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Introduction 1 Employment of Slaves in the Classical Ottoman Empire

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Introduction 1 Employment of Slaves in the Classical Ottoman Empire Notes Introduction I. B. Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry (Oxford, 1990) vi. 2. M. Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World (New York, 1989) x, 10-11. Why Western scholars' bad conscience could not deter them from studying slavery in the West remains an open-ended question. 3. 'A. R.I. Doi, Shari'a: The Islamic Law (London, 1984) 291. 4. M. Khadduri, The Islamic Conception of Justice (Baltimore, 1984) 234. 5. R. C. Jennings, 'Black Slaves and Free Blacks in Ottoman Cyprus, 1590-1640', JESHO, xxx (1987) 286-302. Quote is from p. 287. 6. S. Faroqhi, 'Black Slaves and Freedmen Celebrating (Aydm, 1576)', Turcica, xxxi-xxiii (1991) 205-11. Quote is from p. 206. In her eagerness to 'construct a social history of "ordinary people" living in the Ottoman Empire' and to 'move away from exclusive preoccupation with the Ottoman state apparatus', Faroqhi seems to overstate her case about the use of the kadt registers. It should be noted here that it is perfectly possible to use archival material for quantitative analysis, and that the history of slaves in the Ottoman Empire need not necessarily be 'history from below' as it could equally be elite history! 7. For example, Hilmi Ziya Ulken maintains that 'slavery was officially abolished' by the Tanzimat Jerman. See his Tiirkiyede (:agdaf Diift'ince Tarihi (Konya, 1966) i, 32. For Murray Gordon, the date of abolition of slavery in the Ottoman Empire is 1889 which in fact was the date of a law passed against the black slave trade. See Gordon ( 1989) 170. 8. M. A wad, Report on Slctve1y (New York, 1966) 267. 9. The only reference to slavery or slaves in the mecelle that I could locate, and this an indirect one, is in kitab-iil buyu (book of trade)- promulgated in April 1869 - where Article 210 stipulates that 'An article which is not recognised as commodity among people cannot be sold and nothing can be purchased with it. For example, the dead body of an animal or a free man cannot be sold or exchanged in return for something else.' The inference is that a slave can legally be sold or exchanged. See 0. OztUrk, Osmanll Hukuk Tarihinde Mecelle (Istanbul, 1973) 175. 10. For such a usage see, for example, below p. 103. The sense is, of course, that if the slave trade was abolished the status and institution of slavery would suffer. 1 Employment of Slaves in the Classical Ottoman Empire I. Rather arbitrarily but somewhat traditionally, I accepted the proclamation of the Tanzimat as the dividing line. 189 190 Notes 2. For the discussion on the legality of the dev.rirme see J. A. B. Palmer, 'The Origin of the Janissaries', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xxxv (1953) 448-81; P. Wittek, 'Devshirme and Shari'a', BSOAS, xvii (1955) 271-8; V. L. Menage, 'Sidelights on the Devshirme from Idris and Sa'duddin', BSOAS, xviii (1956) 181-3; V. L. Menage, 'Some Notes on the Devshirme', BSOAS, xxxix (1966), 64-78; V. L. Menage, 'Devshirme' in 2 EI , ii, 210-13; R. C. Repp, 'A Further Note on the Devslzirme', BSOAS, xxxi (1968) 137-9 and C. Cahen, 'Note sur l'Esclavage Musulman et le Devshirme Ottoman, a Propose de Travaux Recents', JESHO, xiii (1970) 211-18. 3. P. Crone, Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge, 1980) 80. 4. B. Braude and B. Lewis, 'Introduction', in B. Braude and B. Lewis (eds) Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society. The Central Lands (New York, 1982) i, 1-34, Quote, p. 12. 5. I. M. Kunt, 'Transformation of Zimmf into Asker! in Braude and Lewis, Christians and Jews, i, 55-67. 6. For the zimmf ( dhimmi) status see 6. N. Bilmen, Hukuku Islamiyye ve Isttlahatt Ftkhtyye Kamusu (Istanbul, 1968) iii, 422-7; C. Cahen, 'Dhimma' in EP., ii, 227-31; B. Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam (London, 1985) 51-67 and C. E. Bosworth, 'The Concept of Dhimma in Early Islam' in Braude and Lewis, Christians and Jews, i, 37-51. 7. For the treatment of the war captives, see Bilmen, Hukuku Islamiye, iv, 399, and M. Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore, 1962). 8. Ebussuud Efendi (ed. M. E. Diizdag), !jeyhulislam Ebussuud Efendi Fetvalan I.rtimda I6. Astr Turk Hayatt (Istanbul, 1972) 119. 9. Such was the case after the Ottomans conquered Constantinople. Some of the enslaved purchased their liberty by working at the repair of the city walls. See Inalc1k, 'Servile Labor', 28. 10. S. Vryonis, 'Isidore Glabas and the Turkish Devshirme', in S. Vryonis, Byzantium: Its Internal History and Relations with the Muslim World (London, 1971) Part xii. II. The Genoese of Galata who negotiated with Mehmed II after the fall of Constantinople were not zimmfs but mustemins who, as citizens of a foreign state, lived in the Dar ill-Islam and were protected not unlike the zimmfs. For the contract between the Genoese and the Sultan see S. Vryonis, Byzantium, 440-1. 12. S. Vryonis, Byzantium, 440. Emphasis is in the original. I 3. Ibid, 441. 14. 1. R. Hacker, 'Ottoman policy towards the Jews and Jewish attitudes' in Braude and Lewis, Christians and Jews, i, 117-126. Quotation, p. 120. 15. For example, the Jewish colony of Mistra in Morea was left unmolested after the Ottoman conquest in 1460. See J. R. Hacker. 16. Ottoman tradition maintained that the dev.rirme was not discontinued after the Bosnians' conversion because of their petitioning the government to remain liable to the dev.rirme. See, for example, l. H. Uzunc;ar~1h, Osmanlt Devleti Te.rkilatmdan Kapukulu Ocaklan (Ankara, 1943), i. 18-19 and also V. L. Menage, 'Devshirme', in EP.. Notes 191 17. I. M. Kunt, The Sultan's Servants: The Transformation of Ottoman Provincial Government, 1550-1650 (New York, 1983) 32. 18. Uzunr;ar~th, Kapukulu Ocaklart, i, 16-19. 19. H. Inalctk, 'Djizya', EP., 559-67. See also V. L. Menage, 'Some Notes', 78. 20. El Munzir (ed. and trans. A. ~ener), Kitabu'l-icma', 41, 62 in Arabic text. 21. H. Inalctk, 'Rice Cultivation and the ~eltOkci Reaya System in the Ottoman Empire'. Reprinted in Inalctk, Studies, Part vi. 22. For example, C. Cahen maintains that a zimmf could not own a Muslim slave while the reverse was permitted. How a zimmf could be legally enslaved and yet could still remain a zimmf is a question to be answered. See 'Dhimma' in EP. For a repetition of the same theme, see C. E. Bosworth, 'The Concept of Dhimma in Early Islam' in Braude and Lewis, Christians and Jews, i. 49. The use of the term in Republican Turkey is even more confused. For example, Y. Ercan refers to the pencik in these words ' ... one fifth of those zimmfs who were captured during wars and who were young started to be collected ... '. One cannot regard those non­ Muslims who were not even subjugated by Ottomans as zimmfs; they were clearly harbfs. See Y. Ercan, 'Doev~irme Sorunu, Dev?irmenin Anadolu ve Balkanlardaki Ti.irkle~meye ve Islamla~maya Etkisi', Belleten, xi (1985) 679-725, quotation is from p. 712. 23. A. Akgi.indi.iz et al., ~riye Sicilleri (Istanbul, 1988) 229. 24. Mustafa 'All (cd. and trans. A. Tietze), Mu~[afa 'All's Counsel for Sultans of 1581 (Wicn, 1979) ii. 29-30. 25. Menage, 'Sidelights on the Devshirme', 182. 26. For the continued role of the freeborn officials in Ottoman administration and for the various uses of the term kul see Kunt, Sultan's Servants, Ch. 3, 'The umera status'. 27. For mi.isadere, see A. Mumcu, Osmanlt Devletinde Siyaseten Kat! (Istanbul, 1963) 149-62. 28. K. K. Barbir, Ottoman Rule in Damascus 1708-1758 (Princeton, 1980) 31-2. 29. H. Inalctk, Fatih Devri Ozerinde Tetkikler ve Vesikalar (Ankara, 1954) 215-17 and Menage, 'Some Notes', 67-8. 30. Duzdag, Ebussuud Efendi, 122. 31. Y. Yi.icel (ed.), 'Kitab-t Mi.istetab' in Osmanlt Devlet Te§kilatma Dair Kaynaklar (Ankara, 1988) 1-45, sec p. 7. 32. Esas-1 Nizam-1 Yenir;eri quoted in Z. Pakalm, 'Acemi Oglanlar'in Osmanlt Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sozlugii (Istanbul, 1946) i, 10. 33. Y. Yi.icel, 'Kitab-t Mlistetab', 7. 34. Ibid and Uzunr;ar~th, Kapukulu Ocaklart, i, 40. 35. Dernschwam, 1stanbul93-4. 36. Quoted in Pakahn, 'Acemi Oglanlar', 12. See also Uzunr;ar~tlt, Kapukulu Ocaklan, i, 28. 37. Uzunr;ar~tlt, Kapukulu Ocaklan, 40-2. 38. Y. Yucel (ed.), 'Kitabu Mesalihi' 1 Muslimin ve Menafi' i' 1-Muminin' in Osmanlt Devlet Te§kilatt, 49-141. Seep. 93. 39. Kunt, Sultan's Servants, 32-3. 192 Notes 40. Uzun~ar~1h, Kapukulu Ocaklart (Ankara, 1944) ii, 144, n. 2, 144, 190. 41. K. Mihailovic (translated B. Stolz, notes S. Soucek), Memories of a Janissary (Ann Arbor, 1975) 159. 42. On the basis of this passage Inalc1k rightly recognises these dev~·irme yenir,:eris as non-slaves, but he may not be equally right when he extends their free status to the newly recruited dev§irmes. He regards the dev§innes as free and as a result tends to see no illegality in their recruitment. On the contrary, it would certainly be a violation of the zimmf rights forcibly to recruit and convert them. In fact, the §er'f conditions of enslavement could lend some legitimacy to the Ottoman practice of the child levy. Sec lnalc1k, 'Servile labor', n. 4 25, 46; See also Kunt, 'Zimmf to asker!', 60-1. 43.
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