron of Obalufon and Oranmiyan Ido, fifteen miles from Ife. Oranmiyan . . . stayed a certain time at Ife, respectively. This dispute, which is frequently discussed in the Yoruba " then went to and finally Oyo The confusion of the , centers on the question of who deserves credit for creating the two Obalufons and their respective reigns also... occurs in Yoruba religious world. Most accounts suggest that it was Odudua who actually did so, ritual associated with Obalufon (see n. 35). but that Obatala (Orishanla) rightfully should have. The right was said to have been taken from him because he was viewed as unfit (he 24 Aderemi (as in n. 2, 3); Smith (p. 19); Fabunmi (pp. 16-17). The ac- away had gotten drunk); then, while he lay sleeping (i.e., in a state of being counts also vary as to whether or not Oranmiyan had any legitimate claim unaware), the power was assumed by Odudua (Idowu, 23; Willett, 121- to the throne. The "official" version (Fabunmi, 16) suggests that it was 23). As Idowu points out, however, a number of accounts contradict this Oranmiyan and not Obalufon II who had been the intended successor of view, some stating not only that Obatala did not become drunk but was Obalufon I. According to this version, at the time of the latter's death, able to carry out the creation. Oranmiyan was away from court on a military campaign and could not be found. For this reason Obalufon II was crowned instead. When Or- Regardless of the considerable differences between the various Yoruba as to which could claim to be the world's creator, all anmiyan returned, he proceeded to claim what was rightfully his. myths deity agree on one factor, the of a hunter named Ore at the time. In the Other evidence suggests, however, that Oranmiyan had no legitimate presence most account, when Odudua came down to create the Earth, right, and was indeed a usurper. This evidence is that Oranmiyan is iden- widespread he found that Ore, an hunter, was established there tified as the youngest son of "Odudua" (Smith, p. 34). Since Oranmiyan aboriginal already (Idowu, 23). In the in which Obatala is credited is said to have had many older brothers, he would not have been called major opposing legend, with the world, Ore (Oreluere) is said to have come down with on to succeed his father. Furthermore, the accounts suggest that on Odu- creating the first that Obatala sent to Earth (Idowu, 20). Both versions ex- dua's death, Oranmiyan inherited none of his father's moveable properties party concern for a claim to the Ife lands (i.e., creation of) and, (Johnson, 8). This view of Oranmiyan as a usurper is also suggested by press legitimate in turn, control over them. the accounts differ as to the creator Frobenius (p. 205), who notes that Oranmiyan's father was a man named Though (Odudua or Obatala), both indicate that the hunter Ore (Oreluere) Laro, and that Oranmiyan had ". . . once conquered [Ife], but was driven they had claim to the land. to T. Bowen forth again." Ulli Beier argues in turn (Yoruba Myths, Cambridge, 1980, rightful Interestingly, according J. (Adventures and Labours in Several Countries in the Interior 65) that Oranmiyan may not even have been part of the royal line. He Missionary 1849 to 1956, London, 1857, 267), the mother" of asserts that Oranmiyan is ". . . obviously representing a late immigrant of Africa from "great the Yoruba is under the name of ommoh with no real landrights." worshipped Iymmodeh (Iya Oddeh) "the mother of the hunter's [i.e., Ore's] children." 2 According to John Abiri (in Adedeji, 327) the defeat/return of Obalufon OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 389 anmiyan's warriors so that they were unable to fight tified with persons and events in this dispute. The most effectively.27 important are the mask of Obalufon II and a large stone Eventually, however, Obalufon II's masking deception "staff" associated with Oranmiyan. There are also a num- was discovered. On one of his raids, a local Ife woman ber of sacred areas and sculptures that refer to the family, named Moremi allowed herself to be taken captive by Ob- supporters, and patron deities of these two historic figures. alufon's forces.28In her captivity, Moremi was able to learn Many of these are described in Fabunmi's analysis of Ife that it was not spirits from another world but rather the shrines. One such shrine is associated with Moremi; an- original Ife inhabitants under Obalufon II's direction who other is identified with her son Ela. A quartz stool that is were menacing the capital. When she later escaped, she now in the is identified with another son, went home to tell Oranmiyan of her discovery. In Obal- Alashe (Oluorogbo).30 According to Willett (pl. 77), this ufon II's subsequent raid, his men were met by Oranmi- stool was found in the Ife Oluorogbo grove. The leader of yan's torch-bearing warriors who soon "unmasked" and the autochthonous peoples, Ore (Oreluere), also has a defeated the autochthonous troops. shrine. At the back of this area is a stone carving repre- This same Moremi helped to bring Obalufon back to the senting Ore's gate man, Edena (this sculpture is now in the throne. She was viewed as a heroine because of her role in palace museum). Obalufon's capture, and with her new status she insisted The great day in Ife history when Obalufon II was re- that a more permanent peace be established at Ife. With turned to the throne following his defeat is reenacted at Ife this in mind, she asked that Obalufon II, the exiled king, in a special yearly pageant at nearby Ede.31In it, a character be returned to power. In turn, she became his wife. Mo- named Ajagemo, who simultaneously symbolizes the au- remi, as a local woman, clearly had allegiance in both tochthonous peoples, the deity Obatala, and Obalufon II, camps. Accordingly, the solution that she proposed ben- dances to meet his armed opponent Olunwi who represents efited both equally, and indeed, her decision to seek a more the newcomers, "Odudua," and Oranmiyan. In this com- permanent peace was a critical one for the long-term sta- bat, "Obalufon II" is overpowered and is taken into the bility of Ife. This move brought to the throne not only a palace. He is soon released, and is carried triumphantly forceful leader, but also one who had the strong support back to the arena. This reenactment takes place during the of the original Ife inhabitants.29 With the return of Oba- festival held in honor of Obatala,32the deity associated with lufon II to Ife, the autochthonous Ife citizens also appear Obalufon, and the original residents of Ife. to have returned to this center, and the second part of Ob- At the opening of this event is a ceremony dedicated to alufon II's reign appears to have been marked by peace and the Ogboni society.33This society, which is important in prosperity. Yoruba art patronage today, is said to have been formed Many sculptures and shrines in and around Ife are iden- around the time of the above conflict by the followers of

27 Johnson, 147; Abraham, 428; Willett, 122-23; Awolalu, 150; C. Daryll They tricked him with palm wine Forde, The Yoruba-Speaking People of South-Western Nigeria, London, They then deserted the divinity from heaven 1951, 37. When they had vanished 28 then asked where could Johnson, 147; Willett, 122-23; Fabunmi, 17; Adedeji, 326-237. They else the secret be found? 29 Obalufon II himself was probably the son of a local woman (see text 33 Adedeji, 328. The relationship between Ogboni and Yoruba rulership p. 387). is clear. According to Justine Cordwell ("Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yo- 30 Alashe (Oluorogbo) is also said in some accounts to be Moremi's hus- ruba and Benin Cultures," Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1952, band (R. E. Dennett, Nigerian Studies, London, 1910, 23; Fabunmi, 9). 43), "The Ogboni society acts not only as advisor to the ruler and court Other examples of Ife art of this period have been found in the Iwinrin of justice but in some areas actually controls the ruler and his decisions." or Igbo Grove, a sacred area closely identified with the original Ife in- Furthermore,both Obalufon and Ogboni are associated with the left hand. habitants. In addition, both Obatala, Obalufon's patron deity, and this "Osi la njo ijo Obalufon" or "It is towards the left hand that you move deity's wife, Yemo, have shrines at Ife. Odudua and several of this god's when you dance in honor of Obalufon," say his worshippers (Awolalu, wives, and Omitoto-Ose, also have shrines. Oranmiyan's father, 107). A somewhat parallel ceremony is also performed at Ijebu-Ife, at Ogun, and several of Oranmiyan's warriors have shrines with art of this which time Obalufe priest-chiefs are identified with persons having prior period as well. claim to the land, who were ousted wrongly from political power. These 31 Willett, 123; Adedeji, 325-331. prior claimants are in control of many of the sacred aspects of political rule. The ritual, Ogunba suggests (as in n. 14, 99), "... gives the impres- 32 The associated song/prayers reinforce the importance of Obatala and sion that the priest-chief has in fact been cheated of power and the yearly the indigenous Igbo at this festival. The following was recorded by Ade- meeting and parting becomes something of an atonement for the irrev- deji (p. 329). ocable seizure, so that the indigenous gods of the land may not revolt the new overlord." the festival it Obatala against political Appropriately, during is the priest Obalufe who to the Earth, a mark of his close as- The Oba that we praise sociation with it. Ogunba notes in this study (p. 99), in turn, that "priest- The truly king chiefs like . . . the Obalufe, bear names which sound more akin to the Who was born in the city of Igbo ownership of the land than the priest kings." Henry Drewal suggests (per- And went to become king in the city of Iranje sonal communication, 9, 1984) that at this shrine, Obalufe is also The Orisa April great the head of the Odudua association. The divinity of Igbo They showed him ingratitude 390 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3

Obatala to fight political injustice. According to Idowu masks form a significant part of the Obalufon art corpus. (p. 24): Obalufon, a God with Many Identities: Deity of War, Everything points to the fact that it was at this time that Peace, Prosperity, and the Arts of Beads, the Ogboni cult began. This was a secret cult formed, in Brass, and Weaving all probability, to protect the indigenous institutions of Obalufon II, like many great Yoruba rulers, was deified the land from annihilation under the influence of the new at his death. According to Idowu (p. 69) "Obalufon is one regime. It must have been originally an exclusive orga- of the divinities worshipped at Ile-Ife and all over Yoru- nization limited to the original owners of the land. baland. But he began by being an ancestor." Unlike other Yoruba deities such as , , Ogun, Odudua, and The close relationship between Obalufon II and the Og- Ifa, this god has not been the object of any study, nor have boni society is of considerable significance because Oba- the wealth and diversity of religious ritual and art asso- lufon is said to have introduced brass casting at Ife.34Today ciated with him been examined. Although today Obalu- this same society is one of the principal patrons of Yoruba fon's followers are found in many parts of , brass casting arts. Unfortunately, the historical accounts Ile-Ife still remains an important center for Obalufon wor- provide few further details on this matter. Most probably, ship.35Other places where worship of Obalufon (Balufon, however, Obalufon II's close association with the Ogboni Obalifon, Abalufon, Abalifon) is especially strong include society was the basis of his identification with the intro- towns in Ekiti where Obalufon II is said to have taken ref- duction of brass casting. It seems very plausible that with uge during the period of his banishment. Still other major the return of Obalufon II to the throne, the Ogboni society centers of Obalufon worship are identified with places gained legitimacy and considerable power at the palace. where the children of Obalufon II eventually settled. Once Their arts presumably also flourished at this time. It was, established in these towns, his descendents are said to have it would appear, because of Obalufon's association both set up shrines to their father. Thus Verger notes (p. 453) with brass casting and with peace and legitimate rule at Ife that "... at Ido Osun, near , one finds a temple that the copper mask bearing his name came to be asso- for Obalufon, it was said to me: 'Olufande, son of Obal- ciated with coronation ceremonies at Ife. Further evidence ufon, installed himself at Owaluse near Isesa, then at Ig- that reinforces the identity of the Obalufon mask with co- bokiti where he died. His successor... went to Igbo Oyao " ronations and themes of rulership is found in the religious then came to establish himself here at Ido Osun.' rituals and beliefs that developed following Obalufon II's Unlike most deities in the Yoruba , Obalufon eventual death and deification. In the present era he has is surrounded with considerable confusion in the litera- been, as we will see, viewed both as the god of good gov- ture.36 This is particularly true in the discussions of his pow- ernment and as the patron deity of the arts of beadwork, ers, habits, and associated symbols.37According to Fadipe, brass casting, and weaving. In addition, brass crowns and Obalufon is the god of warriors; to Farrow he is the god

34 Willett, 29. According to Idowu (p. 208) at Ife there was also a house com, although owonrin meji is seen to be equal to ofun meji, in rank they associated with the brass casters; this house was called Ile Asude, "the are seen to fight each other for eighth place. A legend provided by Bascom house of those who smelt brass." It is interesting that Obatala, the deity explains this conflict. Ogboni had been formed to support, is frequently identified as the sculp- tor divinity (Awolalu, 21). Ofun meji was the first born of all the figures and the first to come to earth. He was the head of all the other 35 Ulli Beier notes (Yoruba Beaded Crowns, London, 1982, 9), that while figures and ruled them like a but because went under his sent to Ifa in Obalufon is worshipped in a number of Yoruba towns, his worship is king, things badly rule, they heaven to tell him how hard were on earth. Then Ifa sent especially identified with Ife - just as Shango's worship is especially as- things Ogbe down to earth to take Ofun as the head of the sociated with Oyo. Although it is Obalufon II who is generally viewed Meji Meji's place other as the ruler who is deified as "Obalufon," it should be noted that Obalufon figures. Ofun Meji fought [to retain his place] defeating all combina- tions until he reached Owonrin These two the god seems in some cases simultaneously linked to both rulers bearing Meji. fought and fought and until the others sent to Ifa in that name. Thus while Abraham asserts (p. 491) that it was Alaiyemore fought, heaven. Ifa ruled that Ofun Meji and Owinrin should be in in (i.e., Obalufon II) who is worshipped as Obalufon, Fabunmi indicates (p. Meji equal rank, taking turns priority. This is Ofun outranks Owonrin 10) that the worship of Obalufon is identified with Ogbogdirin (Obalufon why Meji Meji when Ofun Meji is thrown but when Owonrin is thrown it I). Although the assimilation of the two kings in Obalufon worship ap- first; Meji first, outranks Ofun pears to be a natural outgrowth of their close association with each other Meji. (and the fact that they share the same name), most of the rituals, religious tenets, and works of art of the Obalufon association seem to be identified There are interesting parallels between this Ifa account and legends of Obalufon's and that of his own more closely with Obalufon II and the various attributes of his rule. life, deity, Obatala (see n. 23). 36 In Yoruba Ifa , William Bascom notes (Ifa Divination: Com- 37 Interestingly, in the division of orisa at Ife between those who are fol- lowers of Obatala and those who are followers of munication Between Gods and Men in West Africa, Bloomington, 1969, Odudua, Obalufon with 49) that the eighth odu (owonrin meji) refers to Obalufon. But the ranking (along Agemon, Osonyin, Esidale, Obameri, Oranyon, Moremi, and is often identified as a of of this odu with respect to the total of sixteen odu, shows, as with the Obameri, Eleshije, Ija, Olokun) supporter Odudua as in n. life of Obalufon, a conflict over legitimacy and place. According to Bas- (Forde, 27, 37; Abraham, 483). OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 391 of peace or, more specifically, peace of the kingdom.38 The sculptural forms that today are found in the various J. Johnson (in Verger, 457) and Dennett offer a similar Obalufon shrines also add to our understanding of the pos- view,39 signaling that Obalufon is the "god of the prosper- sible meaning and role of the earlier Ife Obalufon mask. ous empire." Talbot (II, 60, 87) calls him the god of fortune, Many of these works, like the original Obalufon mask, are success, and greatness.40 These associations with war, peace, cire-perdue castings. Some of the most important infor- and prosperity clearly conform with what we know about mation on these arts comes from the town of Obo Ile which Obulafon II's life. He was known as a valiant, relentless, was settled by immigrants from Ife. The field notes of Wil- and ingenious war leader who never gave up in his fight liam Fagg document the close relationship between Oba- to gain back his throne, and who never turned his back on lufon and brass casting at this center.44 At Obo Ile, the tra- the autochthonous peoples without whose support peace dition itself was said to have originated at Ife. Fagg's field would have been impossible. It is Obalufon II's association notes indicate that brass arts were so important in the nine- with peaceful and prosperous rulership that is emphasized teenth century that one third of the population may have accordingly in the Obalufon offerings in Ilawe, Ekiti, where been brass casters. In this town, furthermore, the king of Obalufon is the tutelary deity.41 the brass casters, Oba Legbede, is also the head of the Ob- In addition to being closely tied with kings and the peace alufon association. Additional support for the identifica- and prosperity of their reigns, the deity Obalufon is also tion of Obalufon with the brass-casting arts is found in the associated with a number of Yoruba art forms. Thomp- fact that at Obo Ile, Obanifon (Obalufon) is used as the son identifies Obalufon as the patron god of beadworking, generic word for all works in this medium.45 today the principal material of the royal crowns and Several types of Obalufon arts from Obo Ile have been scepters.42 Verger (p. 452) and Abraham (p. 501) describe documented by Fagg. One tradition indicates that a brass Obalufon (Balufon) as the patron deity of weaving and object (perhaps a staff) was brought to Obo Ile from Ife. clothing. Obalufon is also generally viewed as the patron This object has the name of Obalufon. Interestingly, at Ife deity of the various brass-casting arts. William Fagg sug- a brass staff is carried by Chief Obalara and other Oba- gests that this association is fairly common throughout lufon priests.46Fagg also saw several brass masks associated Yorubaland.43 with Obalufon when he was in Obo Ile area. He describes

38 S. S. Farrow, Faith, Fancies, and Fetish, London, 1926, 59. Obalufon, man on Earth. According to Bowen (as in n. 26, 314) "the name of the in his deification, is also associated with uprightness and high ethical stan- first man was . . . Obbalufoh, and the name of his wife was Iye. They dards. This appears to have partial basis in Obalufon's support of Obatala came from heaven and had many children. . . Obbalufoh means the King with the followers of or Lord of because the first man was the first (the god identified ethical purity) against insurgent Speech, speaker; Iye .. Odudua (Adedeji, 336). Adedeji suggests accordingly that ". . . like Ob- signifies life." Verger points out, however, that this identity appears to atala, he is the embodiment of morals and ethics of the Yoruba." These be a mistaken one since Bowen apparently confused Obalufon with Os- qualities are especially important in the selection of Obalufon priests. alufon (or Obatala). Thus, Awolalu notes (p. 170), Obalufon worship is sometimes suspended 41 The relationship between Obalufon and prosperous rulership is rein- At he if a priest of high moral character cannot be found. Owu-Ijebu forced in the religious ceremonies associated with this deity. According . it was difficult to a explains, ". . worship was suspended because get to Awolalu (p. 105), during the offerings to Obalufon in Ilawe, it was the at the shrine of Obalufon. man of high probity and integrity to preside representative of the king who brought the offerings of the people to the standards of a The Oba explained to the people the high required presiding Obalufon priest. This royal representative knelt down before the priest mind still has the of priest and added 'If a man has evil and audacity ... and prayed for everybody and everything in the community." coming to officiate at the shrine of Obalufon such a man will not last the 42 (Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at year. U.C.L.A., Los Angeles, 1971, 8:1) explains accordingly that, "Men like 39 the hunter Also of significance is the fact that Ore (Oreluere), original to be different. The deity Obalufon therefore invented beads and strung and whom Obalufon supported, is also associated with ethical standards them in different colors on bracelets and necklaces so that gods, and men Oreluere himself ".o. . was the morality. According to Idowu (p. 23), who follow them, might stand in proud distinction . . ." In other Yoruba guardian of domestic morality and preserver of sound family traditions." areas, however, beadwork is more often associated with Olokun. 40 Obalufon also has a place in agricultural ceremonies, particularly those 43 William Fagg, personal communication, Jan. 1982. linked to yams and to their harvest. Thus at Ido Osun ". . . yams cannot 44 be eaten before one has celebrated the offering of first fruits to Obalufon William Fagg, field notes, Feb. 8 and 18, 1957-58. in September" (Verger, 453). Obalufon's identity with seems 45 Henry Drewal notes (personal communication, April 9, 1984), how- to be founded at least in part on the mythical dispute between Obatala ever, that some of these works are not necessarily associated with the and Odudua (see n. 26). According to one myth (Idowu, 94), during the worship of Obalufon. period of their dispute a great drought prevailed in which all crops failed 46 See Hambly, pl. CLIV,fig. 1, and William Fagg and Margaret Plass, and many people died. It was only after the conflict had been resolved, African Sculpture, London, 1964, pl. 60. Hambly suggests (p. 400) that and peace had been restored, that the fields again flourished. It is also these staffs resemble the Benin uxurhe staffs published in Pitt Rivers (An- not surprising that Obalufon, as the representative of the original owners tique Works of Art from Benin, London, 1900, pl. 11, figs. 66-72). Another of the land, would play a central part in ceremonies associated with the figurated brass staff identified with Obalufon has been observed in the productivity of the fields. southern Yoruba area by Henry Drewal (personal communication, April Like many benevolent Yoruba deities, Obalufon is also said to bring 9, 1984). Willett notes (personal communication, March 7, 1985) that other children to his followers The (Awolalu, 150). suggests Ife chiefs also use brass staffs. that Obalufon may have been the deity of speech as well (Talbot I, 87; Verger, 452). This is based on the identification of Obalufon as the first 392 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3 the masks as modern castings, oval in shape, and roughly ditions, for in these, it will be recalled, crowns and coro- five to six inches in height.47One of these masks also was nations were all-important concerns. called Obanifon (Obalufon). Figural traditions in brass are also associated with Ob- At Isare, Fagg's information suggests that Obalufon arts alufon.48The only example of an Obalufon brass sculpture have a clear royal identity. Here it is the local Alare (king/ that has been published to date is in the Nigerian National chief) who is head of the Obalufon (Onifon) association. Museum at Lagos (Fig. 8).49 This work is one of a pair of The emphasis both on brass masks and on ideas of rulership Obalufon brass sculptures from Ijebu-Ode.50 A distinctive in these traditions suggests important secondary support attribute of this sculpture is the portrayal of fisted hands for the identity of the classic Ife copper mask with Oba- placed parallel to the ground in front of the body.51 The lufon and with coronations. This parallel, in turn, offers work appears to portray serpents issuing from the nostrils, evidence for a possible thematic continuum in Obalufon a feature very unusual in Ogboni brass sculptures but oc- arts extending from the present era back to the time when casionally found in ancient Ife art and in Benin brass-cast- the Ife Obalufon mask was made. ing traditions.52 In addition to brass masks and scepters, Obalufon is also The corpus of Obalufon-related arts is, as we have seen, associated with brass crowns. Several of these have been quite diverse. Several features of these sculptures, however, documented; one is illustrated by Thompson (p. 10). This suggest that they may have parallels with the Obalufon Obalufon crown (Fig. 7) is from Obo-Aiyegunle, Ekiti. It mask from ancient Ife. These attributes include the pre- incorporates central and side faces around its base, and is dominance of brass in Obalufon art in general;53second, surmounted by a bird. Frank Willett photographed another the importance of crowns and masks among these cire- brass crown associated with Obalufon (Obanifon) at Obo perdue works, and third, an emphasis on rulership and Aiyegunle (Thompson, p. 13, personal communication coronation themes in the rituals and religious forms of Ob- from Willett). The identification of these brass crowns with alufon worship. These more recent Obalufon works clearly Obalufon suggests another parallel with Ife Obalufon tra- reinforce the identification of the ancient Obalufon mask

47 William Fagg, personal communication, April 10, 1983. Possible par- town of Ijebu. allels with these masks should also 52 be noted. Denis Williams has published The motif of the serpent issuing from the nostril is also found on Benin two brass masks from of the 19th which were Oyo, probably century, "Spirit"heads and Agwe masks, on the headdress of the "Tsoede" warrior used in with the and first ruler of conjunction Shango, patron deity Oyo figure, and on several works from ancient Ife. ("Art in Metal," Sources Yoruba ed. S.O. of History, Biobaku, Oxford, Stylistically, the published Obalufon brass figure shares closest ties with 1973, 163-64). These were worn at the annual Bere a festival, ceremony face from the Yoruba area around Ijebu-Ode. These bells, Thompson that, like of those of took at the harvest. The many Obalufon, place notes (79, n. 13), are identified with royal lineage chiefs. This similarity name of these derives from the masks, alakoro, word, akoro, meaning is reinforced by the fact that the head of the published Obalufon brass chief's Thus these masks, like that of be ulti- headgear. Obalufon, may figure is cast separately from the body, so that the head, when seen alone, identified with crowns. One of these alakoro brass masks mately Oyo looks remarkably like these bells. A spike that extends from this head is has three at the a motif similar markings converging lips (Williams, 61) inserted into the hollow brass torso, the two parts then being strapped to that found on a number of Ife works. Several small brass alakora masks together. also appear on a Shango documented by Thompson (as in n. 42, Several wood associated with Obalufon have also been doc- 1/18). I thank Henry Drewal for pointing this out to me. s3 carvings umented. P.A. Talbot observed (ii, 60), but does not illustrate, Obalufon 48 Geoffrey Parrinder, in his description of the Obalufon shrine at , wood carvings from Ijebu. Kevin Carroll publishes (Yoruba Religious notes in an London, 1953, 30) that the door of (Religion African City, Carving, London, 1966, pls. 126-27) several Obalufon (Obanifon, Onifon) that shrine could not be the uninitiated for fear that would opened by they carvings that came from Isare near Osi-. Three of these works he be struck blind, to Parrinder that the work inside could have suggesting estimates to have been made prior to 1866; the carver(s) unfortunately been of brass, a material whose shine might have been identified with are unknown. The early date of these works suggests, among other things, such a response. that the worship of Obalufon at Isare goes back several centuries. Carroll's For a discussion of Ife stone and terra-cotta associated with sculptures description of the Obalufon carvings is as follows: "Even in their decayed see nn. 65 and 90. Obalufon, condition they show an unusual beauty and refinement. They stand about 49 This Obalufon sculpture is also published by Denis Williams, both in three feet tall and are carved from wood and still show traces of his 1964 article (pl. IIb) and in his 1974 book (Icon and Image: A Study red pigment. The carvings represent two kneeling women in ceremonial of Sacred and Secular Forms of African Classical Art, London, pl. 168). dress with elaborate hairstyles and a warrior carried on the shoulders of The mate of this figure, which is also in the Nigerian National Museum a priest." A single sculptural replacement for these figures was made at in Lagos, is portrayed seated on a stool whose top curves upward. Isare around the turn of the century. This figure is also published by Car- 50 Other Obalufon sculptures that Denis Williams mentions (but unfor- roll in his 1966 study (pl. 128). The work portrays a kneeling female figure whose arms rest on the shoulders of two female one tunately does not illustrate) include edan Obalufon, which presumably assistants, carrying a covered the other a white cock. The surface of the work is have certain characteristics similar to edan Ogboni, and, perhaps, dis- calabash, dotted with and on a red base. Like tinctive Obalufon features of their own. A pair of edan identified with white, black, ochre, yellow pigments the brass Obalufon the wooden Obalufon Obalufon is in the Nigerian National Museum in Lagos. Another pair of sculpture (fig. 8), sculptures illustrated Carroll have elaborate coiffures. Obalufon edan has been photographed by Henry Drewal (personal com- by multi-peaked A carved mask associated with Obalufon has also been documented munication, April 9, 1984). (Awolalu, opp. p. 176). This mask, which is from the Yoruba town of s1 Similar fisted hands are found on the 18th-century head from Ilawe, is worn with a long straw or raffia costume. The photograph shows the city of Benin which is in a style characteristic of works from the Yoruba the chief of Ilawe praying before this image. OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 393

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IL1

7 Obalufonbrass crown from town of Obo-Aiyegunle,Ekiti. After photographby R. F. Thompson (pl. 10) 44 410T 'A,a with Ife rulership transition.

Obalufon and the Head of Lajuwa: A Terra-Cotta Identified with a Tale of Court Intrigue Visual and thematic evidence suggests that the Obalufon mask may be associated with the ancient Ife terra-cotta head of a court servant named "Lajuwa"(Fig. 9). The terra-cotta head that is said to represent Lajuwa was published by the late Ife king, Adesoji Aderemi, at the same time as the Ob- alufon mask. Although the dating of the king identified with Lajuwa is open to some dispute,4 this terra-cotta head was clearly made around the time of both the Obalufon mask and the life-size brass and copper heads. In style, Willett suggests (p. 58) that it "is almost identical with the 8 Obalufonbrass figurefrom Ijebu-Ode,19th-20th century A.D. Wunmonije bronzes and could well have been made by one h. 12 in. Lagos, NigerianNational Museum(59.26.1) of the same artists." The two works also appear to be closely tied because they were kept in the same chamber at the palace. Both sculptures, Willett suggests, may have been identity during judicial proceedings, battles, and certain associated with an incident in Ife history in which a servant affairs of state. This Olosi had considerable power in the assumed the role of a king in order to extend his rule. At palace, for he was one of the principal advisors of the king, Ife and other Yoruba city-states, certain court servants had and had a major role at each coronation. As Johnson sug- the right to personify the king. We know from Johnson gests (p. 59), (p. 59) that at Oyo on a number of occasions, surrogates of the king would represent him by assuming his robes and crown. Here, according to Talbot (iII, 569), it was a eunuch with the title of Olosi or Osi'efa' who took on the king's 54 Aderemi(as in n. 2, 3) identifiesthis king as Aworokolokin. 394 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3

is ill, he takes his place on state occasions, putting on his robes and crown; in war he appears as the king's deputy, invested in all the paraphernalia of royalty." Perhaps related to this practice of a court figure being asked to portray the king for certain state events is a tra- dition at Ife described by Idowu (p. 208) and Willett (p. 150) in which it is said that a particularly beloved king died, and one of his servants decided to hide his body and pretend that he was still alive by wearing the royal regalia himself. The hoax worked for a time, but eventually it was discovered. The new king, furious that he had been kept from the throne, ordered the servant and the palace artists to be killed. The court servant who is said to have mas- terminded the deception is identified as Lajuwa, the cham- berlain of King Aworokolokin. Lajuwa, Willett notes (p. 57), is now identified as the patron deity of palace servants. Interestingly, Hambly, in his description of the Lajuwa head (p. 465) identifies it as "Lajuwa, the messenger of Onis," that role at Ife have been more .. .. suggesting Lajuwa's may ...... that of a representative/advisor than a servant per se. He may have acted as a trusted aid and surrogate of the king.55 The Obalufon mask, as Willett has noted (p. 150), could easily have been worn by someone intending to imperson- KI W- ate the king. It is tempting to suggest in this light that the Obalufon mask may also have been worn by designated court officials in their roles as representatives of the king. Yoruba crowns today incorporate a long fringe of beads that hide the ruler's face. Sculptural portrayals of ancient Ife crowns (see Fig. 10) show no such fringe, suggesting that a naturalistic mask might have been an important part of the representative's costume. Possibly the Obalufon mask, through its identity with royal investiture, also had a sec- ondary role in masking those at court whose duty it was to serve as royal personifiers.

Ife's Life-Size Brass and Copper Heads: Evidence for Their Identification with Obalufon 9 Ife terra-cottahead said to 12th-15thcen- representLajuwa, The Obalufon mask is also related to tury A.D., h. 32. 8cm. Fromking's palace, Ife. Nigeria, Mu- copper stylistically seum of Ife Antiquities,No. 20 (79.R.10) the ancient Ife brass and copper heads (Figs. 3, 4) that were unearthed in the Wunmonije compound near the palace. The The Osi'efa or Olosi . . . represents the king in all oc- Obalufon mask is close enough to one of them to be a por- casions and in all matters civil as well as military. He trait of the same person. FrankWillett, who published many sometimes acts as commander in chief in military ex- of these naturalistic copper and brass heads in 1967 in his peditions, he is allowed to use the crown, the state um- work on Ife, presented a theory as well of their possible brella, and the kakaki trumpet, and to have royal honors use and meaning. This theory, which had originally been paid to him. On such occasions, he is privileged also to suggested by William Fagg and then supported by Justine dispense the king's prerogatives. Cordwell, suggests that the heads probably played a central role in the Yoruba institution of Ako, a tradition in which Johnson further notes (p. 163), that "The Osi-efa is always memorial figures were constructed to represent the de- the first as well as the last in the king's chamber. If the king ceased.56 The life-size brass and copper heads, this theory

5 At Ife, similarly (according to Abraham, 279), "the [inner chiefs] . . . in war, on state occasions, and when the king was ill, he wore the king's conduct for the [king] and serve as his personal advisors and his robe and crown, he also may have represented the king following his death representatives in affairs outside the palace." Willett asserts (p. 57) that as a means of assuring political stability during the period when the new it is odd that Lajuwa not only would have been commemorated by a king was being selected. for his in this but also that he would now be sculpture part deception, 56 Willett (pp. 26-28); William Fagg, "De l'art des Yoruba," in L'artnegre considered the of the servants. However, if patron deity palace Lajuwa, presence africaine, x-xi, 1951, 118 (trans. and repub. in William Fagg, as the was the first and last in the and king's deputy, king's chamber, if, Jack Pemberton III, and Bryce Holcombe, Yoruba Sculpture of West Af- rica, New York, 1982); Cordwell (as in n. 33, 38-39). OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 395

suggests, were incorporated into memorial figures that served as surrogates for deceased Ife kings during funerary commemorations. At the documented use of a na- turalistic wooden Ako memorial figure was seen to offer a contemporary counterpart for this tradition. This theory, though still held by most his- has been into several scholars. torians, brought question by v?: Kenneth in a letter to Odu was the first to raise X1 Murray i• . doubts about this view, basing himself primarily on the stylistic congruity of the works involved.57 He notes that these cast life-size heads appear to have been produced within a relatively short period, probably by one or two artists working within a close-knit school. Indeed, accord- ing to Murray, ". . . it might be argued that only one artist, working perhaps for only a couple of years, made the ma- jority of the heads." The stylistic congruity of these works would thus rule out the possibility that the fifteen heads were commis- sioned as funeral memorials for successive Ife kings. To the contrary, the probable average reign of twenty years which Willett suggests for the Ife kings (p. 130), or one of thirteen years now considered to be more realistic, would stretch their execution over two or three hundred years (i.e., twenty, or thirteen, years times fifteen heads). This time span is far too long, since they show remarkably few sty- listic or formal elements of problematic variance.8 Equally Ir is the fact that the heads are all in a somewhat similar con- dition (apart from blows that some of them received) sug- gesting that, rather than having differential lengths and ,, .I. places of burial, they were probably all buried for about the same length of time, under the same or similar conditions.59 Furthermore, if we look at sculptural forms elsewhere in Africa, it is clear that artistic traditions show very signif- icant stylistic changes over comparable periods of time. At the royal city-state of Benin, for example, Dark notes that there is an enormous stylistic difference in the bronze heads made over the course of several centuries. Garrard has shown that brass "gold weights" from the kingdom of the Ashanti in during the same time span show equally striking changes. Great differences can also be seen, as Ro- senwald points out, between the early and late commem-

7 Kenneth C. Murray, "Ancient Ife (Letter to the Editor)," Odu, ix, 1963, 71-80. 58 If, as Willett suggests (p. 26), the heads were buried at royal funerals, then rediscovered one at a time and brought back to the palace, it is surprising that additional life-size heads have not turned up in the various archaeological digs around Ife, for undoubtedly not all would have been brought into the palace by the time of the Wunmonije burial. 10 Ife brass of a 12th-15th h. 59 Willett's of the holes around the bottom of figure king, century A.D., interpretation each neck 47.11cm. Fromthe Ita Yemoosite, Ife. Museumof Ife also is difficult to These Willett were used to Nigeria, support. holes, suggests, Antiquities,(79.R.12) attach the work to a secondary, impermanent structure. The memorial figure theory serves well to explain these holes. However, it is equally possible that the holes were made in the course of manufacture for some other purpose altogether. A number of the heads from Benin (the Osun head and the Udo style heads among others) have similar holes either at the front or at the back, and there has been no suggestion that these heads were used for similar ako purposes. 396 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3 orative figures of the Kuba kings, even though they were It is just such an alternate theory that the above discussion made over a much shorter period.60 of the Obalufon mask may now permit. Willett was aware of the problems in the several hundred- I propose in this light that these heads, like the life-size year period of manufacture that his memorial theory ne- copper mask, may have been identified with Obalufon II cessitated. He suggested accordingly (p. 130) that Ife kings and with his later worship as a god.62There is considerable may have been ritually killed after a short reign of only evidence to support this view. First, all the brass and copper seven years. There is, however, no evidence for the ritual life-size heads from Ife were found in the Wunmonije com- killing of kings in any of the accounts of Ife history, nor pound (Fig. 6),6 a part of the capital that is said to be near in the other Yoruba city-state histories. The only evidence the place where Obalufon II himself was buried. According that Willett cites as support for his contention is an account to Fabunmi's map (n.p.), this is also near the place where given by Ulli Beier coming from the southern Yoruba city the new kings of Ife are crowned. of Ijebu, which refers to traditions about events assumed It is also possible that these heads may have originally to have taken place in Ife. been housed on an Obalufon shrine, on the analogy that Even if we were to accept a seven-year reign for the kings at other Yoruba centers, brass crowns, masks, and figures of Ife, however, this would still indicate a period of man- are frequently found on shrines identified with this deity. ufacture of roughly 112 years, a span of time still too long The only other major shrines specifically associated with for these stylistically similar works. Willett also appears to brass sculptures are those of the Ogboni and Agemo so- have been aware of this difficulty, for he suggests (p. 130) cieties. The placement of these heads on the Ife Obalufon that the heads may have portrayed not only kings but also shrine would also conform to the Yoruba tradition that palace retainers - i.e., those who would have been killed identifies Obalufon as the patron deity of brass casting, and to accompany the king at the time of his death. The pos- attributes to Obalufon II the introduction of the casting sibility that any of these copper and brass heads repre- arts. Furthermore, if the heads were intended, as Willett sented court servants, however, is extremely slight, in view suggests, to be seen with actual crowns, and if, as stated not only of the scarcity of copper and brass at Ife at this above, these crowns were kept on the Obalufon shrine, it time, but also because, as Willett notes, each head appears follows that the heads and the crowns would have been to have been intended to wear a crown. kept together. More recently Rowland Abiodun has raised further ques- The association of these heads with Obalufon also tions about Willett's memorial theory for these heads. emerges from the probable circumstances of their late bur- Abiodun points out that ". . . if the 'effigy represents the ial in the Wunmonije compound in the palace. When the dignitas of the office itself,' it is strange that we have not works were brought into the palace for interment, which yet found a single instance where the ako effigy has been Willett suggests (pp. 27-28) probably took place sometime made specifically for [a king] . . ." He goes on to note that before the early nineteenth century, it seems likely that this was done with the intention of protecting them from fur- if are honored as seconds of the . .. ther attack. With this in mind, the place selected for their .. [kings] gods and if 'it is dangerous to stare at his naked face' . . . and burial undoubtedly would have been chosen with consid- if at his death there is even greater secrecy and mystery erable care. Assuming this to be the case, it would follow surrounding his person, would it not be incongruous to that the heads would be buried in a palace area closely carve an ako or even to make any image of him in the associated with the patron deity in whose shrine they had characteristically naturalistic style and parade the town originally been found. Since the heads were buried near the with it the way the known ako are treated?61 assumed grave of Obalufon II, it seems likely that origi- nally they had also been associated with this ruler.64 Murray and Abiodun have not, however, suggested any The placement and history of the Obalufon shrine in Ife alternatives for the possible meaning and use of these heads. offers still additional support for the identification of the

60 P.W. Dark, An Introduction to Benin Art and Technology, Oxford, ognized by the Yoruba today. At Woye Asiri, Garlake notes (as in n. 5, " 1973, fig. 1; Timothy Garrard, Akan Weights and the Gold Trade, Lon- 94), ground stone axes were unearthed. These, as he suggests, . . . are don, 1980; Jean B. Rosenwald, "Kuba King Figures," African Arts, VII, today a characteristic offering at Shango shrines." Garlake reports further 3, 1974, 31. that at Obalara's Land (one of Ife's primary sites) iron staffs similar to 61 Rowland O. Abiodun, review of African Art and Leadership, ed. Doug- those used by present-day diviners were recovered. las Fraser and Herbert Cole, in Odu, N.S. x, 1974, 138. Abiodun also 63 The Wunmonije compound is situated on Lafogido Street about one expressed doubt that the heads represented kings. hundred yards behind the palace. According to Bascom (as in n. 62, 176) 62 The identification of these heads with a deity () also conforms the heads discovered in 1938 were found in two groups about ten feet at a of with traditions at Ife concerning these finds. Works of bronze (or other apart depth no more than two feet. In 1939, four more bronze heads and the of a metals) as well as works of stone are said by more recent Ife residents to upper part male figure were found at this same site. be gods. Accordingly, William Bascom notes ("BrassPortrait Heads from 64 It is also possible, however, that when the heads were brought into the Ife-Ife, Nigeria," Man, XXXVIII, 201, 1938, 176) that when the Wunmonije palace for protection, their place of burial became known as Obalufon's heads were first unearthed, they were said to be orisha (gods). Interest- "burial"because the works placed here had been brought from his shrine. ingly, a number of other Ife finds also suggest parallels with deities rec- See also n. 18. OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 397 heads with Obalufon. This shrine65is situated on Obalufon view of the location of the Obalufon shrine near both Mo- Street in the northwestern part of the city, close to one of dakeke and the Ibadan gate, it seems plausible that there the principal city gates, the one that leads to Ibadan." The is a connection between the damage done to the heads, the finding of a life-size terra-cotta mask near this shrine sug- destruction of the Obalufon shrine, and the later building gests, as already remarked, the possibility that this area of a more permanent structure on this site. Even though was also the site of the Obalufon shrine during the earlier the proximity of this shrine to Modakeke and the Ibadan Ife period. The oldest published reference to this Ife shrine gate would appear to be the primary reason for singling is by Frobenius (pp. 294-96). He notes that the Obalufon out this shrine for destruction, it is also quite possible that shrine was unlike other Ife shrines, in that it was a full scale the attack had been intentionally aimed at Obalufon be- building constructed in a cleared area (rather than a cause he was known to have been the opponent of Or- grove).67 Frobenius' description of this unique structure anmiyan (Oyo's founder) and was, by the same token, the suggests that at some point during the late period the orig- deity most closely associated with Ife rulership. inal Obalufon shrine was destroyed and then rebuilt. The It is also of some significance that the area where the destruction would have been most likely during one of the Obalufon shrine is situated has been associated with the several sieges of Ife by the residents of the Modakeke68 excavation of many of the city's finest works of art. Moda- quarter of Ife, which was established in the western part keke (whence many of Frobenius' finds came), Iwinrin of the city by Ibadan and Oyo migrants in the eighteenth Grove, Obalara Land, and Osongongon Obamakin are and nineteenth centuries. During at least one of these at- among the many sites in this part of the city where works tacks, the residents of Ife abandoned the city.69 Interest- of the classic period have been unearthed. Ita Yemoo, the ingly, several of the brass and copper Ife heads show dam- other major site with ancient sculptures, is found near the age that could have occurred at this time. The most opposite end of Obalufon Street, along the road that leads probable occasion for the transfer of the heads into the to Ilesha. The proximity of the Obalufon shrine to Mo- palace for safekeeping would be after such an attack. In dakeke, Obalara Land, and the Iwinrin Grove sites, in par-

65 William Fagg has informed me (personal communication, April 15, 1983) course of the last century. The mosque-like Obalufon structure visited on that the site of Osongongon Obamakin, which lies in northwestern Ife, this site by Frobenius in 1910 was, it would seem, first replaced with a is also associated with Obalufon. In the list of Ife kings reconstructed by small shrine (a structure more characteristic of Yoruba religious architec- John Abiri (in Adedeji, 324, n. 8), Osongongon Obamakin (also known ture); then (between 1929 and 1952) this in turn was replaced by a specially as Nimosoye) is identified as an Obatala worshipper who was able to designated chamber within a house. Frank Willett believes (personal com- wrest Ife control from "Odudua" for a time during his reign. Thus he, munication, March 7, 1985), however, that this shrine was not rebuilt. like is associated with rule and autochtho- Obalufon, closely legitimate 68 Johnson suggests (p. 231-3) that Modakeke, an Ibadan and Oyo nous In the Ife Obamakin shrine excavated rights. Osongongon by Fagg settlement at Ife, had, by 1884, a population of 50,000-60,000 inhabitants. in a head was found that was identified the in- 1953, by contemporary Palau-Marti presents (p. 19) a good deal of background information on habitants of Ife as that of Obalufon. A number of other from sculptures this settlement. During the 19th century, she notes, Peul (Fulani) mounted this site from various diseases. When represent persons suffering deforming warriors conquered much of the northern Yoruba area, destroying several excavated the he observed that it was still used Ife Fagg shrine, being by towns including old Oyo. During this time, thousands of Yoruba residents as a where diseases such as were treated. place being from the north moved into the more heavily forested Yoruba communities In more recent Yoruba traditions, from dis- persons suffering deforming farther south. A large number of these refugees settled at Ife, but they eases are also said to be sacred to Obatala of both Obalufon (the deity were not well received. Indeed, they were often required to perform men- and 21). to Osongongon Obamakin) (Johnson, 27; Awolalu, According ial tasks such as cutting wood and carrying water for the other Ife resi- with illnesses - albinos, Johnson (p. 165) persons disfiguring hunchbacks, dents. Tension between the original Ife citizens and the newcomers was and the like - often served as lepers, prognathi, dwarfs, cripples, priests considerable, and remained so even after the Ife king, Adegunle, created and of Obatala. the hunter" who priestesses Interestingly, Ore, "original Modakeke as a separate refugee settlement. also is described in oral traditions as a presumably worshipped Obatala, During this period, Palau-Marti notes (p. 19), Peul warriors also at- doctor who cured the of "Odudua" skillful daughter (Idowu, 23). tacked a number of Ife settlements in the area. However, the Peul were The other of an Obalufon shrine found in the literature only description never able to penetrate the capital itself. is that which Parrinder provides for the shrine at Ibadan. This temple, 69 Several historical traditions at Ife support the idea that the Modakeke he explains (as in n. 48, 30), is small, and appears to have been used only residents were able to wrest control of the from the traditional Ife infrequently. Its door is kept shut, and to reinforce this idea, two wooden capital residents several times, the Ife citizens to abandon the (Smith, figures of Eshu (the Yoruba trickster god) are secured in the wall beside forcing city 153-54, 180; Palau-Marti, 19; Willett, 102). One abandonment is believed it to help protect the building from entry. to have taken place between 1850 and 1854, and seems to have been wide- 66 This shrine would appear to lie just inside the older of the two wall spread since the Modakeke supporters, once in power, are said to have that once enclosed the the date of the earlier wall ramparts city. Though retaliated for past wrongs (see n. 68) by selling local citizens into , has not been the more recent which includes a yet established, wall, larger and bringing Ife women into their own settlements as wives. Modakeke's area than the is said to have been built the Ife Abeweila other, by king control over Ife was finally ended, according to Palau-Marti (p. 19), when sometime between 1837 and the time of his death and Frank (William Fagg the king of Ibadan decided to help restore Ife to its former position as "Ancient Ife: An Willett, Ethnographic Survey," Odu, viii, 1960, 21). first city, and asked that the Ife women and their children be returned to 67 Hambly, who visited the Obalufon shrine in Ife in 1929-30, provides the capital. Tensions at Ife still appear to have remained high, however, (p. 465) a different description of the building; he notes that it was a small and Ife's long-held desire to remove the Modakeke residents from the hut. J. Bertho and R. Mauny describe ("Archaeologie du pays Yo- environs, once and for all, was of such importance to King Adelekan, the ruba et du Bas-Niger," Notes Africaines, LVI, 1952, 104) the Obalufon ruler in 1896, that he gave three Ife works of art to the British colonial shrine in their later visit as consisting of a narrow dark room situated in governor (see n. 2) to assure that the Modakeke residents would be re- a house in the northwestern part of the city. The above descriptions of settled elsewhere. the Ife Obalufon shrine indicate that it changed considerably over the 398 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3 ticular, is of considerable interest since, according to Fa- In accordance with a very ancient custom, the King of bunmi (p. 22), the Iwinrin Grove is the original land of the Beny, on ascending the throne, sends ambassadors to the autochthonous peoples of Ife. Thus the location of the Ob- Ogane . . . with rich gifts to announce that by the de- alufon shrine in this part of the city reinforces the identity cease of his predecessor he has succeeded to the Kingdom of Obalufon with these peoples. The association of this area of Beny, and to request confirmation. To signify his as- with Ife's finest works of art gives further support for the cent, the Ogane sends the King a staff and a head- thesis that the brass and copper heads may originally have piece of shining brass, fashioned like a spanish helmet, come from this part of the city. in place of a crown and sceptre. Still another factor to be considered in the identification of the life-size Ife heads with Obalufon is the unusual quan- According to Bradbury, the term Ogane in the above de- tity of heads constituting this group. It is probably no co- scription is a reference to the king of Ife.76Related to this incidence that, including the Obalufon mask, there are tradition is another cited by Susan Vogel, in which rings sixteen7oof them. Sixteen is an extremely important number portraying scenes of rulers and sacrifice may have been sent for the Yoruba, and is identified, among other things, with to Ife from the various Yoruba city-states after a king died the number of Yoruba that sacred to the transfer of rule."77 original "crowns," is, ".. signal legitimate Yoruba city-states. 71 What these various traditions suggest is that legitimation The identification of these heads, symbolically at least, ceremonies of some form were carried out at Ife when new with the founders of the sixteen Yoruba royal city-states rulers of the associated city-states came to power.78 What might in turn account for their stress on naturalism.72 The the roles of these heads could have been in Ife legitimating possible association between the heads and the Yoruba city- ceremonies is impossible to determine, but perhaps they, states owing allegiance to Ife is further supported by a tra- like the Obalufon mask "head," were intended to serve in dition that the right to wear the crown in the various Yo- some way as sacred crown supports on these occasions. ruba centers came from Ife.3 Each Yoruba king was, as Like the crowns, which, as Pemberton suggests, were Smith points out (p. 109), the wearer of a crown bestowed viewed as gods (orisha), these heads may have represented on his ancestor from Ife, and his town was accordingly the deified founders of the city-states, symbolizing the sanc- defined as ile alade, "crowned town" or capital. In Oyo tity of the kingship itself.79Appropriately, these heads ap- and Ekiti the custom that the state sword and other ma- pear to have been in use long after the time of their man- terials were sent to the new king from Ife offers support ufacture. Willett notes (p. 28) that a thread of later date for this thesis.74 The arrival of these Ife materials is, ac- was found on one of them; a trade bead was attached to cording to Akinjogbin (in Smith, 200, n.4), "The most im- another. If the heads had indeed been associated with le- portant ceremony at the coronation of any Alafin." A sim- gitimating ceremonies at Ife for successive Yoruba kings, it ilar tradition was documented by Joao de Barros71at the is not surprising that a late thread would have been present court of Benin in the sixteenth century. He writes that, on one of them.80

70 Willett notes (p. 20) that "Of these . . . bronzes, no less than sixteen London, 1960, 96. are life-size " He Two Thousand Years: Ni- suggests (in Ekpo Eyo, 76 R.E. Bradbury, The Benin Kingdom, (Ethnographic Survey of Africa, .... that Ife in terra-cotta and stone gerian Art, Lagos, 1977, 116) sculptures xiii), London, 1957, 20. Although A.F.C. Ryder rejects this identity ("A are far more numerous than those in bronze and were (which brass) being Reconsideration of the Ife-Benin Relationship," Journal of African His- made earlier and for a time than these longer cire-perdue castings. tory, vi, 1, 1965) based on the grounds of a misstatement of the direction 71 William Bascom, The Yorubaof Southwestern Nigeria, New York, 1969, of Ife from Benin, there was clearly early contact between the two centers, p. 11. Today there are more kings who are associated with legitimate for an Ife-style casting of a king in the robes of state was found at Benin. crowns. it is said that there were either sixteen or Originally, however, 77 Susan Vogel, "Rapacious Birds and Severed Heads: Early Bronze Rings first seven and then sixteen crowns. from Nigeria," Art Institute of Chicago Centennial Lectures (Museum 72 The naturalism of these heads is further emphasized by the fact that Studies, x), Chicago, 1983, 350. several of them have traces of black paint on the pupils, white on the 78 The Yoruba scholar Akinjogbin compares (in Smith, 108) the relation- and red around the neck and One of the heads eyes, (Eyo Willett, 95). ship of the king of Ife to the other Yoruba kings to that of a family, ebi, also bears red and black lines the encircling eyes, suggesting perhaps, which has a senior leader. More important, he notes that the Ife king's facial in the context of ceremonies. painting applied control over the other kingdoms was defined primarily through his role 73 The Obalufon coronation context that I am proposing does not nec- in the consecration of these rulers. that heads also have asso- 79 essarily rule out the possibility the may been Pemberton (as in n. 12, p. 58). Robert Thompson explains (p. 10) that for indeed in " ciated in some way with funerals, coronations, principle, the crown itself, . . . serves, in part, as a supernatural check against the has died or has only take place when the previous king left the throne. conduct of the king," for it is believed to contain powerful substances that in the of If there was a funerary component use the heads, however, it are used to this effect. It is interesting in this light that the king of Ijebu- had must have been subsidiary to the main purpose for which the heads Ife told Thompson (p. 15) that "the face upon the inherited crown stood originally been cast, for the evidence does not support the possibility that for the first king of the settlement." Beier (as in n. 35, p. 24) offers ad- the heads were individually cast in conjunction with successive kings' ditional insight on this face, noting that in some accounts this image is deaths. They appear instead to have been commissioned as a group. It is identified as the face of Obalufon. highly unlikely that such a large grouping would have been commissioned 8o The bead was found on head number nine and was identified by W. in anticipation of the deaths of future Ife kings. G. van der Sleen (in Willett, 205-06) as an Indian trade-wind bead. On 74 Johnson, 10, 402; Williams, 152, n. 18. head number four, a nail was found on the left temple which may have 75 In Thomas Hodgkin, Nigerian Perspectives: An Historical Anthology, been used to afix the crown (Willett, 28). OBALUFON ARTS AT IFE 399

Other Ife Works Identified with Obalufon throne of quartz, it will be recalled, is associated with Mo- and Ife Royal Succession Ceremonies remi's son and the autochthonous Ife people. This throne The identification of the life-size brass and copper heads is perhaps also related to the stone "throne of Obalufon" with coronation and rulership succession is reinforced by that the new king displayed during installation ceremonies. the importance of coronation themes in the larger corpus The cire-perdue "enthroned" figure thus appears to be of brass and copper cire-perdue sculptures at Ife. This cor- closely identified both with royal installation and with Ob- pus, it is important to note, is small and select. In all, Eyo alufon. In view of the small quantity of Ife cire-perdue and Willett suggest (p. 30) that only about thirty cire-per- works, it is not surprising that many of these sculptures due castings have been found in the various Ife sites. Like display themes of royalty, in particular images identified the Obalufon mask and the fifteen life-size brass and cop- with the installation of rulers. As a group, they also may per heads, many of the remaining sixteen or so castings ap- have been linked in some way to Obalufon, for he was the pear to be identified with themes of coronation. Among patron deity not only of coronations but also of the various the works that involve this theme is a small brass figure brass- and copper-castings arts. from the site of Ita Yemoo (Fig. 10).81 This sculpture was The final evidence that supports the identification of the identified by the late king of Ife as depicting the king at the life-size brass and copper heads both with Obalufon and time of his coronation.82 According to the king, the ruler with the theme of coronation comes from a vessel unearthed in this sculpture is shown holding the two principal em- at the Ife site of Obalara Land. This terra-cotta vessel, blems of rulership. The king observed that in the figure's which was published by Eyo and Willett (Fig. 30), may por- left hand he carries a horn,83 and in his right a bead- tray an Obalufon shrine with the associated rituals of co- embroidered cloth wrapped around a wooden core. This ronation. It shows a naturalistic Ife head and two stylized latter item, the king explained, "is carried from the acces- conical heads placed inside a small shrine. The naturalistic sion of the . . . [king] to his coronation."8 Another well- head resembles the life-size cire-perdue castings; one of the known Ife sculpture portraying a coronation scene is the stylized conical heads bears a resemblance to a modern half-figure of a king that was buried with the cire-perdue stone sculpture of a figure wearing a crown. This sculpture heads in Ife's Wunmonije compound. This figure holds the (Fig. 12) has an oversize conical crown, barely demarcated same emblem of coronation (the horn) in one hand; the features, and no torso.88 Headdresses of a similar conical other hand is missing. Similar iconography is found in the shape have been worn in recent times by Ife chief priests.89 royal couple (probably a king and his queen) from the Ita The small staff-like forms on this vessel appear, in turn, Yemoo site. The male of this couple, Willett notes, holds to be associated with the Ogboni society, which, as sug- a horn in his left hand and an axe-like object in his right.81 gested above, may have been introduced at the time of Ob- The female holds an object resembling a horn. alufon's reign, and probably had a part in Ife ceremonies Many of the remaining dozen or so brass and copper of coronation. Two somewhat related vesels were found in objects from Ife also seem to incorporate coronation im- the Osongongon Obamakin and Koiwo Layout shrines at agery. These sculptures include several small heads wearing Ife. These vessels, like the Obalara Land vessel, incorporate crowns, and a number of scepters and maces.86In addition, horns, themes of sacrifice, Ogboni staffs, and in one case, there is a tiny figure of a king (Fig. 11) wearing a crown a head with serpents issuing from the nostrils - a motif and carrying a scepter (similar to those mentioned above) also found on the more recent Obalufon sculpture (Fig. 8).90 shown curled around a throne-shaped vessel.87 A similar Like the Obalufon mask, the life-size brass and copper

81 The Ita Yemoo site is also associated ultimately with Obatala, for Yemo by both men and women at Ife. Furthermore, this figure has no apparent is said to have been his wife. breasts and wears jewelry over its chest similar to that of the standing Ife of this as a is further reinforced 82 In Frank Willett, "Bronze Figures from Ita Yemoo, Ife, Nigeria," Man, king figures. The identity figure king by the fact that it is shown a 7) LIx, 1959, 189. holding (royal scepter. 88 Frank 83 Eyo and Willett describe (p. 97) the horn as one filled with magical Willet identifies (personal communication, March 7, 1985) this substances. figure as coming from an Odudua grove near Igbodio. 89 Hambly, 467; Fagg and as in n. 60. Peter Garlake who ex- 84 According to the king of Ife (in Willett, 23), the bead-embroidered cloth Plass, 46, cavated at Obalara Land also that the heads on the is carried by the future king only from his accession to his coronation. suggests flanking Obalara Land vessel be crowns at Obalara Land: An At this time it is replaced by a beaded cowtail flywhisk (irukere, "ram's may ("Excavations Interim West 4: beard"), a prestige item more generally carried by the king. Eyo and Wil- Report," African Journal of Archaeology, 1974; 14). lett refer (p. 97) to this bead-embroidered cloth as a royal scepter. 9 There are other descriptions of Obalufon sculptures at Ife. Hambly de- 85 scribes one such sculpture (p. 465) as ". . . a clay statue about 50 cm. in Willett (as in n. 82, 190). " height It is possible that Hambly mistook the stone material of this 86 As Willett points out (p. 50), a number of the staff and mace heads sculpture... for clay, for as Bertho and Mauny state in their later description appear to portray victims of human sacrifice. Such sacrifices were some- of the work (as in n. 67, p. 104), the room was very dark, and the figure times associated with Obalufon and indeed to Farrow (as in n. according wore a cloth covering. The palace Obalufon shrine contained a terra-cotta 38, 99) the last Yoruba public sacrifice of this type took place in ram's head. In some respects, this ram's head (which is published by both in 1891 in an Obalufon ceremony. Frobenius [p. and Willett [pl. is similar to animal head forms 87 315] 43]) Although Willett identifies this figure as a queen, based, it would ap- which have been found in other excavations at Ife. These heads probably pear, on the figure's multi-tiered crown, the work appears to portray a symbolize animal offerings (Fagg and Willett, as in n. 66, 26). king. As suggested in n. 6, multi-tiered crowns seem to have been worn 400 THE ART BULLETIN SEPT 1985 VOLUME LXVII NUMBER 3

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12 Modernstone sculpturewith crown from the 11 Ife brass figure of a king holding a scepter,curled around a Odudua grove throne-shapedvessel, 12th-15thcentury A.D., h. 12.4cm. From near Igbodio. Af- the Ita Yemoosite, Ife, Nigeria. National Museum,Lagos ter photographby (L92.58) FrankWillett heads, and many of the other cire-perdue castings from Ife, tionally is a concern for and identification with autoch- these vessels appear to share an identity with and concern thonous participation in local rulership. The process of Yo- for legitimate rulership and rituals of succession. ruba state formation that was associated with the early leader "Odudua" and his numerous sons appears to have Conclusions: The Obalufon Mask in Ife Art and History presented great problems in this regard. Not only were they The key to understanding the symbolism and function foreigners, but they attempted to establish their own deities of the Obalufon mask, it was suggested here, is found in and to wrest the rulership of these lands from the local the figure of Obalufon II himself, first as a historic ruler peoples. Understandably, the problems that the early rulers of Ife, and, following his death, as a deity of the Yoruba faced with the local populace were considerable. Signifi- people. The overthrow of Obalufon II soon after he came cantly, it appears that Obalufon II came to symbolize the to power, and his long battle to regain the throne, came to mediation of the two seemingly antithetical concerns. On symbolize the problem of the legitimacy of rulership at Ife. the one hand he himself was a ruler and descendant of the Obalufon II's identification with the early Ogboni society, Ife city-state founder "Odudua"; on the other hand, he rep- which was founded to guard the rights of the autochtho- resented and supported the legitimate rights of the local Ife nous peoples, was probably also the basis of his association population in the state rulership structure. For this reason, with Ife brass casting - the technique not only of the Ob- Obalufon II, like the arts associated with him, was iden- alufon mask but also of the various related heads, figures, tified with the legitimacy of the very kingship on which and scepters. The fact that Obalufon worship is associated Yoruba political stability was based. with ideals of good government and prosperity also sug- The mask that portrays this ruler shows him as a robust gests the importance of this Ife king as a symbol of Yoruba and handsome man of middle age. We know too little about rulership. Obalufon II to attempt to read aspects of the personality What the Obalufon mask and related arts show addi- of this ruler in the work, but it is tempting to suggest that some of Obalufon II's energy, calm resolve, and inner Adedeji, Joel, Folklore and Yoruba Drama: Obatala as a Case Study," ed. Richard M. Garden strength have been captured by the artist. What is also re- African Folklore, Dorson, City, N.Y., 1972, 321-340. markable in the portrait is the degree of naturalism that is achieved. The precision with which key anatomical fea- Awolalu, J.O., Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites, London, 1979. tures are depicted and the careful rendering not only of Eluyemi, Omotoso, " Sculptures from Obalara's Compound, flesh texture but also of skeletal and muscular structure are Ile, Ife," African Arts, x, 3, 1977, 41, 88. found nowhere else in African art. It is beyond the scope Eyo, Ekpo and Frank Willett, Treasures of Ancient Nigeria, New York, of this article to discuss the possible sources of naturalism 1980. it to that it is unusual. What role at Ife; suffice say very Fabunmi, M.A., Ife Shrines, Ife, 1969. Obalufon II might have had in determining the mode of Frobenius, Leo, The Voice of Africa, i, London, 1969. the image portrayed is unknown. However, at Ife there seems to have been an early interest in preserving the mem- Hambly, Wilfrid D., "CultureAreas of Nigeria," Field Museum of Natural History, Series, xxi, 3, 1935, 365-496. ory of important figures of the city-state both in oral his- Anthropological tory and in art. That these portrayals reached new levels Idowu, E.B., : God in Yoruba Belief, London, 1962. of artistic and technological achievement suggests how con- Johnson, S., The History of the Yoruba, London, 1921. ducive the Ife social and cultural climate was to ar- early Palau-Marti, , Le roi-dieu au Benin, Paris, 1964. tistic innovation and excellence. Obalufon II, who later be- Smith, Robert S., the Yoruba, London, 1969. came identified as the patron deity of brass casting, bead- Kingdoms of working, and weaving, undoubtedly had a significant role Talbot, P.A., The Peoples of Southern Nigeria, ii, iii, London, 1926. in fostering artistic expression during this formative period. Thompson, Robert F., "The Sign of the Divine King," African Arts/Arts Columbia University d'Afrique, iII, 3, 1973, 8-17 and 74-79. New York, NY 10027 Verger, Pierre, Notes sur le culte des Orisa et Vodoun (Memoires de l'Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire, LI) Dakar, 1957. Willett, Frank, Ife in the History of West African Sculpture, New York, Bibliography 1967. Williams, Denis, The Iconology of the Yoruba Edan Ogboni," Africa, xxxiv, 2, 1964, 139-166. Abraham, R.C., Dictionary of Modern Yoruba, London, 1958.

Brocade Patternsin the Shop of the Master of Frankfurt: An Accessory to Stylistic Analysis

Stephen H. Goddard

Defining the extent of anonymous early sixteenth-century tions, figures, and motifs specific to a given workshop helps Flemish painters' workshops poses difficult problems that clarify conclusions reached by the necessarily subjective often cannot be adequately resolved by traditional stylistic study of artistic style. In the present study the large work- analysis. The identification of the repertory of composi- shop of the Antwerp painter known as the Master of Frank-

The rudiments of this article first appeared in chapter 5 of my doctoral numerous specialists: G. Delmarcel, R.S. Field, N. Goetghebeur, M. Koller, dissertation. I thank my parents for providing a summer of study in Eu- E. Maeder, C. P6rier-d'Ieteren, L. and M. Serck, J.-P. Sosson, J.R.J. Van rope (1979), when the mechanical repetition of brocade patterns in the Asperen de Boer, E. Vandamme, E. van de Wetering, and R. van Schoute. shop of the Master of Frankfurt first occurred to me, appropriately, in This study would not have been possible without the assistance of the Frankfurt a.M. This study grew to maturity during a year of research in museum personnel who took the time to measure the brocade patterns Belgium (1981-82) funded by the Belgian American Educational Foun- discussed here. My warmest thanks to all. A "G" followed by a number dation, to which I am forever grateful. Much of the research was carried refers to the catalogue number in my catalogue of paintings by the Master out at the Centre National de Recherches 'Primitifs Flamands,' in Brussels. of Frankfurt and his shop (Volume II of my doctoral thesis, with illus- The author has benefitted from brief but informative conversations with trations). All measurements are in centimeters.