The United States and the War on Terrorism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The United States and the War on Terrorism SWP Research Paper Johannes Thimm From Exception to Normalcy The United States and the War on Terrorism Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 7 October 2018 Abstract The war on terrorism waged by the United States is in its 17th year. To a large extent, it has defined three very different presidencies and no end is in sight. In the time since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the initial shock has gradually given way to a new normalcy. The time seems right to assess the US’s approach to combating terrorism – an assessment this study attempts to provide. A key finding of this report is that the global war on terror is not only continuing, but that it is also becoming increasingly difficult to end. What began as a secret war is now firmly established US policy, both legally and institutionally. In the early years of the global war on terror, US methods were strongly criticized by Europe’s governments. This criticism has now largely ceased. Detention without a trial, targeted killings, mass surveillance – all of this is at least tolerated, and in some cases even supported. This development is problematic in several respects. Its consequences include the systematic erosion of human and civil rights; the concentration of decision-making power in the hands of the executive at the expense of the separation of powers principle; and the expansion of the national security state. Since victory is unlikely, the question of whether to continue support- ing the United States on its present course is all the more urgent. SWP Research Paper Johannes Thimm From Exception to Normalcy The United States and the War on Terrorism Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 7 October 2018 All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2018 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They are also subject to fact- checking and copy-editing. For further information on our quality control pro- cedures, please visit the SWP website: https:// www.swp-berlin.org/en/ about-swp/quality- management-for-swp- publications/. SWP Research Papers reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 (Revised and updated English version of SWP-Studie 16/2018) Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Introduction: Continuity and Change in the Fight against Terrorism 9 The Normalization of the Global War on Terror 9 A resolution authorizing the war on terrorism 10 A small circle of decision-makers 10 Covert operations as a defining characteristic 11 Rising criticism leads to some limited reversals 13 The Evolution of the War on Terror under Three Presidents 13 The detention and interrogation program 13 Torture in the name of fighting terrorism 16 Opposition from civil society and the other government branches 18 Ending torture under Obama 19 Indiscriminate surveillance of communication 19 Overview of the legal basis of the surveillance regime 20 The evolution of surveillance since 9/11 21 A changed debate after the Snowden revelations 23 Targeted killing 24 Origins and evolution of the practice of targeted killing 25 Greater transparency and more killings 27 First trends under Trump 29 The National Security State and the Power of the Executive 29 Expansion of the national security state after 9/11 30 State of exception 31 Secrecy 34 Impunity 36 Conclusion: The Cost of the Forever-War 39 Abbreviations Dr. Johannes Thimm is a Senior Fellow in The Americas Division at SWP Issues and Conclusions From Exception to Normalcy The United States and the War on Terrorism The war on terrorism waged by the United States (US) is in its 17th year. To a large extent, it has defined three very different presidencies and no end is in sight. In the time since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the initial shock has gradually given way to a new normalcy, and the time seems right to assess how the US’s approach to combating terrorism has affected the rule of law, democracy, and human rights over almost the past two decades. Such an assessment is advisable for three reasons. First, the policies for combating terrorism have under- gone a number of changes. The methods have been continually changed, new ones introduced, and ex- isting ones abolished; the legal framework has been adapted; and the fight has been extended to new terrorist groups. This study should help in keeping track of the many twists and turns and to clarify the current situation. Second, the methods being used to combat terrorism have since found imitators. Not only do autocrats of all kinds justify human rights abuses and the persecution of political opponents as being anti-terror measures, European democracies have not remained unaffected by these changes either. Whereas in the early years following 9/11 European governments had repeatedly and clearly voiced criticisms of some of the controversial methods used for fighting the war, these have now largely ceased. Detentions without trials, targeted killings, indiscriminate surveillance – all of this is at least tolerated, if not supported. Moreover, European governments are following the US example in many respects. In France, a constitutional state of emergency was in force for almost two years after a series of ter- rorist attacks in 2015; subsequently, many of the powers then issued for the police and military have been permanently enshrined in a new anti-terror law. Britain had one of its citizens killed in Iraq using a drone attack without even attempting to provide any legal justification. And in almost all European coun- tries, the security agencies are constantly demanding new powers to monitor communications. All this leads to a normalization of problematic practices without sufficient discussions of the consequences. SWP Berlin From Exception to Normalcy: The United States and the War on Terrorism October 2018 5 Issues and Conclusions Third, the presidency of Donald Trump has given sion of human and civil rights; the concentration of the issue of the fight against terrorism new urgency. decision-making power in the hands of the executive Trump inherited from his predecessors a remarkable at the expense of the separation of powers principle; degree of power in the field of security policy. In con- and the expansion of the national security state. The trast to Barack Obama, however, there is no guaran- national security establishment requires considerable tee that he will deal with it cautiously. There is much resources and has itself become a powerful actor in talk of Trump’s control over the metaphorical red US security policy as a type of “intelligence industrial button of the US nuclear arsenal. On the other hand, complex.” Despite some policy revisions and the dis- his power over the joysticks that steer Predator drones continuation of the worst excesses – especially the equipped with Hellfire missiles attracts relatively use of torture – the measure of what is considered little attention. acceptable in the name of security has permanently A key finding of this report is that the global war shifted over the last two decades. Legal and moral on terror is not only continuing, but that it is also norms that were long regarded as undisputable in becoming increasingly difficult to end. What began the US have suffered lasting damage. as a secret war of a (strongly ideological) presidency is The effectiveness of the war on terror remains dis- now firmly established as US policy, both legally and puted. The aim of the present analysis is not to meas- institutionally. The fight against terrorism by military ure the war’s effectiveness because, in order to do so, means continues, with the aim of preventing terrorist it would be necessary to argue counterfactually as to attacks entirely. The logic of war and prevention has whether there would have been less terrorism today led the US to take a number of controversial measures if the war had not been conducted in this way – a after 9/11. In the context of a partially secret deten- methodologically questionable undertaking. How- tion and interrogation program, alleged terrorists ever, it seems doubtful whether we are closer to the were abducted, arrested, and tortured in order to ob- goal of defeating terrorism today than in 2001. Since tain information about planned attacks. The secret victory is unlikely, the question of whether to con- prisons are now closed and torture has ceased, but the tinue on the present course is all the more urgent. practice of detaining suspects in Guantánamo for an There have been a few changes in US policies that unlimited period without trials continues. Targeted have provoked criticisms from European governments killings of terrorist suspects, often by drones, have after 9/11, however the issue has lost urgency. Be- been expanded due to greater technical possibilities cause Europe held President Obama in high regard, and are a rarely questioned part of this war. When he was not under the same pressure to justify himself the public learned of the indiscriminate surveillance as his predecessor, although he continued many of of the communications and online activities of Ameri- the controversial measures. Now, with Donald Trump cans and foreigners and its questionable legal basis, in the White House, European governments have there were some minor corrections. However, the far- other concerns and do not want to open up another reaching powers of the intelligence agencies remained area of conflict with Washington.
Recommended publications
  • Combating Islamic Extremist Terrorism 1
    CGT 1/22/07 11:30 AM Page 1 Combating Islamic Extremist Terrorism 1 OVERALL GRADE D+ Al-Qaeda headquarters C+ Al-Qaeda affiliated groups C– Al-Qaeda seeded groups D+ Al-Qaeda inspired groups D Sympathizers D– 1 CGT 1/22/07 11:30 AM Page 2 2 COMBATING ISLAMIC EXTREMIST TERRORISM ive years after the September 11 attacks, is the United States win- ning or losing the global “war on terror”? Depending on the prism through which one views the conflict or the metrics used Fto gauge success, the answers to the question are starkly different. The fact that the American homeland has not suffered another attack since 9/11 certainly amounts to a major achievement. U.S. military and security forces have dealt al-Qaeda a severe blow, cap- turing or killing roughly three-quarters of its pre-9/11 leadership and denying the terrorist group uncontested sanctuary in Afghanistan. The United States and its allies have also thwarted numerous terror- ist plots around the world—most recently a plan by British Muslims to simultaneously blow up as many as ten jetliners bound for major American cities. Now adjust the prism. To date, al-Qaeda’s top leaders have sur- vived the superpower’s most punishing blows, adding to the near- mythical status they enjoy among Islamic extremists. The terrorism they inspire has continued apace in a deadly cadence of attacks, from Bali and Istanbul to Madrid, London, and Mumbai. Even discount- ing the violence in Iraq and Afghanistan, the tempo of terrorist attacks—the coin of the realm in the jihadi enterprise—is actually greater today than before 9/11.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Analysis of Julian Assange's Superseding Indictment
    defend.wikileaks.org Media analysis of Julian Assange's superseding indictment The precedent Glenn Greenwald: The indictment of Assange is a blueprint for making journalists into felons The argument offered by both the Trump administration and by some members of the self- styled “resistance” to Trump is, ironically, the same: that Assange isn’t a journalist at all and thus deserves no free press protections. But this claim overlooks the indictment’s real danger and, worse, displays a wholesale ignorance of the First Amendment. Press freedoms belong to everyone, not to a select, privileged group of citizens called “journalists.” Empowering prosecutors to decide who does or doesn’t deserve press protections would restrict “freedom of the press” to a small, cloistered priesthood of privileged citizens designated by the government as “journalists.” The First Amendment was written to avoid precisely that danger. Most critically, the U.S. government has now issued a legal document that formally declares that collaborating with government sources to receive and publish classified documents is no longer regarded by the Justice Department as journalism protected by the First Amendment but rather as the felony of espionage, one that can send reporters and their editors to prison for decades. It thus represents, by far, the greatest threat to press freedom in the Trump era, if not the past several decades. … The vast bulk of activities cited by the indictment as criminal are exactly what major U.S. media outlets do on a daily basis. The indictment, for instance, alleges WikiLeaks “encouraged sources” such as Chelsea Manning to obtain and pass on classified information; that the group provided technical advice on how to obtain and transmit that information without detection, and that it then published the classified information stolen by its source.
    [Show full text]
  • Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare Susan W
    Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 97 Article 2 Issue 2 Winter Winter 2007 At Light Speed: Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare Susan W. Brenner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Susan W. Brenner, At Light Speed: Attribution and Response to Cybercrime/Terrorism/Warfare, 97 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 379 (2006-2007) This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/07/9702-0379 THE JOURNALOF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 97. No. 2 Copyright 0 2007 by NorthwesternUniversity. Schoolof Low Printedin U.S.A. "AT LIGHT SPEED": ATTRIBUTION AND RESPONSE TO CYBERCRIME/TERRORISM/WARFARE SUSAN W. BRENNER* This Article explains why and how computer technology complicates the related processes of identifying internal (crime and terrorism) and external (war) threats to social order of respondingto those threats. First, it divides the process-attribution-intotwo categories: what-attribution (what kind of attack is this?) and who-attribution (who is responsiblefor this attack?). Then, it analyzes, in detail, how and why our adversaries' use of computer technology blurs the distinctions between what is now cybercrime, cyberterrorism, and cyberwarfare. The Article goes on to analyze how and why computer technology and the blurring of these distinctions erode our ability to mount an effective response to threats of either type.
    [Show full text]
  • And Jeremy Scahill (USA) Win Human Rights Award
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Marina Garde February 9, 2016 [email protected] / www.alba-valb.org Tel. 212-674-5398 Fearless, Border-Crossing Journalists Expose Corruption at the Highest Levels: Lydia Cacho (Mexico) and Jeremy Scahill (USA) Win Human Rights Award New York—On Saturday, May 7, 2016, the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives (ALBA) will present the ALBA/Puffin Award for Human Rights Activism to journalists Lydia Cacho and Jeremy Scahill. One of the largest monetary awards for human rights in the world, this $100,000 cash prize is granted annually by ALBA and the Puffin Foundation to honor the International Brigades and connect their inspiring legacy with contemporary causes. “Cacho and Scahill both shine as rare examples of investigative journalists who place human rights at the center of their work,” said ALBA board member and 2012 award recipient Kate Doyle. “Their reporting not only affects government policies, but seeks to champion and protect the lives of the world’s most vulnerable citizens. ALBA is proud to honor them.” Working on both sides of the volatile Mexico-United States border, Lydia Cacho and Jeremy Scahill have dedicated their careers to exposing the corruption, violence and abuse of power which go routinely unchallenged in the mainstream media. Cacho’s and Scahill’s work exemplifies the intersections of expository reporting and human rights activism. Their commitment to breaking the most profound silences has prompted investigations into the United States’ shadow wars across the Middle East and Africa as well as Mexican authorities’ use of censorship, torture and corruption. Part of an initiative designed to sustain the legacy of the experiences, aspirations and idealism of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, the ALBA/Puffin Award for Human Rights Activism supports current international activists and human rights causes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980)
    The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 12 | Issue 43 | Number 4 | Oct 20, 2014 The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980) Peter Dale Scott In the last decade it has become more and more another, more shadowy, more obvious that we have in America today what the indefinable government that is not journalists Dana Priest and William Arkin have explained in Civics 101 or called observable to tourists at the White House or the Capitol. The former is two governments: the one its traditional Washington partisan citizens were familiar with, operated politics: the tip of the iceberg that a more or less in the open: the other a public watching C-SPAN sees daily parallel top secret government and which is theoretically whose parts had mushroomed in controllable via elections. The less than a decade into a gigantic, subsurface part of the iceberg I shall sprawling universe of its own, call the Deep State, which operates visible to only a carefully vetted according to its own compass cadre—and its entirety . visible heading regardless of who is 1 only to God. formally in power.3 And in 2013, particularly after the military return I believe that a significant shift in the relationship to power in Egypt, more and more authors between public and deep state power occurred in referred to this second level as America’s “deep the 1960s and 1970s, culminating in the Reagan 2 state.” Here for example is the Republican Revolution of 1980. In this period five presidents analyst Mike Lofgren: sought to curtail the powers of the deep state.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as
    [Show full text]
  • The Age of Absolutism and Constitutionalism in Europe: AP World History
    The Age of Absolutism and Constitutionalism in Europe: AP World History: Overview: ∙ Karl Marx noted that all history is cyclical and a response to a previous period, this dialectical notion teaches us to examine patterns and trends with the purpose of predicting future events. According to Marxist thought history responds logically and materially to the flaws of the previous period. Using our knowledgebase of the previous section…it is clear that the previous age faced great challenges that led to new trends in the following era, trends that included Absolutism and the liberal response; constitutionalism. In dealing with the political, religious, economic, and climatic problems of the day the leaders of state sought more power to deal with problems. The response was a new political philosophy that had been in the works for a millennium; Absolutism. Absolutism gives a monarch absolute or total authority in dealing with the state. This power is absorbed by the Monarch and takes liberties away from elected representatives and citizens. The response (dialectally) is constitutionalism, a system that seeks to enumerate the rights of citizens by limiting the rights and powers of the State. ∙ These political ideas will manifest themselves in several locations; France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. France: The Model of Absolute Monarchy ∙ The French Monarchy had been in a constant state of evolution since the fall of Rome. Great monarchs had appeared, ideas solidified during the Renaissance, and conflict during the age of religious wars. Henry IV revived the monarchy and laid the framework for the reign of the Great Monarch Louis XIV.
    [Show full text]
  • American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics
    American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Nese F. DeBruyne Senior Research Librarian Updated September 14, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32492 American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Summary This report provides U.S. war casualty statistics. It includes data tables containing the number of casualties among American military personnel who served in principal wars and combat operations from 1775 to the present. It also includes data on those wounded in action and information such as race and ethnicity, gender, branch of service, and cause of death. The tables are compiled from various Department of Defense (DOD) sources. Wars covered include the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam Conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. Military operations covered include the Iranian Hostage Rescue Mission; Lebanon Peacekeeping; Urgent Fury in Grenada; Just Cause in Panama; Desert Shield and Desert Storm; Restore Hope in Somalia; Uphold Democracy in Haiti; Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF); Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); Operation New Dawn (OND); Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR); and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). Starting with the Korean War and the more recent conflicts, this report includes additional detailed information on types of casualties and, when available, demographics. It also cites a number of resources for further information, including sources of historical statistics on active duty military deaths, published lists of military personnel killed in combat actions, data on demographic indicators among U.S. military personnel, related websites, and relevant Congressional Research Service (CRS) reports.
    [Show full text]
  • The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
    THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Horizons REFLECTIONS on a CHANGING WORLD
    Horizons REFLECTIONS ON A CHANGING WORLD PROGRAM Saturday, July 17 – Sunday, July 18, 2021 SATURDAY, JULY 17 2021 PAVILION & LAWN Horizons REFLECTIONS ON A CHANGING WORLD Continental Breakfast 8:30 – 9:30 AM | Beverage Tent Day One George Packer LAST BEST HOPE: AMERICA IN CRISIS AND RENEWAL David Halberstam Memorial Lecture 9:30 – 10:30 AM | Pavilion & Lawn We have been living through tumultuous, divisive, and heartbreaking days. The past year, 2020, seemed to bring the country to its knees, exposing all the racial, economic, and ideological fault lines. In writing his new book, GEORGE PACKER, one of our foremost thinkers about the state of America, set out to answer two fundamental questions: How did we get here, and how do we find our way back? He wanted to explore what he calls our common American identity and enduring passion for equality. Join Packer for a discussion of what he found on his journey, what surprised him, what made him despair, and, finally, what gives him hope for this country that he so clearly loves. 2 3 SATURDAY, JULY 17 2021 BREAKOUT SESSIONS Sarah Broom John Lithgow THE HOUSE: A LOVE STORY OR THE LANDSCAPE OF LONGING JOHN LITHGOW: PERFORMER TURNED POET 11:00 AM – 12:00 PM | Breakout Session | Tent C 11:00 AM – 12:00 PM | Breakout Session | Tent A Even after her childhood home in New Orleans was destroyed in Hurricane Katrina, Why does one of our most respected and versatile actors turn to writing poetry— author and journalist SARAH BROOM found herself drawn to it with every nerve- make that witty satirical verse? That is the question for JOHN LITHGOW.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution and Ideology of Global Constitutionalism
    California Law Review VOL. 99 OCTOBER 2011 No. 5 Copyright @2011 by California Law Review, Inc., a California Nonprofit Corporation The Evolution and Ideology of Global Constitutionalism David S. Law* & Mila Versteeg** It has become almost universal practice for countries to adopt formal constitutions. Little is known empirically, however, about the evolution of this practice on a global scale. Are constitutions unique and defining statements of national aspiration and identity? Or are they standardized documents that vary only at the margins, in predictable and patterned ways? Are constitutions becoming increasinglysimilar or dissimilarover time, or is there no discernible overall pattern to their development? Until very recently, scholars have lacked even basic empirical data on the content of the world's Copyright C 2011, David S. Law & Mila Versteeg. * Professor of Law and Professor of Political Science, Washington University in St. Louis; Visiting Scholar, New York University School of Law; Visiting Professor and Fulbright Scholar, National Taiwan University College of Law. B.A., M.A., Ph.D., Stanford University; J.D., Harvard Law School; B.C.L. in European and Comparative Law, University of Oxford. ** Associate Professor, University of Virginia School of Law. B.A., LL.M., Tilburg University; LL.M., Harvard Law School; D.Phil., University of Oxford. Earlier versions of this Article were presented at the 2010 annual meetings of the Law and Society Association in Chicago and the American Political Science Association in Washington, D.C., the Fifth Annual Conference on Empirical Legal Studies held at Yale Law School, and faculty colloquia at Brooklyn Law School and Washington University School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
    Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American .
    [Show full text]