Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage of International News, 1988–2000: Editors’ Assessments

Walter C. Soderlund Martha F. Lee Paul Gecelovsky University of Windsor

Abstract: Between 1988 and 2000, a series of comprehensive surveys were administered to the editors of Canada’s daily newspapers, in order to obtain their views concerning Canadian news reportage of international events. The 1995 data demonstrated an editorial perception of a marked decline in the quality and quantity of international news coverage. The 2000 data pointed to a partial recovery. Canadian editors, however, remain convinced that it is only in local news reporting that newspapers have a comparative advantage over other mass media. This study acknowledges the reversal that may have occurred following the events of September 11, 2001; the series will resume with the aim of charting editorial perceptions following those events.

Résumé : Entre 1988 et 2000, on fit remplir une série de sondages détaillés par les éditeurs de quotidiens canadiens, afin d’obtenir leurs points de vue sur le reportage canadien d’événements internationaux. Les résultats de cette recherche ont démontré que les éditeurs percevaient un déclin marqué dans la qualité et la quantité de la couverture d’actualités internationales. En revanche, les données de 2000 indiquent une remontée partielle. Les éditeurs canadiens, cependant, demeurent convaincus que c’est seulement dans la couverture d’actualités locales que les journaux ont un avantage par rapport à d’autres médias. Cette étude reconnaît le revirement qui a pu avoir lieu après les événe- ments du 11 septembre 2001; la série reprendra avec le but de mesurer les perceptions d’éditeurs suivant ces événements.

Introduction In 1988, and again in 1995 and in 2000, University of Windsor scholars surveyed the editors of Canada’s daily newspapers to ascertain their views regarding the status of international reporting in the country. Findings from the 1988 and 1995 studies (Soderlund, Krause, & Price, 1991; Soderlund & Lee, 1999) indicate that

Walter Soderlund is a Professor, Martha Lee is an Associate Professor and Graduate Coordinator, and Paul Gecelovsky is an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Uni- versity of Windsor, Windsor, ON N9B 3P4. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

73 74 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1) the mid-1980s saw the best perceived quantity and quality of international news reporting in Canada. Data from 1995 showed a marked decline in both the perceived importance and quality of international news reporting. This decline occurred despite a truly revolutionary five-year period in international politics (1988-1994), which included the end of Communism in Eastern Europe (followed by the breakup of the USSR itself), the outbreak of serious internal ethnic conflict in many regions of the world (Somalia, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia), and the implementation of the FTA and NAFTA. Content analyses of Canadian newspapers support these findings. Between the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s, the number of stories dealing with Canadian foreign policy declined by approxi- mately 30% (Burton, Soderlund, & Keenleyside, 1995; Keenleyside, Burton, & Soderlund, 1987). The five years between 1995 and 2000, while less dramatic, were also interesting. The term globalization became a household word, and most Canadians became at least somewhat aware of the importance of international markets to their continued domestic prosperity. As well, this period saw two very significant developments in the national newspaper industry. The first was the major program of newspaper acquisition carried out by Conrad Black’s Hollinger Corporation. This development led to a remarkable situation. By the summer of 1996, Black controlled 58 of the country’s 104 newspapers (56%), totaling 41% of total daily circulation (Saunders, Mahood, & Waldie, 1996). This extraordinary ownership concentration contrasts markedly with the American case. In 1998, the 15 largest American chains controlled only 25% of daily papers, accounting for 51% of total circulation (Compaine, 2000, pp. 13-14). As Robert Hackett points out, “[Canada has] the highest degree of press concentration in the advanced industrial world” (quoted in Green, 1998, p. 8). The second development was the growing popularity of the Internet and the challenges that it poses to the economic base of conventional print media; it’s hard to sell something when others are giving it away. This apparent competition between media, however, may be offset by “convergence.” Following a model of vertical integration, conglomerates have sought to gain control of information acquisition and creation, as well as multiple channels of message delivery, including newspapers, Internet, television networks, and telephone systems. The most obvious Canadian example of this trend is BCE’s acquisition of CTV, Sym- patico, and The Globe and Mail. Convergence strategies view “information” as a generic commodity to be gathered, then edited for delivery in each medium (McChesney, 2000, p. 123; see also Wendland, 2001).1 Canada is not alone in witnessing a decline in international reporting. Research studies on international news reporting in the United States point to con- clusions similar to those revealed in the Windsor studies; international reporting is on the “endangered species” list (Emery, 1989; see also Halton, 2001). Robert McChesney points out that on network television news, international stories fell from 45% “in the early 1970s to 13.5% in 1995.” He argues, further, that with Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 75 respect to newspapers over the same period, the decline was even greater than that in television news (McChesney, 2000, pp. 54-55). In their study of international news in The New York Times from 1969 to 1990, Riffe, Aust, Jones, Shoemake, & Sundar reported a “50% reduction in the number of international items selected for publication” (1994, p. 77). This decline was offset to some degree by trends toward longer international stories and an increased focus on developing countries. The authors’ conclusion was inescap- able, however: between 1969 and 1990, “The New York Times’ window on the world got smaller” (p. 84). Bennett’s 2001 analysis of international news supports these findings with the following statistics: • Newspapers reduced international news coverage from over 10 percent of nonadvertising space in the early 1970s to 6 percent in the early 1980s to less that 3 percent in the 1990s. • Among national news weeklies, between 1985 to 1995, international news declined from 24 percent to 14 percent in Time, from 22 percent to 12 percent in U.S. News & World Report.... • In 1987, Time ran 11 covers that focused on international news. Only one cover in 1997 was about an international story. (Bennett, 2001, p. 15) There is thus clear evidence to suggest that in both Canada and the United States, international news is occupying less news space than previously was the case. This trend is usually explained by two related causal factors: audience preferences and economic constraints. Bennett argues that the decline in international reporting is firmly rooted in consumer preferences. It is clear that just as the nature of social reality is changing, what matters to people in their lives is also changing. Consider ... the aspects of the news that were of most interest to 18- to 29- year olds at the end of the 1990s: crime (43 percent), sports (30 percent), people and events in the local community (28 percent), health (27 percent), and entertainment (24 percent). Only in sixth place do we find a far dimmer (14 percent) interest in local politics, followed by even smaller interests in general political news and international affairs (10 percent each). (Bennett, 2001, p. 79) In his explanation of the shrinking attention devoted to foreign news on U.S. television networks, Garrick Utley links findings on audience preferences to the high costs involved in covering international stories. Producers and network executives believe the American mass audience’s interest in daily events beyond their nation’s borders is declining, so little such news is offered—which exacerbates the high cost/low return (or low visibility) nature of international coverage today: On-screen sightings of foreign corre- spondents grow rarer in the place where the most people would see them—on the networks. (Utley, 1997, p. 2) The events of September 11, 2001 transformed international politics and, in so doing, also brought international news to the media forefront. In many ways, 76 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1) the results presented here are dated. It is unlikely that any newspaper editor still views the relevance of international reporting in quite the same way. This analysis does, however, provide a clear picture of newspaper editors’ views prior to those events. It thus provides a reasonable benchmark by which to measure the effects of September 11 on editors’ perceptions of international news reporting, a project we are currently undertaking.

Methods In the spring of 2000, questionnaires were mailed to all of Canada’s 104 daily newspaper editors. With two additional mailings over the next three months, 34 editors responded, yielding a final response rate of 33%, by far the lowest of the three surveys conducted. (The response rate was 51% in 1988 and 45% in 1995.) Nevertheless, with respect to main indicators of “goodness of fit” (region, circulation, ownership type, and language), the 2000 sample is reasonable,2 and generally comparable to the previous two surveys (see Soderlund, Krause, & Price, 1991; Soderlund & Lee, 1999). Although we are disappointed that more editors did not respond, the sample does illuminate trends in the evolution of the newspaper industry, particularly as they relate to international reporting. The questionnaire used in the 2000 survey followed earlier versions precisely in terms of the wording of repeat questions and scales employed, so that we have good longitudinal data to track changes in areas of key concern, such as the following: 1. the perceived quality of international reporting; 2. the relative importance attached by editors to international stories as opposed to local, provincial and national-focused ones; 3. the sources used for international stories, as well as their adequacy; 4. the importance of Canadian dependence on American sources; 5. the areas of the world considered to be of major importance to Canadian editors; 6. according to editors, the relative impact of the press in influencing the mass public as opposed to actual foreign policy decision-makers, as well as the impact of direct mass public opinion on decision-makers. (Soderlund & Lee, 1999, p. 244) Additional questions in the 2000 survey addressed whether the editors’ papers had undergone a change of ownership in the past five years, and if so, how that change affected international news coverage. As well, editors were asked whether their papers had on-line editions, and, in an open-ended question, were asked to assess the impact of the Internet on the newspaper industry generally. The 2000 survey was the first in which The Globe and Mail faced a major national competitor in the form of The National Post. Editors’ responses to questions regarding the “best” Canadian newspaper with respect to international reporting and the “best” Canadian newspaper in terms of overall quality are therefore also of particular interest. Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 77

Findings The first set of questions focused on the adequacy of international reporting in Canada’s newspapers. It included questions concerning trends in this area, as well as perceptions of Canadians’ interest in international affairs, the relative ranking of international news among its competitors (local, provincial, and national news), and trends in percentage of newshole (non-advertising space) devoted to international stories. The data on these issues send mixed signals as to whether the downward slide evidenced in 1995 has halted. In response to the question Based on such factors as amount, quality, depth, range, and objectivity, how would you rate Canadian newspaper coverage of international news at the present time?, data in Table 1 show editors’ responses over the three surveys and are indicative of a sharp positive re-evaluation since 1995. Editors who saw the quality as “less than satisfactory” declined by 17% over the past five years, while those in the “very good to excellent” category increased by 22%. Indeed, the 32% reporting the quality of international reporting as “very good” to “excellent” is (by at least 10%) the highest seen in any of the surveys.

Table 1: Quality of International News Reporting, by Year

1988 1995 2000 N=53 N=48 N=34 Less than satisfactory 23% 29% 12% Good 57% 60% 56% Very good to excellent 21% 10% 32% 101% 99% 100%

Data in Table 2, derived from the question Based on the same criteria as specified above, would you say that over the past five years, Canadian newspaper coverage of international affairs has improved, remained about the same or declined?, confirm this assessment. From 1995 to 2000 there was a 22% drop in editors who perceived a continued negative trend. This was accompanied by a 21% increase in those pointing to a positive trend. It should be noted, however, that the 29% seeing a positive trend in 2000 is significantly lower than the comparable figure in our first survey in 1988. At that time, 49% of editors believed Canadian newspaper coverage of international affairs had improved.

Table 2: Trend in Quality of International Reporting, by Year

1988 1995 2000 N=53 N=48 N=34 Declined N/A 40% 18% Remained the same 51% 52% 53% Improved 49% 8% 29% 100% 100% 100% 78 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1)

Data in Table 3 probe editors’ perceptions of Canadians’ interest in international news. They corroborate the findings reported in the first two tables and lead to some optimism. As long as editors perceive a reasonable level of public interest in the area, international news will get at least a share of space. Although the improvement since 1995 is not dramatic, it is reassuring that over 20% of editors believe Canadians are very interested in international news (even if this figure is not as high as that recorded in 1988). As well, the finding that only 3% believe Canadians are not very interested is very good news with respect to editorial gate- keeping decisions (see Chang & Lee, 1992; Wu, 2000).

Table 3: Canadians’ Interest in International News, by Year

1988 1995 2000 N=53 N=48 N=34 Very interested 28% 17% 21% Somewhat interested 64% 79% 77% Not very interested 8% 4% 3% 100% 100% 101%

Not all the data, however, suggest that international news coverage is on the rebound. Table 4 illustrates editors’ assessments of the relative importance of local, provincial, national, and international news. It presents a mixed picture, at best. These data clearly show that “local news rules” when it comes to what editors identify as important. The mean score for the perceived importance of local news was 9.3 (out of 10) in 1988, increased to 9.4 in 1995, and jumped to 9.8 in 2000. Beyond the supremacy of the local, proximity to the reader appears to be a major factor in explaining perceived importance of news. There is a clear linear progression from local to international in all three surveys. There is, however, a slight increase in importance accorded to the international category. It scored 5.4 in 1995, but increased to 6.2 in 2000. Notably, this is still below the mean of 6.6 recorded in 1988.

Table 4: Relative Importance Accorded to Local, Provincial, National, and International News, by Year (Mean scores on a 1-10 scale, where 1=unimportant, 10=very important)

1988 1995 2000 Local stories 9.3 9.4 9.8 Provincial stories 8.1 8.0 8.7 National stories 7.7 7.1 7.6 International stories 6.6 5.4 6.2

Responses to the question that asked editors to estimate the percentage of the newshole devoted to international stories also revealed a discouraging result. The downward trend continued, from 15.8% in 1988 to 12.3% in 1995 to 11.4% in 2000.3 Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 79

Major sources of international news utilized by Canadian newspapers for their international stories, as well as editors’ satisfaction with the quality of these sources, is another key area of investigation. The data reveal a high reliance on wire services (especially Canadian Press and Associated Press) for international stories. CP and AP together accounted for at least two-thirds of sources in 1988 and three-quarters in 1988 and 2000.

Table 5: Three Most Important Sources of International News, by Year

1988 1995 2000 N=53 N=48 N=34 Canadian Press (CP) 57% 56% 50% Associated Press (AP) 26% 10% 24% Agence France Press (AFP) 8% n/a 8% Southam News Services (SNS) n/a 10% n/a 91% 76% 82%

Although the range of sources for international news is restricted, editors were by and large satisfied with them. In both 1995 and 2000, 73% of editors pos- itively evaluated their sources. Interestingly, the percentage indicating dissatisfaction with sources increased by 8 points from 1995 to 2000. This number is, however, lower than the 22% who registered their dissatisfaction with sources in 1988.

Table 6: Satisfaction with Sources of International News, by Year

1988 1995 2000 N=53 N=48 N=33 Satisfied 61% 73% 73% Undecided 17% 17% 9% Dissatisfied 22% 10% 18% 100% 100% 100%

A specific problem is the predominance of U.S. sources in Canadian reporting of international news; CP gets most of its information from AP (Cum- ming, Cardinal, & Johansen, 1981; Robinson, 1983). This issue is identified as problematic in various studies of the Canadian newspaper industry. In all three surveys we asked editors to respond on a scale of 1 to 10 to the following question: A major criticism of Canadian press coverage of international news is that by relying on American sources, Canadians “see the world through U.S. eyes.” How important is this criticism? (Scanlon, 1974). Table 7 shows the trend in the mean response over time and indicates that the problem was perceived as most serious in 1988, declined a full point in 1995, and was seen as somewhere in between in 2000. Our interpretation of these figures, all of which cluster above the midpoint of the scale, is that reliance on American sources is not a major preoccupation of 80 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1) editors. It is, however, a problem that is taken seriously and certainly not dis- missed as insignificant.

Table 7: How Big a Problem Is “Seeing the World through U.S. Eyes,” by Year (Mean scores on a 1-10 scale, where 1=frivolous, 10=serious)

1988 1995 2000 Mean score 6.9 5.8 6.4

Mass media in general, and newspapers specifically, play roles in foreign-policy decision-making; they provide information on world events to mass publics. They are also key in “agenda-setting” (establishing the importance of an event in individuals’ sense of priorities) (Iorio & Huxman, 1996) and in “framing” that information (telling Canadians what is important for them in the events being reported) (Entman, 1993; Gamson, 1989). Editors are gatekeepers in terms of what events are considered newsworthy (Wu, 2000). In each survey, we asked editors to rank the perceived importance of seven generally recognized areas of the world in terms of Canadian newspaper coverage. The results, shown in Table 8, point to a remarkable consistency over time. The United States and Western Europe top the list in each survey and, with the exception of Latin America and the Caribbean scoring higher than Eastern Europe in 1988, the regions generally considered part of the developing world scored lowest in terms of importance. Africa was at the bottom of the list in every survey. In this clear hierarchy of perceived regional importance, Eastern Europe and the Middle East occupied intermediate positions (see Walker, 1989).

Table 8: Relative Ranking of Importance of World Regions to Canadian News Coverage, by Year

Region 1988 1995 2000 United States 8.6 8.8 9.0 Western Europe 7.0 7.1 7.5 Eastern Europe 6.1 6.0 6.4 Middle East 7.3 5.6 6.4 Asia 5.2 5.5 6.0 Latin America/Caribbean 6.5 5.4 5.7 Africa 5.1 4.2 4.8

Two trends in the data are worthy of mention. First, the perceived importance of the United States has increased consistently over the study period, not an unex- pected finding given the start of the FTA in 1988 and NAFTA in 1994.4 Second, every region of the world was seen as more important in 2000 than it was in 1995. While newspapers are important in their influence on domestic decision-making, a newspaper’s ideological position is a potentially important influence on its readers (Barlow & Winter, 1997; Winter, 1997). In the 1995 survey we Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 81 asked editors to locate their newspaper from “far left” to “far right” with respect to its editorial position. Data in Table 9 show a significant shift to the right (a full 20%) over the five-year period. Movement away from the centre declined from 67% to 45%, and movement to the right increased from 25% to 45%. Thus we can reasonably assume that newspapers were sending a fairly conservative message to their readers, at least with respect to editorials. Most readers probably would have expected that Conrad Black’s newspapers led the conservative charge to the right. Peter Newman, for example, observed that “There isn’t the slightest doubt that he intends to use his newspapers to influence public opinion to back his conservative view of life” (Newman, 1996, p. 34; see also Barlow & Winter, 1997; McCarthy, 1997; Winter, 1997). This assumption, however, proved incorrect. A solid majority of editors of Black’s newspapers (64%) reported editorial positions in the centre of the political spectrum, while 36% reported a right of centre position. Notably, 7% of editors of non-Black-owned chain newspapers reported a left of centre position, 29% reported a centre position, and 64% indicated that their papers held a right of centre editorial position. Thus, in spite of Black’s reputation as a conservative ideologue, his editors appear considerably more centrist than those of his major chain rivals. Among the few independent papers there is an editorial orientation that on balance is left of centre: 40% are on the left, 40% are in the centre, and 20% are to the right of centre. Again, we must emphasize that these figures are based on editors’ perceptions, but they do seem indicative of a general pattern.

Table 9: Ideological Positions of Newspapers, by Year (Question not asked in 1988)

1995 2000 N=46 N=33 Left of centre 7% 9% Centre 67% 45% Right of centre 25% 45% 99% 99%

Data in Table 10 address the perceived impact of three channels of influence on foreign policy decision-making: (1) the press, indirectly on public opinion; (2) the press, directly on decision-makers; and (3) public opinion, directly on decision-makers. As was the case with news foci and perceived importance of areas of the world, editors were asked to evaluate the importance of each of these channels independently on a 10-point scale. First, it is important to point out that the mean scores are generally very close to each other (both within years and between years), so not too much should be inferred from the data. Nevertheless, it is interesting that in both 1988 and 1995, the “public opinion to decision-makers” channel was seen as most influential, while in 2000, it was the “press to decision-makers” channel that occupied top position. Also, the highest rankings for all channels of influence are seen in 2000. 82 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1)

Interestingly, in every year newspaper editors identify the “press to public opinion” channel, which most researchers see as the most important way in which media can influence decisions (McCombs & Shaw, 1993; Rogers & Dearing, 1988), as the least important channel.

Table 10: Perceived Relative Power of Channels of Influence (Mean scores on a 1-10 scale, where 1=not influential, 10=very influential)

1998 1995 2000 Press on public opinion 5.9 5.6 6.4 Press on decision-makers 6.0 6.3 6.8 Public opinion on decision-makers 6.4 6.7 6.7

Two areas of interest explored for the first time in the 2000 survey were the impact of ownership change and the popularization of the Internet on international reporting. Between 1995 and 2000, changes in ownership among Canadian newspapers, especially in English Canada, were significant. They were mainly associated with Conrad Black’s acquisitions (see Soderlund & Hildebrandt, 2001). Two-thirds of the papers in our sample (76% of the English-language sample) reported a change in ownership over the preceding five years. However, in response to the question With respect to the amount and quality of coverage of international news, were the effects of the ownership change positive, negative, or of no significance?, the vast majority (78%) reported no significant change. Thir- teen percent indicated that the ownership change had a positive effect (greater resources made available), and 9% reported negative effects (greater fiscal constraints to meet bottom line projections). Black’s 1988 launch of The National Post also marked a significant development in the Canadian newspaper industry. For the first time in many years The Globe and Mail had a major competitor for the position of Canada’s “newspaper of record.” Table 11 shows editors’ selections for the country’s premier newspaper in terms of “international news coverage” and “overall quality.” The competitive field is a narrow one. Prior to the publication of The National Post, only The Globe and Mail and The Toronto Star received multiple mentions, with The Globe winning by clear margins in both categories in 1988. In 1995, its lead over The Star increased by 10 points in the “overall quality” category and by 13 points in the “international coverage” category. In 2000, the impact of The National Post was clearly evident, as the new paper challenged The Globe for supremacy for best in international news coverage (44% to 50%), and surpassed its long-estab- lished rival for best overall paper (45% to 39%).5 Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 83

Table 11: “Best” Newspapers with Respect to International News and Overall Quality

1988 1995 2000 International/ Overall International/Overall International*/Overall N=42 N=39 N=43 N=38 N=32 N=30 Globe and Mail 71% 51% 84% 61% 50% 39% Toronto Star 17% 31% 9% 24% 3% 3% National Post N/A N/A N/A N/A 44% 45% Others 12% 18% 7% 16% 3% 13% 100% 100% 100% 101% 100% 100% * One tie was accorded a first-place selection for both The Globe and The Post.

Editors’ responses to the battery of questions dealing with the impact of the Internet raise as many questions as they answer. Little consensus emerged regarding effects of the new technology on the newspaper industry. The Internet, however, has definitely made an impact, as 68% of the sample reported having on-line editions. Among those that did not, most were contemplating adding this feature. When asked whether the availability of international news on prestigious Web sites would make them less inclined to feature international news in their own papers, 65% of editors disagreed, 29% had no opinion, and only 6% agreed that this was likely to happen. Responses to an open-ended question regarding the impact of the Internet on the newspaper industry in general, however, lead to a rather unfortunate conclusion. Although editors would not likely abandon international news entirely, the evidence is fairly compelling that they see the Internet leading to “a more reader-driven product.” For newspapers, this means a further concentration on local stories, the one area in which they feel they hold a clear comparative advantage. In the words of one editor: “Newspapers will focus on the local community, where information is not available on the Internet.” Although “convergence” among competing media is a logical outcome of the new technologies, editors felt that newspapers would continue to occupy an influential role in the new order. One editor argued that “the newspaper will continue as the prime provider of information to be distributed in any form,” while another suggested that “we will still gather and package news; the method of delivery (through different streams) will be more efficient and environmentally friendly.” Others saw the impact of the Internet in terms of pressure to provide more back- ground and analysis pieces (over hard news), while another saw its importance as a “valuable research tool for journalists.” Editors were also asked whether the changes resulting from the introduction of new technology would be positive or negative. For most, the negative implica- tions were mainly financial (“it’s hard to sell something when others are giving it away”; “the impact will be severe—medium-size dailies will be under enormous pressure to maintain or grow revenues”). These problems clearly outweighed the 84 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 27 (1) positive aspects (“will increase interest in news”; “will enhance interest in the printed product”). A minority saw “little immediate impact.” Whether editors were optimistic or pessimistic, problems generated by the Internet were clearly in the their crosshairs (“s’impact se fera puissamnent sentir”), and many were occupied devising strategies that would lead to a continued role for the printed press. One editor claimed, “There will always be newspapers.” This may be true, but there was little evidence that increased information on international affairs would be found in those newspapers.

Conclusion Prior to September 11, 2001, the future of international news coverage in Cana- dian papers seemed uncertain. The evidence derived from the 2000 survey is more mixed than the pessimistic findings of 1995, but did not make it clear that things were improving. As noted in the introduction, two related factors appear primarily responsible for the diminished status of international reporting in Canadian and American newspapers: low reader interest in foreign affairs and the relatively high cost of producing international news. In an open-ended question, we asked editors for their opinions as to why international news did not enjoy a higher prominence in the nation’s newspapers. As one might expect, both financial constraints and audience preferences were offered as explanations, but the relative weight given the two is revealing. Five editors mentioned financial reasons (“competition for space in a shrinking newshole”; “espace editoriale restreint”; “lack of resources”; “coûte de la couverture international”; etc.). Seventeen specifically mentioned reader preferences (“readers are more interested in issues closer to home”; “the intelligencia is interested, interest among others is limited”; “readers consistently express preference for local news”; “intérèt des lecteur”; “local news is our advantage—it’s what we can do that others can’t and that’s what readers want”). The events of September 11 blurred the line between local and international news; they made clear the fact that international politics can have a direct impact on North American communities. In so doing, they also generated a renewed interest in international news coverage. Whether or not editors perceive those events to have caused significant and long-lasting change in reader interest that justifies further international coverage will be addressed in our next survey.

Acknowledgments The authors would like to express their thanks to reviewers and editors of the Canadian Journal of Communication who sharpened arguments and analysis of the two previous studies and, of course, to the newspaper editors who have taken the time to respond to our surveys over the years.

Notes 1. The Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) appears to be pressing the nation’s conglomerate media executives to ensure that cross-ownership will not lead to a “generic news” product (Adams, 2001). The truth is that perhaps the main advantages to convergence strategies is precisely such economies of scale in the very costly “production phase” of Soderlund, Lee & Gecelovsky / Trends in Canadian Newspaper Coverage 85

the news product. Keeping the “management functions” of newspapers and TV networks separate is less of a problem, but without savings at the point of origin of news, the primary economic ben- efits of convergence are lost (see McChesney, 2000; Corcoran, 2001). 2. The regional match between the actual distribution of newspapers across the country and the sample is remarkably close: Atlantic Canada—13.3% of newspapers, sample—14.7%; Quebec —10.4% of newspapers, sample—13.6%; Ontario—41.9% of newspapers, sample—41.1%; the West, including the Prairie provinces—34.2% of newspapers, sample—30.5%. In terms of circulation, except for an underrepresentation of small-circulation papers, the sample also fares reasonably well: 10,000 and under—32%, sample—21%; 10,001 to 40,000—40%, sample—44%; 40,001 to 150,000—20%, sample—26%; over 150,000—8%, sample—9%. On language the sample differs from the actual distribution by 5%: English-language—90%, sample—85%; French-language—10%, sample—15%. With respect to ownership, although Conrad Black’s papers accounted for 44% of the sample (the largest single group), this still underestimates the extent of his control at the time by at least 10%. Editors of independently owned papers were especially keen respondents (5 of 6 answering the questionnaire), accounting for 15% of the sample, which significantly overestimates the share of newspapers held in independent hands. 3. The figure of 11.4% of the newshole devoted to international stories appears significantly higher than analogous figures reported for U.S. papers (see Bennett, 2001). These differences could be real or could be the result of different measurement techniques (content analysis vs. survey estimates). In light of the discussion of editors’ responses to questions why international news did not enjoy higher prominence, it could be argued that 11.4% is perhaps a generous estimate of space actually given to international news. On the other hand, in that the United States is a part of Canada’s international news environment, one could expect more international news in Canadian newspapers. Readers should bear in mind that the percentages cited are “estimates” on the part of editors, not the results of content analysis. 4. The importance of the United States to Canada is immense. Perhaps Andrew Cooper phrases it best: “Although the other aspects of Canada’s foreign policy remain highly salient in reinforcing a unique Canadian role in the world, from the criteria of national interest the US is Canada’s first, second, and third priority” (Cooper, 2000, p. 27). Editors’ evaluations clearly reflect this importance. 5. While it would be incorrect to say that there was evidence of “block voting,” editors of newspapers owned by Conrad Black did tend to choose The National Post as “best” in both categories in greater percentages than did editors of non-Black-owned newspapers. Although The Globe and Mail was chosen as best in international coverage by the majority of editors of non-Black papers, it had considerable support in this category from editors of Black-owned newspapers as well. And while editors of some Black-owned newspapers chose The National Post as best in both categories, many differentiated between the performance of the two newspapers with respect to international and overall news coverage. Selections in the “other” category resulted from what might be called “favourite son” selections—editors naming their own newspaper.

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