The Resurgence of Liberty Square
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The New Right
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1984 The New Right Elizabeth Julia Reiley College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Reiley, Elizabeth Julia, "The New Right" (1984). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625286. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-mnnb-at94 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEW RIGHT 'f A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Sociology The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Elizabeth Reiley 1984 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Elizabeth Approved, May 1984 Edwin H . Rhyn< Satoshi Ito Dedicated to Pat Thanks, brother, for sharing your love, your life, and for making us laugh. We feel you with us still. Presente! iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................... v ABSTRACT.................................... vi INTRODUCTION ................................ s 1 CHAPTER I. THE NEW RIGHT . '............ 6 CHAPTER II. THE 1980 ELECTIONS . 52 CHAPTER III. THE PRO-FAMILY COALITION . 69 CHAPTER IV. THE NEW RIGHT: BEYOND 1980 95 CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION ............... 114 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................. 130 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express her appreciation to all the members of her committee for the time they gave to the reading and criticism of the manuscript, especially Dr. -
Introduction Black Miamians Are Experiencing Racial Inequities Including Climate Gentrification, Income Inequality, and Disproportionate Impacts of COVID-19
Introduction Black Miamians are experiencing racial inequities including climate gentrification, income inequality, and disproportionate impacts of COVID-19. Significant gaps in wealth also define the state of racial equity in Miami. Black Miamians have a median wealth of just $3,700 per household compared to $107,000 for white 2 households. These inequities reflect the consistent, patterned effects of structural racism and growing income and wealth inequalities in urban areas. Beyond pointing out the history and impacts of structural racism in Miami, this city profile highlights the efforts of community activists, grassroots organizations and city government to disrupt the legacy of unjust policies and decision-making. In this brief we also offer working principles for Black-centered urban racial equity. Though not intended to be a comprehensive source of information, this brief highlights key facts, figures and opportunities to advance racial equity in Miami. Last Updated 08/19/2020 1 CURE developed this brief as part of a series of city profiles on structural inequities in major cities. They were originally created as part of an internal process intended to ground ourselves in local history and current efforts to achieve racial justice in cities where our client partners are located. With heightened interest in these issues, CURE is releasing these briefs as resources for organizers, nonprofit organizations, city government officials and others who are coordinating efforts to reckon with the history of racism and anti-Blackness that continues to shape city planning, economic development, housing and policing strategies. Residents most impacted by these systems are already leading the change and leading the process of reimagining Miami as a place where Black Lives Matter. -
John Schmitz
Excerpted from Brad Koplinski, HATS IN THE RING: CONVERSATIONS WITH PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES (Presidential Publishing: North Bethesda, Maryland, 2000) John Schmitz Born: August 12, 1930 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin Election in which he ran for president: 1972 Party: American Offices held: California State Senator 1965 - 1970 and 1978 - 1982 United States Congressman 1970 - 1973 Entered the race: August 2, 1972 - Washington, D.C. Stopped campaigning: November 7, 1972 - When Richard Nixon was re-elected president Strategy: Run to the right of President Richard Nixon, exposing his vulnerability on the conservative wing of the Republican Party. Make a credible showing to build the party for success in future elections. Best finish: Third place in Idaho (28,869 votes - 9.3 percent) Total votes: 1,099,482 Amount raised: $533,000 Current residence: Washington, Virginia and Washington, D.C. Current activities: Serving as President of Chapelle Charlemagne Vineyards. Interesting facts: Owns the townhouse where Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy lived while serving in the United States Senate. Officially changed his registration from the Republican Party to the American Party upon receiving the latter's presidential nomination, thereby making him the first and only member of the American Party to serve in Congress. Elected to the California State Senate in 1964, John Schmitz made a name for himself by advocating conservative causes that other Republicans feared to support. He was the first member of the ultra-conservative John Birch Society to serve in the body. When asked about his membership in the group, Schmitz Jokingly replied that he "had to do something to get the middle-of-the-road vote" in conservative Orange County. -
Guide to the Lambert C. Mims Papers
Guide to the Lambert C. Mims Papers Descriptive Summary: Creator: Lambert C. Mims, 1930-2008 Title: Lambert C. Mims Papers Dates: 1820-2003 (bulk 1965-1989) Quantity: 160.5 linear feet Abstract: Papers agendas, audio tapes, books, campaign material, correspondence, flyers, legal material, magazines, maps, negatives, news clippings, notes, pamphlets, photographs, plaques, reports, slides, speeches, and video tapes. Covers a multitude of local subjects typically found within such political collections. Accession: 06-09-459 ; 459-2006 Biographical Note: Lambert C. Mims was born in 1930 in Uriah, Alabama. He moved to Mobile, Alabama, in 1949 and worked as a salesman before co-founding, a year later, a feed company, and, in 1965, branching out on his own. Lambert Mims was public works commissioner and rotating mayor of Mobile from 1965 to 1985. During Mims' time as mayor/commissioner, the city of Mobile experienced the latter part of the modern civil rights movement, completed the Bayway, and unveiled the George C. Wallace Tunnel. It opened Mobile Greyhound Park and saw the Southern Market/City Hall designated a national historic landmark. It reconstructed and opened Fort Condé and celebrated the nation's bicentennial. It witnessed the devastating destruction of hurricanes Camille and Frederic and saw the first oil well drilled in the bay. It witnessed the completion of the I-65 link across the Mobile-Tensaw Delta and celebrated the opening of the Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway. When first elected, Mims was the youngest city commissioner in Mobile's history. Upon leaving office, Governor George Wallace appointed Mims as his ambassador to the Alabama Waterways Development Agency, a position he held from 1985 until March 1987, and one in which he promoted the Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway. -
TCU DAILY SKIFF Light and Variable
IRA RALEIGH, N.C. (API—The federal gianni—ll says three totricm Among the government's star witnesses are Bruton's ex-partner, Binford Records, when they were kept, often listed dead or fictitious people as mav have conspired to ^hip *W|Mwn am) ammunition from here to the Benton, and former worker John Bulla, both granted immunitv in exchange purchasers. Benton said. outlawed Irish Republican Arms for their testimons Asked where the guns were going. DeMeo replied, "someplace cool and I .meminent prosecutors also believe the owner of a gun shop in nearby Benton, who pleaded guilts in 1978 to one violation of federal firearms green," Benton recalled. Wilson, N C, conspired with two New York men to -hip 80 to 100 high- laws and received a suspended sentence, testified last week he sold 80 to "They were stockpiling them and then shipping them out of the country." powered guns to Ireland along with a million rounds ot ammunition 100 guns, many off-the-record, to DeMeo and Ferraro on Bruton's orders. Weapons that prosecutors are trying to link to the three defendants began alleged)) stolen from the Camp leieune Marine base When Kerraro first visited B and B Gun Shop in 1972. he "indicated that turning up in Ireland and Britain from 1975 to 1979 On trial in the U S. District Court gun-smuggling case are Howard he wanted to bus militarv-type weapons, and he didn't want any records After a 1975 siege of a London apartment house where IRA members had Bruton. owner of the B and B lain Shop in Wilson, Robert Ferraro of New kept of it," Benton testified. -
Lihtcs Turn Miami Vacant Lot Into Garden-Style Apartments
Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Showcase LIHTCs Turn Miami Vacant Lot into Garden-Style Apartments MIAMI, FLA. LEAD DEVELOPER CARRFOUR SUPPORTIVE HOUSING INC. CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT RENTAL HOMES 22 FLORIDA 24TH 60 CATEGORY FAMILIES, PRESERVING EXISTING AFFORDABLE, VETERANS Photos: Courtesy of Carrfour Supportive Housing Inc. The content is an excerpt from the Novogradac Low Income Housing Tax Credit Showcase available at www.novoco.com/products/special_report_showcase_lihtc.php 1 Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Showcase Rental homes are available to LIHTCs Turn Miami households earning 60 percent or less of the area median income Vacant Lot into (AMI), with six rental homes set aside for those making less than 33 percent of the AMI. The developers Garden-Style Apartments give preference to local residents and veterans, working closely with The site of one of the first public housing properties in the the U.S. Department of Veterans nation, which was also the center of race riots in the 1980s, is Affairs (VA) to provide support and now the home of an affordable housing apartment complex with services to veterans. a community center, children’s playground and more. When it opened in 2013, it T was immediately popular among Parkview Gardens in Miami there’s such a need for quality residents. “There is such a need opened in 2013 in the Liberty City affordable housing.” for good affordable housing,” said neighborhood, thanks to financing Carrfour partnered with Tacolcy Berman-Eisnberg. “The people [who that included low-income housing Economic Development Corporation live in Liberty City] want to stay in tax credits (LIHTCs). Liberty to build Parkview Gardens on a Liberty City. -
FNBT NEWS First National Bank & Trust Co
FNBT NEWS First National Bank & Trust Co. Serving central and southwest Oklahoma since 1892 CONTACT: Randy Talley, SVP Marketing, 405-224-2200 July 3, 2014 FNBT Supports Juneteenth Celebration in Chickasha Chickasha’s salute to tHe abolition of slavery in America received support tHis year from First National Bank & Trust Co. The local celebration was Held on June 21. From left are FNBT Appraisal Compliance Manager Candace Jones, CHickasHa civic leader and former City Councilman James Dorn, and FNBT President Walt Voss. WHAT IS JUNETEENTH? CHICKASHA COMMUNITY JUNETEENTH CELEBRATION ON JUNE 21, 2014 Juneteenth, also known as Juneteenth Independence Day, Freedom Day, or Emancipation Day, is a holiday in the United States that commemorates the announcement of the abolition of slavery in the U.S. state of Texas in 1865, and more generally the emancipation of African-American citizens throughout the United States. Celebrated on June 19, the term is a portmanteau of June and nineteenth and is recognized as a state holiday or special day of observance in most states. During the US Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862, with an effective date of January 1, 1863. Although it declared that slaves were to be freed in the Confederate States of America in rebellion against the federal government, Texas did not act to comply with the Emancipation Proclamation. On June 18, 1865, Union General Gordon Granger and 2,000 federal troops arrived on the island of Galveston, Texas, to take possession of the state and enforce the emancipation of its slaves. On June 19, standing on the balcony of Galveston’s Ashton Villa, Granger read the contents of "General Order No. -
Bathroom V. Courtroom: Confluence for Symbolism of Protected Class, Politics, Social Justice, Safety and Health
Bathroom v. Courtroom: Confluence for Symbolism of Protected Class, Politics, Social Justice, Safety and Health Barbara Qualls, Ph.D. Wayne D. Haglund Stephen F. Austin State University Haglund Law Firm, P.C. [email protected] [email protected] 1 “If freedom makes social progress possible, so social progress strengthens and enlarges freedom.” Robert F. Kennedy INTRODUCTION There is no shortage of issues on which members of the political far left and far right can assume positions that preclude the finding of common ground. There is, however, at least one issue that can serve as surrogate for many other partisan issues. That issue is: Who can use which segregated public bathroom? A time-tested definition of social justice was presented by Louis Brandeis: “Social justice is the fair and just relation between the individual and society. This is measured by the explicit and tacit terms for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity and social privileges” (Brandeis, 1916). Over a hundred years later, that definition seems tailor-made for today’s clash between those who practice or tolerate gender fluidity and those who do not – specifically as that clash is fought behind the euphemistic screen of public bathroom access. In an address before the Chicago Bar Association in 1916, Brandeis said, “In the last half century our democracy has deepened. Coincidentally there has been a shifting of our longing from legal justice to social justice, and – it must be admitted – also a waning respect for law. Is there any causal connection between the shifting of our longing from legal justice to social justice and waning respect for law? If so, was that result unavoidable?” What is legal and what is moral should never be assumed to be equivalent, but modern grassroots movements for social justice include efforts to break existing social barriers, while creating safety nets for those who traditionally have been socially marginalized. -
Black Miami's Resiliency: a Photographic Essay
Barnes, G 2020 Black Miami's Resiliency: A Photographic Essay. Anthurium, 16(1): 3, 1–8. DOI: https://doi.org/10.33596/anth.404 ESSAY Black Miami's Resiliency: A Photographic Essay Germane Barnes University of Miami, US [email protected] Germane Barnes creates a narrative of Black Miami architecture through the medium of photography. Keywords: Architecture; Allapattah; Brownsville; Liberty City; Coconut Grove; Overtown; Little Haiti Black Miami architecture is not unique, in that one can find many examples of scattered-site housing, shotgun-style homes, and low-rise multi-family housing developments across America. However, what is unique to Miami is the littoral urbanism found in the Deep South that requires a significant commitment to the sustainability of local ecologies. The initial housing stock of black migrant labor was composed of single-family shotgun homes and cracker vernacular-type bungalows. Densely organized in the Central Negro District of Miami and Coconut Grove respectively, these historically black architectural typologies revealed many inherent innovations seen in site-specific design. Raised floors and porches, central corridors, and passive cooling are all components of historic black Miami architecture that contemporary Miami has rebranded as climate resiliency and environmentally-friendly design. Unfortunately, today many of the historic architecture remnants are no longer present, and what is left is government-sanctioned housing developments, which reduces the impact and influence of blacks on the build environment.1 Allapattah Neighborhood. Photo credit floridabap- tisthistory.org/2017/08/14/miami-allapattah/. 1 Unless otherwise cited, all photographs are courtesy of the author. Art. 3, page 2 of 8 Barnes: Black Miami's Resiliency Allapattah Neighborhood, 2019. -
The Washington Spectator, Letters to the Editor E-Mail to on the Opening Night
September 1, 2016 The WA S H I N G T O N LOUwashingtonspectator.org DUBOSE, Editor PERIODICALS CLASS SEPTEMBER 1, 2016 Postage Paid at New York, NY vol. 42, no. 9 issn 0887-428x © 2016 The Public Concern Foundation SPECTATOR washingtonspectator.org associations and chambers of com- Corporate Lobby: merce throughout the country” was wasting its time and treasure. the Third Chamber A truly valuable trade associa- tion, according to this small group of Congress of Republican politicians and their corporate sponsors, would transform by Mark Dowie itself from a high-minded affinity hy do we criticize people for group (described by a tobacco execu- doing what they were hired to do? Take tive as a “weak sister”) into a fighting W Thomas J. Donohue, for example. Day force for a few troubled American after day the poor guy gets pummeled by Washing- industries and products—tobacco for ton non-profits and mainstream media for doing one, but also banking, health insur- his job. He’s out there challenging health care ance, pharmaceuticals, firearms, coal, reform; suing the SEC to stifle the regulation of financial mar- and other fossil fuels. All were threatened by progressive idealists kets; lobbying Congress to reduce punitive damages in prod- and the excesses of federal regulation, according to a warning uct liability litigation; attempting to gut the Foreign Corrupt from corporate lawyer Lewis Powell. It was time, members of Practices and False Claims Acts; undermining carbon pollution Continued on page 6, COMMERCE standards; questioning the causes -
Whitening Miami: Race, Housing, and Government Policy in Twentieth-Century Dade County Author(S): Raymond A
Whitening Miami: Race, Housing, and Government Policy in Twentieth-Century Dade County Author(s): Raymond A. Mohl Source: The Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol. 79, No. 3, Reconsidering Race Relations in Early Twentieth-Century Florida (Winter, 2001), pp. 319-345 Published by: Florida Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30150856 Accessed: 14-11-2017 20:49 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Florida Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Florida Historical Quarterly This content downloaded from 131.91.169.193 on Tue, 14 Nov 2017 20:49:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Whitening Miami: Race, Housing, and Government Policy in Twentieth-Century Dade County by Raymond A. Mohl Throughout the twentieth century, government agencies played a powerful role in creating and sustaining racially separate and segregated housing in Dade County, Florida. This pattern of housing segregation initially was imposed early through official policies of "racial zoning." During the New Deal era of the 1930s, federal housing policies were implemented at the local level to maintain racially segregated housing and neighborhoods. Such policies included the appraisal system established by the federal Home Owners Loan Corporation, which helped to create the dis- criminatory lending system known as "redlining." In addition, un- der the New Deal's federally sponsored public housing program, local housing authorities established segregated public housing projects. -
Liberty Square: 1933 - 1987 53
Liberty Square: 1933 - 1987 53 LIBERTY SQUARE: 1933-1987 THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF A PUBLIC HOUSING PROJECT By Paul S. George and Thomas K. Petersen I. REACHING FOR UTOPIA: 1933-1936 This projectwill be one of the greatestblessings that Miami ever had. It will not only eliminate the possibility of fatal epidemics here, but alsofix it so we can get a servant freed from disease. John Gramling, October 17, 1934 The First Administration of Franklin Roosevelt was barely nine months old when in December 1933, Miami attorney John Gramling, along with six other lawyers and businessmen, formed the Southern Housing Corporation for the purpose of developing a "negro colony" on one hundred and twenty acres of land on Miami's northern outskirts. Their inspiration was the recently-created United States Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which provided low-interest loans for slum Paul S. George holds a Ph.D degree in History from Florida State University. He serves as Director of the Historic Broward County Preservation Board and as an adjunct instructor in History at the University of Miami and Florida Atlantic University. Mr. George is president of the Florida Historical Society. Thomas K. Peterson is Coordinator, Dade Schools and Neighbor- hoods Intervention Consortium. A former State Attorney and Public Defender, Mr. Peterson also serves as an adjunct instructor in Sociology at the University of Miami. The authors have also compiled a video history of Liberty Square funded in part by the Florida Endowment for the Humanities. 54 TEQUESTA clearance and the construction of low-income housing for the poor. The application of the newly formed corporation stated the problem: The only site on which a negro might live in the City ofMiami is in what now is known as negrotown in the heartofMiami.