Punk Identities in Post- South Africa

Lauren Basson

A minor dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities and Languages, University of , in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology.

Supervisor: Prof. Peter Alexander Co-supervisor: Liela Groenewald

Johannesburg March 2007

ABSTRACT

Punk was not only a music and phenomenon of the , but the embodiment of non-conformity, discontent and a do-it-yourself culture that has continued to inspire the alternative youth of successive generations. One new cohort are the post-apartheid punks that provided the focus of this minor dissertation. The following three methods were used to collect qualitative data on South African punks: a qualitative content analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews. A search for the best conceptual tools with which to analyse this information found that previous usage of the concepts ‘’ and ‘’ were useful, but inadequate. ‘Identity’ on the other hand, was capable of highlighting and examining the complexities of the punk phenomenon. The history of punk demonstrated that cross-cutting experiences, specific contexts, sub- categorisation and political motivations also contribute to the multiple meanings of punk. Similar influences were found at play in the South African case, but with a few crucial differences. Sub-categorisation was discussed in connection to a general and significant shift from old school to new school punk. The new school outlook is far more fun than the aggressive old school punk attitude of the 1970s. This change in punk culture provides an explanation for why it is that even politically aware punks, rarely make activism a priority. It may also explain why this small, optimistic, good humoured and creative ‘punk family’ do not express the fear and uncertainty normally found in punk collectives. The proudly South African context has also unexpectedly fostered the confidence of these mostly white, male and middle class punks.

ii OPSOMMING

'Punk' is nie net ʼn musikale en modeverskynsel van die 1970s nie, maar die vergestalting van nonkonformisme, misnoeë en ʼn doen-dit-self kultuur wat voortgegaan het om die alternatiewe jeug van daaropvolgende generasies te inspireer. Een nuwe kohort is die postapartheid punks wat die fokus van hierdie kort dissertasie verskaf het. Die volgende drie metodes is gebruik om kwalitatiewe data oor Suid-Afikaanse punks in te samel: kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding, observasies en semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude. ʼn Soeke na die beste konsepsuele gereedskap vir die analise van die data het getoon dat die manier waarop die konsepte 'subkultuur' en 'toneel' voorheen gebruik is, nuttig maar onvoldoende was. Die konsep 'identiteit' was egter in staat daartoe om die kompleksiteite van die punk verskynsel uit te lig en uit te pluis. Die geskiedenis van punk het getoon dat deurkruisende ervaringe, spesifieke kontekste, subkategorisering en politieke motivering ook tot die veelvoudige betekenisse van punk bydra. Soortgelyke invloede het in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks 'n rol gespeel, maar met ʼn paar sleutelverskille. Subkategorisering is bespreek in verband met ʼn algemene en betekenisvolle verskuiwing van ou-skool tot nuwe-skool punk. Die nuwe-skool perspektief is baie meer pret as die aggressiewe ou-skool punk houding van die 1970s. Hierdie verandering in punk kultuur verskaf een verklaring daarvoor dat selfs polities bewuste punks selde van aktivisme 'n prioriteit maak. Dit kan ook verduidelik waarom hierdie klein, optimistiese, welwillende en kreatiewe 'punk gesin' nie aan die vrees en onsekerheid wat gewoonlik by punk gemeenskappe voorkom, uitdrukking gee nie. Verder het die trots-Suid-Afrikaanse konteks onverwags die selfvertroue van hierdie hoofsaaklik wit, manlike, middelklas punks gekoester.

iii CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND DECLARATION 1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 3 1.1 Orientation, Problem Statement and Research Objectives 4 1.2 Chapter Outline 6

CHAPTER TWO: SUBCULTURAL IDENTITIES 8 2.1 Introduction 8 2.2 The Setting of the Subcultural Mould 8 2.3 An Attempt to Replace the Subcultural Mould 11 2.4 An Identity with a Subcultural Past 14 2.5 Conclusion 18

CHAPTER THREE: THE PUNK MOVEMENT 20 3.1 Introduction 20 3.2 The British Punk Movement (1975-1984) 21 3.3 After the British Moment: Comparing Contexts 25 3.4 Recognising the Other Parent: Punk in the 27 3.5 Conclusion 30

CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH DESIGN 32 4.1 Introduction 32 4.2 Research Methods 33 4.2.1 Qualitative Content Analysis 33 4.2.2 Observing Punk Behaviour 35 4.2.3 Semi-structured Interviews 36 4.3 Ethical Considerations 39 4.4 The Analysis 39 4.5 Strengths and Limitations 40 4.6 Conclusion 41

iv

CHAPTER FIVE: AN EXPLORATION OF PUNK IDENTITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA 42 5.1 Introduction 42 5.2 The History of South African Punk 43 5.2.1 Punk Under Apartheid 43 5.2.2 Punk After Apartheid 46 5.3 The Punk Scene 49 5.3.1 Gigs and Festivals 50 5.3.2 Visual and Written Contributions 53 5.3.3 Different Meanings and Sub-categories of Punk 55 5.3.4 Skate-punk 61 5.3.5 Female Participation 64 5.3.6 Conclusion 5.4 Do South African punks utilise their identity as a vehicle for political expression? 67 5.4.1 Anarcho-punks 67 5.4.2 Punk Musicians 70 5.5 What is unique about the South African punk? 72 5.5.1 Defying Expectations: Optimistic White Punks 73 5.5.2 Punk Compared 78 5.6 Conclusion 83

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION 85

APPENDIX 1: GLOSSARY 89 SOURCES 91 Primary Sources 91 Interviewees 91 Gigs and Other Observation Sites 92 Magazines, and Lyrics 93 Secondary Sources 94

v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND DECLARATION

It is strange that only one person should get recognised for completing this task, when a sociological project is obviously something that could never be undertaken in isolation. Importantly in addition to my own name, two other names are mentioned on the title page and these are the names of my supervisors. They are also the first people I would like to thank, because this work would have been impossible without their advice and encouragement. I would like to thank Professor Peter Alexander for somehow always knowing where I was going before I had even gotten there. I am grateful that I had the opportunity to benefit from both your wisdom and your generosity. I learned so much about research and writing from you. I would like to thank Liela Groenewald for always being so thorough with my work and for her helpful criticisms. I was truly lucky to have a supervisor who is both an intellectual and a talented musician. The love and support of my parents Heather and Glenn Basson have proven to be a crucial life resource and I was particularly happy to have them in the face of this challenge. I would like to express my gratitude for all the time, compassion and advice that you have given me. And to my ‘sister’ Letitia Smuts, I would like to thank you for your friendship and for always allowing me to ‘reflect’ ideas off of you. I would like to thank Bronwyn Dworzanowski for encouraging me to pursue a Masters Degree, but more importantly for instilling in me a sense of the great potential of sociology that will hopefully remain with me for the duration of my career. I would like to thank Research Committee 34 (Sociology of Youth) for giving me the opportunity to present my research at the International Sociological Association World Congress in Durban in 2006. I am particularly grateful for the feedback that I received both during and after the conference. I am equally appreciative for the chance to speak about this work at one of the Department of Sociology’s weekly seminars at the University of Johannesburg, where I also benefited from some helpful comments. Most importantly, I have to thank the punks who agreed to be a part of this project. I realise that the idea of punk is not something that wants to be understood, so I am glad that you accommodated my desire to do so anyway. I hope that you can take something from this dissertation in return for all that I have taken and learned from you.

1 The National Research Foundation (NRF) must be thanked and acknowledged for their financial assistance. All views expressed were those of the researcher and should not be attributed to the NRF. I hereby declare that this minor dissertation, submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree of Master of Arts in Sociology at the University of Johannesburg, is my own work and that all assistance has been acknowledged; and that it has not been submitted to any other university.

Lauren Basson University of Johannesburg Johannesburg November 2006

2

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

One night I discovered a group of young people running and jumping around in a circle, while trumpets and the rest of the accompanying song played in the background. The following lyrics were commanding the airwaves:

I think you pay too much respect to the government. I always thought that we were free. Help you, to help yourself. Freedom is a state of mind. Freedom is a state of mind.

A Johannesburg based band, called Fuzigish was performing its song ‘Conspiracy’ and this was my first taste of a punk night. Intrigued by the lyrics that I had heard and a few brief conversations that I had with some punks that night, I began asking questions about the presence of a punk scene in South Africa. The energy was captivating and the message seemed to encourage people to question their social worlds and to think for themselves. As a sociologist I could identify with this message and it is also a message that I would like to promote. However, it seemed strange that this message of thinking for oneself should come in a punk package, an imitation of a British music and fashion phenomenon of the late 1970s. Punk was basically dead (or so I thought), a stereotype that only existed in the media and the image bank of various designers and marketers. Fortunately, intuition encouraged me to dig a little deeper than this initial perception. It did not take long to realise that although punk normally does contain some musical, aesthetic and philosophical references to British 1970s punk, the punk identity has not been restricted to only one place and time or even to a style reference in the media for that matter. The following dissertation lays out what I have found out about South African punk identities, by posing the following research question: What does it mean to claim the punk identity in post-apartheid South Africa?

3 1.1 Orientation, Problem Statement and Research Objectives

In addition to the curiosity described in the opening paragraph of this chapter, there are several other reasons for why the punk identity was chosen as a research topic. The first reason is related to the specific point in time that the present scene surfaced. That is, the current punk scene emerged shortly after the South African transition from apartheid to democracy (Bacon 2005: 36; Lewis 2004: 1). Punk identities are often adopted in times of great social transition and because of the inevitable uncertainty that follows this change (Simonelli 2002: 123; Bennett 2000: 49; Feixa 2006: 256). The punk phenomenon provides an expressive outlet for the frustrations that often arise from a sense of insecurity about the future (Brake 1980:81; Simonelli 2002: 123). Therefore, the timing and meaning of the current scene’s arrival were worthy of investigation, because of what they potentially revealed about the mood of the post-apartheid context from the perspective of punks. The contemporary punk scene is dominated by white, middle class males and their choice of identity may also have exposed their feelings about their position in the new South Africa. The second reason that the punk identity was investigated was because of its anti- authoritarian rhetoric and its history as a political vehicle. In the current South African context, democracy is threatened by a lack of opposition to the dominant power of the African National Congress (ANC) (McKinley 2005: 5). The current punk scene is relatively small and may not be capable of providing a significant solution to this problem, but it does represent a counter-hegemonic form of resistance. Interestingly the aesthetic and philosophical aspects of punk have been used in against -liberal globalisation; and the policies of the ANC government have clearly taken a neo-liberal turn (Blackman 2005: 14; Mateus 2004: 264; Alexander 2006: 45). Therefore it was worth exploring the political views of South African punks Thirdly, as this project follows in the footsteps of a larger project entitled Globalisation and New Social Identities, conducted by members of the Department of Sociology at the University of Johannesburg, it was helpful to choose an identity with an obviously global character. Punk’s global nature has already been revealed as a form of in the face of neo-liberalism. However, there are two other important facts that should be considered. It is also a phenomenon that is circulated through global music and media networks and it has been celebrated in countries all over the world. In addition to

4 being global, it is also a phenomenon that has rarely been studied as an identity. Therefore, the topic presented an opportunity to investigate possible applications of the literature on identity and to address the limited ways that the punk phenomenon has been analysed in the past. Another reason for conducting this research was that despite the fact that punk is a very thought-provoking identity, it has been under-researched in the context of South Africa. There was a gap in the literature that this research could begin to fill. In order to substantiate this claim it is necessary to explain the actual process of searching for the literature. A number of library catalogues, journals and electronic databases were used in this process. The library catalogues at the University of Johannesburg, the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of South Africa, Rhodes University, the University of , the University of Stellenbosch, the University of Pretoria, Tshwane University of Technology and the University of KwaZulu-Natal were all utilised for their proximity and accessibility. The following databases and search engines were searched extensively: Ebscohost, Proquest, Emerald, Nexus, Sabinet, Online Catalogue of the Library of Congress (OCLC), Sabinet, S.A. Studies and Google Scholar. The keywords that were employed for the catalogues and databases included amongst others: punk, punk identity, , punk and , anarcho-punk, skate-punk, punk and South Africa, punk and globalisation, youth , South African youth, counter- culture and the . Although a substantial amount of literature on youth subcultures, identity, the punk movement and globalisation was found, very little academic information about the South African punk subculture could be located. Two dissertations related to South African punk were available in KwaZulu-Natal. The one was completed in 1995 and addressed punk as one of many facets of the rock identity in Durban between 1963 and 1985 (Van der Meulen, 1995). The other, which was completed in 2001, focused exclusively on in the 1970s and 1980s (Pather, 2001). Both dissertations were completed for their respective music departments and the details have been included in the source list. Thus, it would seem that no sociological study has been conducted on the punk identity in post-apartheid South Africa. If nothing else, this dissertation documents a scene that is, hitherto, academically unrecorded. However, this dissertation does not only document the punk scene, it analyses and explores punk identities in post-apartheid South Africa. It also addresses two specific questions that were raised after reviewing the literature on punks: What is unique about

5 South African punk? And, do South African punks utilise their identity as a vehicle for political expression?

1.2 Chapter Outline

Chapter Two is dedicated to the task of providing a conceptual framework for this study. It does this by drawing on subcultural studies that have been conducted in the past and by outlining some of theoretical problems that have emerged. In attempting to address some of these difficulties, the concept of ‘scene’ is examined as a possible alternative to ‘subculture’. However, ‘scene’ makes little theoretical headway, because it actually presents several new challenges to studying the punk phenomenon, as well as reasons for why ‘subculture’ still holds potential. The concept of ‘identity’ addresses some of the weaknesses that ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ have in common, by suggesting an examination of the way that identities are actually constructed. ‘Identity’ creates the space to explore the influences and meanings involved in the process of subcultural identity construction. Chapter Three investigates the development of the punk movement and the different meanings that have been attached to the punk identity over the last thirty years. The three concepts that were developed in Chapter Two are also assessed in this chapter, where ‘identity’ is once again found to have the most potential for understanding the punk phenomenon. Punk in Britain, Hungary, Australia, and the United States are each explored in turn, where context is found to play a crucial role in shaping collective punk identities. In addition, cross-cutting experiences and the sub-categories and political utilisations of punk are highlighted as important influences in the construction of punk identities. Chapter Four covers the three qualitative research methods that were used to collect data for this study. The three methods were a qualitative content analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews. The data was analysed in an iterative process that illuminated the key themes through several stages of data collection. Chapter Five covers the analysis of fieldwork findings and provides answers to the research questions posed. In this chapter the meanings of South African punk identities are seen to rise from the history of the identity, with these devised from international influences and revised in a post-apartheid context.

6 Chapter Six summarises the key arguments and contributions of the study. In this chapter the value of ‘identity’ is revisited and it is shown that this concept helped to reveal meanings of punk that might otherwise have gone unnoticed. Particularly those meanings stemming from cross-cutting experiences, political motivations, sub-categories of punk and social context. A glossary of punk terminology has been included as Appendix 1. The motivation to include a glossary stems from the substantial use of punk terminology or jargon in this dissertation. The glossary should assist the reader in understanding the meanings of these words, while also developing a sense of the sometimes colourful and occasionally violent nature of punk. What does it mean to claim the punk identity in post-apartheid South Africa? In considering this question, a study has been conducted that contributes to social science in the following ways. Firstly, it provides an understanding of South African punk from a sociological perspective, and this has not been attempted before. Secondly, I reveal a number of other gaps in the history of the international punk movement. These include its incomplete documentation, in terms of global reach and chronological development. This has produced a tendency to under-emphasise the influence of punk in the United States on contemporary punk identities elsewhere. Thirdly, at a theoretical level, I demonstrate the value of ‘identity’ and the limitations of ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ as conceptual tools for understanding the punk phenomenon. Lastly, and perhaps most importantly I provide an answer to the research question. Punk was not merely a music and fashion phenomenon of the 1970s, but the embodiment of non-conformity, discontent and a do-it-yourself culture that has continued to inspire the alternative youth of successive generations. In various ways and to different degrees, it provides meaning for a cohort of white youth in contemporary South Africa. This small, optimistic, good humoured and creative ‘punk family’ do not express the fear and uncertainty normally found in punk collectives. Although they still advocate non- conformity, their positive stance has been influenced by two other factors. The first is the national mood straight after the transition that allowed them to experience the novelty of being proudly South African. The second has to do with a change in punk culture from old school to new school punk. The new school outlook is far more fun than the aggressive old school punk attitude of the 1970s. A diversity of experiences and identities were found in the South African punk scene.

7

CHAPTER TWO

SUBCULTURAL IDENTITIES

2.1 Introduction

Dick Hebdige (1979) produced one of the first academic works about the punk phenomenon. Hebdige studied punk as a ‘subculture’ and it seems unable to break free of this initial conceptualisation. This rigid explanation of ‘subculture’ has been subjected to a number of criticisms. Not only has this subcultural mould undergone an immense amount of academic scrutiny, it has also emerged as a resilient player in a rather complicated debate about its existence. This chapter will briefly outline this subcultural explanation, the criticisms lodged against it and the attempts that have been made to replace it. The reasons for why ‘subculture’ still retains a place in the conceptual toolbox of social scientists are suggested, though a conclusive argument remains elusive. However, within this dilemma, a space opens for the concept of ‘identity’. The body of work on identity is sophisticated and still growing in capacity. This chapter will not attempt to add to this body, but rather suggest ways in which ‘identity’ can assist in a study of a topic with a subcultural past.

2.2 The Setting of the Subcultural Mould

The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham was responsible for establishing youth subcultures as an important area of research (Andes 1998: 213; Bennett 2004: 4). Hebdige was a member of the CCCS and it was to the CCCS definition of ‘subculture’ that he subscribed, when he wrote about the punk phenomenon. Therefore, in order to assess the value of ‘subculture’ as a theoretical framework, the work of the CCCS embodied in a book entitled Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain (Hall & Jefferson 1976), alongside the work of Hebdige (1979) in Subculture: The Meaning of Style, were given careful attention and consideration. As many authors have cited and criticised these CCCS works, these arguments are also considered in the assessment.

8 The CCCS stated that the purpose of its work was to evaluate youth culture by exploring the idea of youth subcultures (Hall & Jefferson 1976: 5). It looked at youth subcultures in relation to class culture and cultural hegemony (Hall & Jefferson 1976: 5). The CCCS was a Marxist school and it drew many of its ideas from Antonio Gramsci and his concept of hegemony. This can be seen in the way that it explored class struggle in the cultural realm and as a pursuit of cultural power (Clarke et al. 1976: 12). Central to Gramsci’s hegemony, is the way in which ideological power is won by shaping consent through a framed set of alternatives (Clarke et al. 1976: 38). That is, hegemony is about having the power to create the impression that the position of the dominant classes is both legitimate and natural (Clarke et al. 1976: 38). Subcultures are counter-hegemonic if they present an that challenges the legitimacy of the dominant classes. Subcultures were seen to be part of working class culture, which the CCCS termed the ‘parent culture’. Subcultures share the working class values of the parent culture, but they can be distinguished from one another in terms of the commodities they embrace and the activities and spaces they pursue (Clarke et al. 1976: 13-14). Several changes in post-war Britain, such as the growth of the and changes in the structure and status of family, school, work and leisure, were seen to fragment the working class community (Hebdige 1979: 74). A generational consciousness developed amongst working class youth because of their increased spending power and the new youth market (Hebdige 1979: 74). Youth subcultures adopted some aspects from the overall working class culture in attempting to resist the dominant culture, but in such a way that they came to reflect their own generational experience (Clarke et al. 1976: 53). The CCCS understood youth subcultures as a symbolic solution to the confusion that young people experienced in not being able to relate to the culture of their working class parents or to the dominant culture of the middle class (Andes 1998: 213). Shane Blackman (2005: 5) points out that the Birmingham subculturalists also worked with the ideas of Roland Barthes, Louis Althusser, Claude Levi-Strauss and Jacques Lacan. This reveals that the CCCS not only had a Marxist orientation, but an interest in semiotics and structuralism as well. According to Hebdige (1979: 92) subcultures represent a symbolic challenge to a symbolic order because they represent difference. Subcultures appropriated mundane objects to indicate a sense of being an outsider and these badges of difference were worn with pride (Hebdige 1979: 2). It was

9 important to be seen as not conforming to what society expected (Hebdige 1979: 2). The challenge was symbolic because it would not actually change their class position in a structural sense (Clarke et al. 1976: 47). The symbolic battle for cultural power takes place through the processes of incorporation and resistance (Clarke et al. 1976: 13). Youth appropriate commodities from the market and assign them new meanings in subcultures; in turn the market reincorporates the subcultural commodities with their new meanings and deprives them of their resistive capacity (Clarke et al. 1976: 16). In other words, each resistive activity is countered by the adoption of that activity into the marketing of that particular style (Epstein 1998: 17). Simply appropriating an object does not make a style; this occurs through a process of stylisation. Style is ‘the active organisation of objects with activities and outlooks, which produce an organised group activity in the form and shape of a coherent and distinctive way of being-in-the-world’ (Clarke et al. 1976: 56). Subcultures constructed meaningful styles from commodities in the youth market for themselves (Clarke et al. 1976: 56). Particular commodities could be made ‘homologous’ with the subculture’s core beliefs, activities and self-image (Clarke et al. 1976: 56). The CCCS’s explanation is promising, but a number of criticisms have been lodged against it. Firstly, there was a tendency in the work of the CCCS to romanticise the working class as heroes who were resisting the demise of their working class culture (Mooney 2005: 42). Chapter Three will question the accuracy of describing subcultures as pure working class phenomena, by focusing on the realities of the punk movement. Secondly, there was too much emphasis on class identity in general and this overshadowed other possible identities (Andes 1998: 215; Mooney 2005: 41; Wood 2003: 34). Gender identity is one such identity that has been overlooked. Feminists have pointed out that there is often a gender bias in the subcultural approach because the participation of males is valued as more significant than that of females (Andes 1998: 213-214). Others have argued that this is because subcultures cater more for masculine identities and therefore hold less appeal for females (Brake 1980: 82). Whatever the case, there is still a need to explore the role of other identities that function in subcultures. Thirdly, and perhaps as a consequence of class identities overshadowing other identities, members of the various subcultures appeared to have almost clone-like identities. That is, the CCCS did not address the ways that individuals experienced their lives within their respective subcultures (Andes 1998: 213). The actual voices of subcultural members do

10 not even feature in the major works of the CCCS (Andes 1998: 213). This suggests that there is a need within subcultural studies to use a concept such as ‘identity’ to highlight the identity construction process within a subculture (Mooney 2005: 41). The value of using ‘identity’ as a concept will be followed up in the final section of this chapter. The CCCS has also been criticised for its semiotic reading of subcultural commodities and consumption practices. It has been suggested that subcultural consumption patterns are not a form of resistance, but rather a means by which to appear distinctive from the masses (Thornton 1995:167). In the CCCS interpretation, the incorporation of a subcultural commodity into the market, would deprive it of its symbolic resistive capacity to dominant culture. Sarah Thornton (1995: 124) explains that the real concern with any subcultural music or fashion going mainstream, is not that they lose their resistive capacity, but rather their exclusivity, because ‘outsiders’ can now access these products. When commodities lose their exclusivity, they lose their authenticity because they are no longer unique to the subculture (Thornton 1995: 124). There is some truth in Thornton’s criticisms, but she dismisses counter-cultural practices before she even explores the link between resistance and exclusivity. To address the analytical flaws inherent in ‘subculture’, there have been many attempts to redefine ‘subculture’ outside of the CCCS mould, but this has resulted in an all-encompassing, ambiguous and ultimately meaningless concept (Bennett & Kahn- Harris 2004: 1). Post-modernists and post-subculturalists have attempted to replace subculture with terms like ‘neo-tribes’, ‘scenes’ and ‘lifestyles’ (Bennett & Kahn-Harris 2004: 10-15; Blackman 2005: 8). These analytical frameworks are meant to acknowledge that youth cultural groupings have become more fluid and temporary (Bennett & Kahn- Harris 2004: 12). However, these attempts at replacing ‘subculture’ have made little theoretical headway and they have inadvertently highlighted the fact that ‘subculture’ is still useful. The following section addresses one of these attempts and the reasons for why it has not succeeded at replacing ‘subculture’ altogether.

2.3 An Attempt to Replace the Subcultural Mould

Of all of the attempts to improve on ‘subculture’, ‘scene’ potentially holds the most value for this research project. ‘Scene’ seeks to improve on ‘subculture’ in two important ways, by placing music at the core of the analysis and by understanding the processes and

11 networks that stem from music-making in a much more flexible and fluid way (Stahl 2004: 52). It is therefore, worth considering whether ‘scene’ does in fact do this and whether this attempt should be regarded as an improvement on ‘subculture’ or rather as an alternative concept that has more value than ‘subculture’ in certain areas of research. The role of music did not play an important part in the original CCCS analysis of ‘subculture’ (Bennett 2006: 222). The role of music does play an important part in the concept of ‘scene’ (Stahl 2004: 52). As a result of this focus, ‘scene’ has replaced ‘subculture’ in most socio-musical studies (Hesmondhalgh 2005: 22). Scenes develop because of a common taste in music, the use of similar media and a preference for others who have similar tastes (Thornton 1995: 3). The concept of ‘scene’ acknowledges that there are multiple ways of expressing appreciation of certain types of music (Bennett 2006: 223). Some of the roles that can be adopted include that of fan, musician, graphic designer and writer (Stahl 2004: 53). A scene offers members a range of different roles, which unlike subculture distinguishes individuals adopting this identity (Stahl 2004: 53). Paul Hodkinson (2004: 139) found that a ‘scene’ requires a variety of media outlets to reinforce what makes the scene collectively distinctive. Specialised publications and commodities help to define the characteristics of the cultural group. Keith Kahn-Harris (2004: 114) found that it was publications such as niche magazines1 and zines2, in addition to other forms of writing such as e-mails that provided the backbone of any scene. It is through these publications that bands develop reputations and correspond with scene members (Kahn-Harris 2004: 114). Those who are not musicians can also achieve greater involvement in the scene through e-mailing other members and by looking for CDs and zines through websites (Kahn-Harris 2004: 114). The has become a particularly valuable resource to any scene (Hodkinson 2004: 146). ‘Scene’ is also meant to be a much more fluid concept than subculture. Geoff Stahl (2004: 52) explains that scene ‘acknowledges that different interpretative tools are called for in order to account for the many-layered circuits, loose affiliations, networks, contexts and points of contact determining the socio-musical experience.’ The concept of ‘scene’ is more flexible than subculture because it widens the scope of analysis (Stahl

1 A niche magazine often focuses on one topic or caters for a specialised market. Niche publications can influence the scene as much as they document them (Thornton 1995: 117). 2 A is publication compiled by fans of a particular phenomenon and often addresses issues that music magazines have neglected.

12 2004: 52). A ‘scene’ is both a local and a trans-local cultural space that is about stylised and musical associations, as well interpersonal communication at a specific setting (Bennett & Kahn-Harris 2004: 14). A scene, in other words, provides the context for interacting and the point of contact (Stahl 2004: 54). The people involved develop networks that are facilitated by meeting places, both in the actual and virtual environments (Stahl 2004: 54). ‘Scene’ is meant to be sensitive to the nuances of a particular urban cultural context and the way it is coded (Stahl 2004: 53). ‘Scene’ does pay more attention to music and it is a far more fluid conceptualisation than the CCCS version of ‘subculture’. However, ‘scene’ tries to account for a number of complicated processes at once and as a result it is an ambiguous and confusing term (Hesmondhalgh 1995: 23). For example, it is difficult to understand how a concept can simultaneously explain a ‘bounded place’ and the ‘complex flows of music affiliation’ (Hesmondhalgh 1995: 23). The ambiguity of the concept is compounded by the vernacular use of scene amongst musicians (Hesmondhalgh 1995: 28). Like subculture, the use of ‘scene’ outside of academic circles has added to the confusion of its precise meaning (Bennett & Kahn-Harris 2004: 1). Those critical of ‘scene’ and other post-subculturalist terms, point out that if the collective identity is understood to be too fluid, then there is a danger of overlooking the consistent and lasting qualities of subcultural identities (Blackman 2005: 14). For example, the use of subcultural identities at festivals and anti-capitalist demonstrations that have occurred since the mid-1990s may be neglected in a ‘scene’ analysis (Blackman 2005: 14). Although ‘subculture’ has the tendency to see identity in terms of similar consumption patterns, it also lends itself to a potential political and critical consciousness (Blackman 2005: 2). At its core, ‘subculture’ is concerned with agency and the actions of distinctive cultural groupings (Blackman 2005: 2). ‘Scene’ may have more value than subculture in socio-musical research, but, as these arguments suggest, ‘subculture’ may have more value than scene in other areas of sociology (Hesmondhalgh 1995: 23). There is a need for a concept that allows for an explanation of this phenomenon from many different angles and in such a way that it illuminates both the reality and the relevance of the group’s existence. Both ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ have demonstrated that music and style-based youth identities operate in an identifiable social space. However, they both understand these phenomena as collective identities, dominated either by class identity or music taste. The subcultural approach of the CCCS tended to overlook the

13 individual identities involved. ‘Scene’ went some way in distinguishing the roles of the different people involved, but it did not go far enough. Individual experience needs to be acknowledged, without weakening the importance of ‘the group context of youth cultural practices’ (Blackman 2005: 1). The literature on social identity highlights the fact that identity is a process with both collective and individual dimensions (Jenkins 2004: 24). In fact, the concept of ‘identity’ is unique because it does make sense both individually and collectively (Jenkins 2004: 24). In addition to this, social identity is a process where many dimensions converge and meaning develops through interaction (Bourdieu 1991: 230; Castells 2000: 7; Jenkins 2004: 19). Therefore more than one identity can be focused on at a time. The analytical value of ‘identity’ in a study of this nature is worth exploring.

2.4 An Identity with a Subcultural Past

The cultural practice under observation represents a point where music taste, class position, race, gender, nationality, age, political and many other experiences converge. However, music taste, class and youth appear to be the identities that receive the most attention in theoretical explanations. It is interesting, that in each case, the role of identity is mentioned, but the role of the identity construction process is avoided. This section attempts to address ‘identity’ as a concept that acknowledges the role of all the identities at play, by looking at the process of identity construction and the way that meaning is produced. It does this in relation to the knowledge already generated from ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’, as well as by touching on ideas about globalisation. The CCCS was criticised for having a concept that did not translate easily to other contexts because it was so specific to white, working class males in post-war Britain (Bennett & Kahn-Harris 2004: 9). However, Stuart Hall (1991), a former member of the CCCS, has extracted aspects of CCCS theory that are transferable and placed them into the context of cultural globalisation and cultural resistance. Hall does this by beginning to explore the relationship between identity and the processes of globalisation. The conceptual shift from the British to the global context, is facilitated by a shift in power from Britain to the United States as the dominant ‘Western’ power in global affairs (Hall 1991: 27). Hall (1991: 27) addresses the cultural power of the United States, by explaining that ‘Global Mass Culture’ is dominated by Western images, particularly from

14 the United States. As a result, there is an increasing need for marginalised groups to resist this dominant image and reclaim some form of representation for themselves (Hall 1991: 34). The cultural emancipation of marginal groups threatens hegemonic power structures to a certain extent (Hall 1991: 34). ‘Subcultures’ could be regarded as marginal groups operating on the periphery of the dominant culture (Pather 2001: 15). As Stahl (2004:51) explains, the emergence of place studies and a new look at the conceptualisation of urban space, has renewed interest in the Birmingham subculturalists because of the way that the CCCS explored the idea of winning space as a creative response to marginalisation. That is, the attempt of subcultures to win space for youth in terms of cultural space on the street, in institutions and in their leisure time (Clarke et al. 1976: 45). Subcultural identities have been utilised as identities of cultural resistance at festivals and anti- capitalist demonstrations that have occurred since the mid-1990s (Blackman 2005: 14). Thus, it would seem that there is value in exploring ‘subculture’ as an ‘identity’ in the context of globalisation. By placing ‘subculture’ in a global setting and by thinking of ‘subculture’ as a type of ‘identity’, the concept becomes promising once again. Perhaps then, there are other aspects of the CCCS theory that could be reworked to make the understanding of ‘subculture’ more relevant. For example, if class is conceptualised differently it may have profound effects on the meaning of symbolic power. Pierre Bourdieu (1991: 222) has developed important concepts about social identity, social class and symbolic power, which suggests that his work is for such an endeavour. Bourdieu (1991: 234) defines social identity as the ‘labour of representation continually performed to impose their own vision of the world or the vision of their own position in this world.’ Identity is then seen as a process where a sense of self and social position affects the way people represent themselves. In relation to this, symbolic power only becomes meaningful through recognition (Bourdieu 1991: 222). Every person occupies a social space comprising of several positions in different fields and the power exercised in that field (Bourdieu 1991: 230). The different fields include economic capital, cultural capital, social capital and symbolic capital (Bourdieu 1991: 230). Therefore, people operating in the social space of a subculture are not only affected by their class position, or, at least, their class position should be understood in more multi-dimensional terms. If the process of subcultural identity construction is considered, it becomes clear that a significant part of this identity is constructed by interacting in a scene. The social position of the person

15 claiming the subcultural identity will affect his or her experience and status, both within the scene and in interaction with those who do not belong to the scene. The CCCS appeared to only pay attention to the meanings that subcultural groups tried to represent to the outside world. The actual recognition of these meanings by outsiders and those within the scene were neglected. Ultimately, it is only through group membership that the true significance of symbolic references can be gained (Feixa 2006: 236). At least two writers have used the work of Bourdieu to gain a better understanding of ‘subcultures’ and ‘scenes’. The first is Sarah Thornton (1995: 12) who developed the concept of ‘subcultural capital’ from Bourdieu’s concept ‘cultural capital’. Essentially, members of a scene have subcultural capital when their knowledge and ability to influence the development of the scene is recognised (Thornton 1995: 12). Subcultural capital is not as class-bound as cultural capital (Thornton 1995: 411). Alan O’Connor (2004: 411) understands Thornton’s subcultural capital to mean a struggle for status, but believes that she has distorted Bourdieu’s sociology of culture because she ignores the relationship between ‘subcultural capital’ and ‘habitus’. O’Connor (2004: 409) is the second writer to work with Bourdieu’s concepts and he does focus on ‘habitus’. O’Connor (2004: 409) understands ‘habitus’ to be the way that a person’s background, social support and resources influence the decisions that he or she makes and ultimately the behaviour that results from those decisions. Entering an artistic field such as a subculture entails a certain amount of risk and the more resources a person has, the easier these risks will be to take (O’Connor 2004: 411). Therefore, a person’s past experience will influence the way that he or she functions in the present and this will continue to shape his or her social experience and ‘subcultural capital’. The implication from both writers is that a person’s status and resources will affect his or her experience of the subculture, as well as his or her likelihood of belonging to one. So far, it has been suggested that the meaning of a subcultural identity is multi- dimensional and that a person’s position in the global, as well the local context of a scene affects the meaning of his or her identity. There are other contexts that play an equally significant role in identity construction. Manual Castells (2000: 5) explains that the cultural, social and political contexts are important to the meaning of an identity. The role that context plays in identity construction will be illustrated in Chapters Three and Five. Castells (2000: 7) also emphasises the social nature of identity by placing stress on ‘shared experience’ and interaction. Implicit in ‘shared experience’ is the historical

16 experience of the identity (Castells 2000: 7). Chapters Three and Five will also illustrate the significance of an identity’s past. The ‘shared experience’ of a subcultural identity is practised in a ‘scene’ and meanings are often derived from the historical experience of the ‘subculture’. In the previous section the discussion about scene drew attention to music, which was important because of the role that music can play in identity construction. Music and words can facilitate shared thoughts and feelings amongst listeners, which contributes to the construction of a collective identity (Drewett 2003: 81). Music can be used to construct new identities and it can also reflect identities that already exist (Hesmondhalgh 2005: 35). Like Castells, Richard Jenkins (2004: 19) explains that all identities are social identities because they only become meaningful through the validation of others. The distinction between a nominal identity and a virtual identity helps to highlight the social experience of identity construction. A nominal identity is a name or label that is used to identify an individual (Jenkins 2004: 76). A nominal identity only becomes meaningful if that label has consequences for the individual (Jenkins 2004: 77). When the experience of that label acquires meaning for the individual it becomes a virtual identity (Jenkins 2004: 77). The virtual identity or the experience of a nominal identity is affected by context and time (Jenkins 2004: 77). For example, the experience of a subcultural label in Britain in the late 1970s would be very different from the experience of the very same label in post-apartheid South Africa. Although, it will be argued, that even as a nominal identity, a subcultural identity contains certain historical references, which play an important role in the consequences of that label. Both Castells (2000: 7) and Jenkins (2004: 24) suggest that an identity may be collective and/or individual. ‘Identity’ is a rare concept, because it can be understood both collectively and individually (Jenkins 2004: 24). For example, the process or phenomenon that is identified inhabits a similar individual and collective space (Jenkins 2004: 24). That is, an identity may simultaneously be embodied in an individual and collectively comprised, so that both individual and collective are given the same name (Jenkins 2004: 24). Jenkins has developed what he terms an ‘internal-external dialectic’, which essentially emphasises that the process of identification is a reciprocal relationship between the inner world of the individual or collective and the outer world that they live in and interact with (Jenkins 2004:18). The ability of an identity to function as a

17 collective and individual concept is particularly valuable for understanding the individual and group significance of a subculture. Identity can be established through the comparison criteria of similarity and difference (Jenkins 2004: 4). Jenkins (2004: 51) draws together the ideas of similarity and difference with the ideas of the collective and the individual by explaining the following. Individual identities tend to focus more on difference, whereas within the collective the emphasis is most often on similarity (Jenkins, 2004: 61). ‘Subculture’ theories certainly create the impression that an individual’s subcultural identity develops through interaction with ‘like-minded others’ (Wood 2003: 45). The subcultural identity provides certain youth with a sense of belonging because they can interact with like- minded people with similar values (Martin 2004: 32). This sense of solidarity is often achieved through a comparison with groups that are different to them (Jenkins 2004: 6). In other words, a collective identity is often achieved through a comparison of ‘us’ and ‘them’ (Hall 1991: 21). However, in employing the ‘othering’ theory there is a danger of perceiving difference as solely determinant, and community and solidarity within the group as less important (Jenkins 2004: 6). This section touched on some of the ideas about ‘identity’ construction that led to a better understanding of ‘subcultures’ and ‘scenes’ because identity illuminated a number of processes and dimensions that were not included in the original conceptualisation of either term. These processes and dimensions included the interactions and experiences through which meaning is produced, as well as the way that several identities and contexts function simultaneously and contribute to the meaning of each social actor’s identity. ‘Identity’ is also a concept that can be understood as an individual and collective concept, which allows for an analysis that accounts for personal experience and the social significance of the collective.

2.5 Conclusion

The CCCS concept of ‘subculture’ does not do justice to the multiplicity of identities found in a ‘scene’ and it does not reflect an accurate picture of class struggle. However, the CCCS did plant significant theoretical seeds that are still useful in explaining the human agency and political meaning inherent in some subcultural identities. For example, when the concept of ‘subculture’ is transferred from the British context and re-

18 planted into the context of cultural globalisation, it becomes evident that subcultural identities have been employed in several resistance campaigns. However, this does not relieve subculture of all its analytical flaws and it was worth looking at the concept of ‘scene’ and its attempt to replace ‘subculture’. This is because ‘scene’ emphasises the role of music and addresses the phenomenon as a much more fluid process. However, ‘scene’ also suffers from a number of problems and ambiguity is the most critical of these. The two concepts have some flaws in common, because they both over-emphasise the role of one identity at a time and they understand the phenomenon as a collective identity. The concept of ‘identity’ suggests the way forward by demonstrating that several dimensions and contexts actually operate simultaneously in the construction of an identity. An ‘identity’ can also be both a collective and individual concept. This concept creates a space to explore the construction of meaning and the meanings of subcultural identities that operate in a scene. The following chapter will begin to demonstrate the value of these concepts in relation to literature on the punk movement.

19 CHAPTER THREE

THE PUNK MOVEMENT

3.1 Introduction

‘Subculture’, ‘scene’ and ‘identity’ have been addressed as analytical concepts because they are useful for discussing aspects of the punk movement. This chapter will begin to illustrate the potential of their application in relation to the history of the punk movement. The British punk moment is discussed first, because it is this point in punk history that first really captured public attention. As the CCCS’s explanation of ‘subculture’ was based on the British context, it is also possible to show in this section that its explanation was too rigid and that ‘identity’ would provide a more nuanced understanding of the punk phenomenon. When the British punk movement is compared to punk in other countries, it also becomes clear that context plays an important role in shaping the distinctive characteristics of punk in each country. All three analytical concepts would acknowledge the significance of context to some degree. ‘Subculture’ would acknowledge some aspects of the group’s structural relevance, but not explore the internal workings of the group. ‘Scene’ would allow us to understand the many urban cultural spaces that facilitate the ‘shared experience’ of subcultural identities, but not their relationship to the larger context. ‘Identity’ on the other hand would perceive both the operation of the group and its relationship to the larger context as equally relevant influences in the construction of an identity. Therefore ‘identity’ would be best equipped for accounting for the significant role of context, as it is revealed in this chapter. Although punk developments and innovations from the United States exert a global influence over contemporary punks that is perhaps now stronger than the original British punk identity, the role of the United States tends to be under-emphasised in punk literature. This influential transfer coincides with a greater cultural power shift from Britain to the United States as the dominant ‘Western’ power in global affairs (see Hall 1991: 27). As the influence of US punk is evident in the post-apartheid punk scene, the United States will not go unrecognised in this chapter. The literature on punk in the United States provides effective examples of the use of ‘scene’ and ‘identity’.

20

3.2 The British Punk Movement (1975-1984)

The punk movement originated in New York in the early 1970s (Riley 1992: 114; Simonelli 2002: 123). However, the movement only gained true momentum when the idea of punk was introduced to Britain in 1975 in the shape of the Sex Pistols (Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 384; Goldthorpe 1992: 39; Simonelli 2002: 123). The Sex Pistols was formed and managed by Malcolm McLaren who had been inspired by two New York punk bands called the and (Simonelli 2002: 123). McLaren was interested in the way that they dressed and behaved and introduced these ideas to Britain where they made a bigger impact (Simonelli 2002: 123). Perhaps this is because Britain provided a socio-economic context that was particularly ripe for a ‘music revolution’ (Simonelli 2002: 123). In 1975 there was an economic recession and many working class teenagers were despondent and fatalistic because jobs were difficult to find (Simonelli 2002: 123). In addition to this, the rock genre had become saturated with ‘stadium bands’ that no longer understood the expectations or needs of their fans (Renton 2006: 35). Punk rock revolutionised the music industry by replacing the ‘extended guitar solos’ of ‘stadium bands’ with much faster songs (Pather 2001: 31). Punk rock not only offered a new style of music, but a do-it-yourself (DIY)3 rhetoric and an anti- establishment attitude that appealed to many frustrated British youth (Simonelli 2002: 123). The intentionally amateurish sound of punk was very easy to play and record without professional assistance. It is estimated that around 15 000 punk bands were formed during the second half of the 1970s (Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 379). Punk was more than just a style of music, it was also a means to fill the void left by unemployment and a tool to express dissatisfaction over a number of key issues. Class is the first issue that needs to be addressed because many theorists, the CCCS included, have tried to analyse punk as a form of working class consciousness and symbolic resistance. These arguments contain promise, but they have been exaggerated. It is true that members of punk bands such as the Sex Pistols were from a working class background (Cave et al. 2003: 134). It is also true that many punk musicians challenged the boundaries of class culture through their texts and that the media portrayed punk as a

3 DIY or do-it-yourself culture refers to distributing or producing one’s own particular form of art. It is a central to most punk philosophies because it allows greater creative freedom.

21 working class phenomenon (Simonelli 2002:121). Punks may even have re-introduced working class youth values into mainstream British culture (Simonelli 2002:121). However, Simon Frith (1981: 158) was sceptical about whether punk music truly represented the working class. Frith (1981: 159) believed that punk rock was not as spontaneous as it was promoted to be and it was in fact a contrived and self-conscious effort. The British punks owed much to a background at art school and borrowed a lot of ideas from conceptual art (Brake 1980: 81). Another problem with defining punk as a working class phenomenon is that the punk subculture had both working class and middle class members (Brake 1980:80). For example, McLaren and his companion Vivien Westwood were from a middle class background and they consciously employed conceptual art in promoting the Sex Pistols and punk as a style of working class resistance (Pather 2001: 21). Just as punk was not the pure working class phenomenon it was promoted to be, punks were not necessarily the racists that that their use of the might have implied (see Simonelli 2002: 135). The Sex Pistols and other punks who chose to sport the Nazi symbol never clarified what the symbol meant to them, presumably because it was intended to mean nothing at all (Ward 1996: 158). However, when the far-right political party the National Front embraced racist punk songs and offensive comments made by celebrities such as Eric Clapton, anti-racist punk bands decided to take a clearer stand on their position by participating in Rock Against Racism (RAR) (Brake 1980: 80- 81; Renton 2006: 32). RAR involved a string of anti-National Front and music festivals known as carnivals (Renton 2006: 32). RAR provided the Anti-Nazi League with a massive new audience and a source of motivation (Renton 2006: 31). The movement was intended to expose the pop audience to anti-racist ideas (Widgery 1986: 115). In fact, RAR was the first political organisation to situate itself within popular music (Renton 2006: 35). Both the National Front and RAR were trying to recruit support from unemployed youth (Renton 2006: 37). Considering the popularity of punk rock amongst this sector of the population, it made sense to include punk bands in the RAR line-up (Simonelli 2002: 123). It was not only punk music that helped to attract youth participation in RAR, but the style of punk pamphlets or journals known as

22 fanzines4 (Widgery 1986: 61). Organisers of RAR acknowledged punk for making the anti-racism and anti-fascism demonstrations engaging to everyday people (Widgery 1986: 114). Most of the bands that performed at RAR events had sexist attitudes and this did not go unnoticed or unchallenged (Renton 2006: 92). Perhaps inspired by the growing women’s liberation movement in the 1970s, a sister movement called also emerged (Renton 2006: 93). In the punk movement in general, a number of female musicians and fans became heroes within the punk subculture and the lyrics of female punks often dealt with issues of sexual politics (Simonelli 2002: 127). Punk and complement each other in the sense that they both challenge conventional ideas about sexuality and beauty (Van der Meulen 1995: 142). Bands such as , X-Ray Spex and expressed feminist ideals in their lyrics as well as in their behaviour (Lee 2002: 43). A female band called sang about the tedium and monotony of a woman’s typical everyday life (Renton 2006: 41). Siouxsie from Siouxsie and the Banshees has been described as the female equivalent of Johnny Rotten from the Sex Pistols in the punk world (Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 332). However, despite the evidence that female punks played an important role in the punk movement, female punks have often been overlooked in the literature (Lee 2002:42). Towards the end of the 1970s, the British punk movement began to lose momentum. Stephen Colegrave and Chris Sullivan (2001: 187) attribute this to the fact that punk had gone mainstream and therefore it no longer represented an alternative lifestyle. In addition to this, punk had stopped being innovative and heroin addiction had also become a problem for certain key members of British punk (Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 382). Some punk musicians started flirting with new styles of music, resulting in the development of new wave, alternative and two-tone music (Pather 2001: 33; Feixa 2006: 238; Renton 2006: 41). This also diluted the punk genre and depleted the intensity of the original punk moment. However, perhaps the biggest reason of all is that most punk musicians gave in to the commercial potential of punk and signed to major record labels (Brake 1980:81). The reason that this was seen in a negative light is that the movement originated as a reaction against the corporate control of music and then it

4 A is an alternative publication to and it is not produced for profit but rather for love of the subject.

23 became exactly what it once stood against. Big companies had the power to make punk acceptable and accessible thereby depriving it of its perpetual need to shock. The band Crass still believed in the original ideals of punk and developed anarcho-punk in 1978 as a reaction to punks who had gone mainstream (Cross 2004: 26 & 28). Anarcho-punks embraced the DIY culture and aesthetic appeal of punk, but exaggerated the style of music so that it became even faster and more aggressive (Andes 1998: 226; Gosling 2004: 170). Lyrical content was often drawn from the and conspiracy theories (Gosling 2004: 170). Crass and other anarcho-punks also addressed atheist, anti-capitalist, anti-war and eco-politics in their lyrics and fanzines5 (Cross 2004: 32). Anarcho-punks tried to stay as separate from the money economy and ‘commodity rat race’ as possible, by practising communal living, , re- appropriation, vegetarianism and artistic integrity (Cross 2004: 33). These radical practices were intended to generate ‘a culture of disobedience and ’ (Cross 2004: 33). However, anarcho-punks were criticised by other anarchists for focusing on issues of lifestyle, rather than the revolutionary potential of (Cross 2004: 33). This is despite the fact that anarcho-punk bands helped to breathe life back into the anarchist movement that had been fading into obscurity (Cross 2004: 39). Chapter Two suggested that the CCCS concept of ‘subculture’ was limited by its lack of engagement with identities other than class. As the CCCS explanation was based on the British context, it was possible to show that its explanation was in fact restricted, because punk was not a pure working class phenomenon and attitudes towards racism, sexism and anarchism were equally important to the meaning of punk identities. The concept of ‘identity’ would more effectively accommodate the multiple meanings and uses of punk. ‘Identity’ is also more capable of exploring the political strain of punk, which not only posed a challenge to the dominant culture as the CCCS suggested, but discontent with a wider range of societal norms, including in some cases the political system itself. The British punk movement developed the aesthetics, attitude and philosophies that made up the original punk identity. That is, the collective British punk identity has become a reference point for what it means to be a punk, but is by no means immune to interpretation.

5 The production of punk also contained an anti-corporate message, in that it was not profit oriented and defied the usual aesthetic expectations of publications. Any editing mistakes, such as typing errors were left uncorrected and an image of urgency was intentionally contrived (Hebdige 1979: 111).

24 3.3 After the British Moment: Comparing Contexts

Punk has been adopted in a number of countries since it peaked in Britain in the 1970s. These countries include Hungary, Australia and Germany, which will each be compared to Britain in this section in an attempt to understand how each country’s context impacts on the punk identity or subculture. According to Andy Bennett (2000: 31) in each place the musical and stylistic resources of punk have been reworked to reflect meanings that stem from the socio-economic context of that particular locality, that is the genre and style has acquired a different form of cultural significance. In Hungary in the early 1980s, punk represented a way to deal with the collapse of the socialist dream and the sense of helplessness that arose from Hungary’s socio-economic decline (Bennett 2000: 49). Hungarian youth were particularly affected by the economic recession and the sense of insecurity that it created (Bennett 2000: 49). Thus Hungarian punks were different to British punks, as they were not dealing with problems created by capitalism, but with failed socialism instead. Hungarian and British punks were similar in that they were greatly affected by the economic recession in their respective countries. In the case of Australia, colonialism provides an historical connection to Britain, but not a similar interpretation of the punk identity. One way of explaining how Australian punks are different to British punks is to compare the Australian punk band The Saints with the Sex Pistols. The Saints were marketed as punk in Australia, but had very little in common with the Sex Pistols (Riley 1992: 114). The Saints were unhappy about the alienation they were experiencing within their country, but their lyrics were not offensive and they expressed no resentment towards the state (Riley 1992: 114). Their resentment was aimed at being stuck between the two imperialist cultures of Britain and the United States (Riley 1992:115). Thus the Australian punk phenomenon was different to British punk because it was not as aggressive or politically charged as the punk movement in Britain. Another difference between punks in the two countries is that British punks were perceived as a working class phenomenon and Australian punks were perceived as a middle class phenomenon (Riley 1992: 113). However, it could be argued that they were similar in the sense that they both expressed resentment toward dominant British culture. The theme of alienation was also prominent in both Australian and British punk rock (Hebdige 1979: 28; Riley 1992: 114).

25 According to James Ward (1996: 155), in the 1990s Germany hosted a number of racist bands known as Nazi punks who absorbed Nazi ideology, language and symbols into their music. The idea of Nazi punks was not restricted to Germany alone, as similar bands existed in Britain and the United States as well (Ward 1996: 162). However, it was Germany that experienced an upsurge of Nazi rock, which provided an expressive outlet for far-right politics (Ward 1996: 162). This upsurge may have been influenced by anti-foreigner violence that had begun in the late 1980s and that reached its peak in the early 1990s (Brown 2004: 167). Xenophobic violence was directed at migrants living in Germany. There is a parallel here to Britain’s pre-RAR climate, only with one crucial difference, that Nazi punks were not against racism. Thus, whereas the Sex Pistols incited the public by employing and then redeemed themselves by joining RAR, German punks adopted the swastika in the country in which it originated and found acceptance amongst those members of the public that embraced far-right politics. Therefore, British, Hungarian, Australian and German punks were all different as they were all affected by their different contexts. A comparative study on punk by Carles Feixa (2006: 256) confirms that context contributes to the particularities of the collective identity, but it also suggests that the obvious similarities between these identities are equally significant. Like some of the examples in this section, Feixa (2006: 256) noted the tendency for punk scenes to emerge in times of great social change and that in these moments of transition, youth often have low expectations of their futures (Feixa 2006: 256). Feixa (2006: 236) describes punk as a ‘transnational youth lifestyle’ and attributes some of the similarities between scenes in different contexts to the globalisation of the punk identity. The music genre circulates at a global level and an awareness of punk symbols is also created in this way (Feixa 2006: 256). Britain as the home of the original punk identity initially had a lot of influence over the symbols that were understood as punk, but now the United States has become equally if not more influential in this regard. It could even be suggested that the United States has claimed back the punk reins from Britain and has begun to steer the movement in a direction more representative of itself.

26 3.4 Recognising the Other Parent: Punk in the United States

Although punk was more noticeable and widespread in Britain than the United States, there were certain parallels and interactions between the two countries in the 1970s and even early 1980s (Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 384). One crucial difference between the two countries was that while the momentum of British punk faded away, the punk movement in the United States continued to grow. This section focuses on elements, innovations and events found in the context of the United States. These aspects of US punk are explained here because they have been significant influences on both the global punk community and South African punks in particular. This section also draws from literature that has used the concept of ‘scene’ effectively, giving a sense of its value as a concept for highlighting the way that punk collectives operate. Towards the end of the section there are also some examples that illustrate the value of understanding punk as a subcultural identity. In the 1970s, at about the same time as the media hype around British punks, the punk seed was also planted in . It was to emerge a while later as a hybrid of punk known as skate-punk. The roots of this merger between the punk subculture and subculture can be traced back to a group of skaters called the Zephyr Boys. The Zephyr Boys had revolutionised the skating industry in a similar way and at a similar time, to the way that punks revolutionised the music industry. They changed established ideas about skateboarding by employing surf moves on their and by using public spaces in creative ways that defied their original intention (Ferrell 2001:70). For example, swimming pools were emptied out and used as skating surfaces. They tried to live the impossible and embraced complete creative freedom (Ferrell 2001:70). The crossover between the punk and skating scenes can be described as being both ‘attitudinal and musical’, because both groups had an angry disregard for property and authority (Ferrell 2001: 73). From these raw and rebellious roots, the skate-punk scene continued to grow. Like the punk movement in Britain, the creative freedom associated with skate-punk was threatened by its popularity and the corporate interest it attracted. This can be illustrated by the skate-punk tour called the Vans that began in 1994. It is an annual tour of the United States, where established and amateur bands and skaters have the opportunity to interact (Dowd, Liddle & Nelson 2004: 158). The point of the tour is to

27 celebrate the skate-punk scene at as many venues as possible (Dowd, Liddle & Nelson 2004: 158). Vans, a shoe and clothing brand that sponsors the tour, has roots in the skate-punk scene, but its role as a corporate sponsor raises some issues about authenticity and creative innovation (Dowd, Liddle & Nelson 2004: 161). In essence, there is a threat that the more corporate sponsorship skate-punk receives, the less control the skaters and punks will have over their own scene (Dowd, Liddle & Nelson 2004: 161). Of course the value of mass-market popularity is that it gives punk bands with a message an opportunity to be heard by a lot of people. To return to the example of the Vans Warped Tour, in 2004 popular and political punk bands like NOFX and used their platform to encourage their audience to vote against George W. Bush in the elections that year (Abowitz 2004: 126). The US punk band has also used its music and MTV popularity to speak out against Bush and the war in Iraq (Hendrickson 2005: 41). It is interesting to note that many of the mainstream punk bands that are political have chosen to take on political causes of a mainstream nature. They do not challenge the system, but rather try to work within the system for change. Anarcho- punks on the other hand opt for a more radical politics that expresses a need to overthrow the capitalist system and they work around the outskirts of society. The practices of anarcho-punks have already been outlined in the section on British punks and, for the most part, they have remained quite similar in the United States. However, within the US anarcho-punk scene of the 1980s, Ian MacKaye from the band introduced possibly the most extreme reaction to mainstream British punk in the form of straightedge punk (Gosling 2004: 169). Straightedge punk was a reaction to the hedonism and heroin abuse of mainstream British punk in the 1970s. Sticking with the ‘anti’-stance of punk rhetoric, straightedgers took a stand against drugs, alcohol, promiscuous sex and animal abuse (Wood 2003: 34). Anarcho-punks in the UK and the US operated as an underground ‘loosely affiliated support network’ (Gosling 2004: 169). Anarcho-punks in the United States took their lead from Crass, the original British anarcho-punks, but were labelled ‘peace punks’ and ‘positive punks’ (Goldthorpe 1992: 48). US anarcho-punks were inspired by the practices of anarcho-punks in the UK. One of these practices was to wear black clothing, which created a ‘black bloc’ effect when they gathered at a specific meeting place (Cross 2004: 35). The ‘black bloc’ strategy is one of many anarcho-punk aesthetic innovations now used in anti-neoliberal globalisation protests (Cross 2004: 35). The idea of

28 embracing punk as a form of protest was shaped further in the US by punk participation in a movement against nuclear weapons called the Livermore Action Group (Goldthorpe 1992: 50). Punk protesters also developed the concept of ‘theatre in the streets’ and advocated any kind of outrageous activism that interrupted the flow of everyday urban life (Goldthorpe 1992: 51). This style of activism has helped to revive the interests of some youth in their own political consciousness (Goldthorpe 1992: 57). Punk aesthetics contain visual appeal for many anarchists and activists in general. A band called Ricanstruction illustrates how punk philosophy and aesthetics have tied them into the global anarchist community. Ricanstruction is a Puerto Rican punk band and it is based in New York. The members claim to be influenced by punk in terms of their sound, image and political and social awareness (Mateus 2004: 254). Fitting with punk philosophy, their music is produced and distributed independently through alternative media (Mateus 2004: 251). Punk allows Ricanstruction to turn its marginalisation into an expression of resistance (Mateus 2004: 262). As a multiracial group of musicians they have taken what is normally considered a ‘white’ genre and used punk to reconstruct their own idea of what it means to be Puerto Rican people living in New York (Mateus 2004: 249). That is, their music, and reflect influences from their immediate US based context, but they still manage to retain a political and spiritual connection to Puerto Rico (Mateus 2004: 251). Ultimately, the work of Ricanstruction gives a voice to Puerto Rican communities, but in an intentionally non- traditional form (Mateus 2004: 250). Ricanstruction is heavily involved in political activism and enjoys an ideological affiliation and relationship with many other anarchist and counter cultural groups (Mateus 2004: 252 & 254). Its activism includes benefit concerts for pirate stations, nurturing other political bands and teaching music, self- defence and politics in its community (Mateus 2004: 251-257). The band members express their resentment of the ‘shitstem’ (system) and ‘politrix’ (politics) in many ways, including the title of the band and the ‘slanguage’ (language) that they use (Mateus 2004:262-263). The punk movement in the United States has lent the punk identity several meanings that were not found in the British 1970s scene. These developments included a merge with the skateboarding subculture, the emergence of straightedge punk, anti-Bush politics and the development of this subcultural identity as a form of protest.

29 3.5 Conclusion

The history of the punk movement demonstrates some of the meanings that punk has acquired. The section on British punk began to reveal that issues related to class, gender and racial identities all contribute to the way that punk identities are expressed and that punk was never the clearly defined phenomenon that the concept of ‘subculture’ portrayed it to be. ‘Identity’ as an analytical tool is more suited to recognising the role of these cross-cutting identities in the construction of punk. Although it is true that all identities involve a meeting point of multiple identities, cross-cutting identities played a particularly striking role in the construction of punk identities, with issues related to identity politics often taking centre stage. The multiple meanings of punk were further emphasised by the various sub- categories of punk that began to emerge or gain momentum as the initial British moment started to fade. For example, anarcho-punk was a reaction to the increasing hedonism and commercialism of mainstream punks. Anarcho-punk was a sub-category of punk that marked the point where aspects of punk and ideas from anarchism converged and complemented each other. It was a space that celebrated the marriage of two identities, the anarchist and the punk. Anarcho-punk was also practised in the United States, where some important innovations lead to further fragmentation of the punk identity. For example, straightedge punk developed in the anarcho-punk scene and took the ‘anti’- stance of punk to a surprising extreme by taking a stand against drugs, alcohol, promiscuous sex and animal abuse. Anarcho-punk also provided the launch pad for the punk protests of ‘peace punks’ and ‘positive punks’, and eventually activism on the anti- neoliberal globalisation front. Another example of punk meeting another identity and beginning a long-term relationship, took place in the United States when punk and skateboarding merged into the sub-category of skate-punk. The marriage of the skateboarding and punk cultures worked well because they shared a similar taste in music as well as a need to test and defy societal limitations. Although these sub-categories were different they all conveyed some sort of discontent with the way things are and in some cases this was expressed in political terms. Punk has survived as a nominal identity or as label since the 1970s, but the experiences of punk or punk as a virtual identity is open to a wide range of interpretations that have proliferated as punk has endured fragmentation and the wear and

30 tear of time. This is exaggerated further by the role of context, something which ‘subculture’, ‘scene’ and ‘identity’ all consider slightly differently, but consider nonetheless. To illustrate the role of context, Hungary, Australia and Germany were each compared to the British context and compared to each other, where they were found to be different because in each case the context had influenced the development of the scene. It also became evident that some countries exerted more influence over global punk symbols than others, and that the United States had become more powerful than Britain in this regard. This position can be attributed to a number of US developments. For example, the popularity of skate-punk is fuelled by both the sponsorships of multi- million dollar board industries and the MTV popularity of certain punk bands. These sponsors and global media networks operate from the United States and have far- reaching global appeal. Developments in the US anarcho-punk scene also spread globally, but through very different underground networks and with less profitable intentions. Both anarcho-punk and skate-punk were discussed as ‘scenes’ and this illustrated how the concept of ‘scene’ effectively conveys a sense of the operation or functioning of punk collectives. As this argument has been based on a review of secondary sources alone, the analytical capacity of the fore mentioned tools ‘identity’, ‘scene’ and ‘subculture’ could only be suggested. An analysis that applies these concepts to primary sources could provide a more convincing assessment of their potential. The next three chapters attempt to fulfil such a task, explaining how empirical data was collected, analysed and interpreted.

31 CHAPTER FOUR

RESEARCH DESIGN

4.1 Introduction

This chapter will outline the qualitative research design that was used to answer my research question: What does it mean to claim the punk identity in post-apartheid South Africa? In selecting this paradigm, it was obviously important to consider the implications of the question itself and also arguments from the previous chapters about the nature of the punk phenomenon. If the phrasing of the research question is unpacked it becomes clear that a ‘what’ question has been posed. Introductory courses to methodology teach students that ‘what’ questions, such as mine, are usually answered with exploratory research and this type of research normally employs qualitative methods (Neuman 2003: 29-30). As no other study has been conducted on punk identities in South Africa, this study could be considered exploratory, and the use of a qualitative paradigm regarded as appropriate. However, this is certainly not the only motivation for choosing a qualitative approach to research. The preceding chapters and the words that follow my ‘what’ in the research question, provide additional incentives. Punk is deliberately referred to as an ‘identity’ in the research question, because as the previous chapters have argued, ‘identity’ can provide a more nuanced understanding of the punk phenomenon, than either ‘subculture’ or ‘scene’. A qualitative design can address identity in two ways. Firstly, it creates the opportunity to develop ‘identity’ as a concept. The qualitative paradigm approaches concepts openly so that they can be revised in relation to the data that is collected and analysed (Bryman 2003: 270). Secondly, it is a paradigm that is inherently interested in how people perceive the world and construct their identities (Neuman 2003: 146). In this case it is about people who identify with the cultural and sometimes political phenomenon of punk. One way of understanding a culture and learning to grasp reality from the perspectives of the people being studied is to use ethnography. The methods employed in this design are loosely based on ethnography, but before discussing them there is still a need to address one last aspect of the research question and that is the post-apartheid context. The context is emphasised in the research question because as chapter three demonstrated, context plays

32 an important role in the way that punk identities are interpreted. Therefore, the perspectives of the punks being studied need to be interpreted in relation to context. So what qualitative methods would produce data that was true to the nature punk and that could be understood in relation to context and identity?

4.2. Research Methods

The method of semi-structured interviews was used to give some punks an opportunity to reflect on their identities. Semi-structured interviews catered for a need to address specific issues, while remaining flexible enough to let interviewees raise issues that often had not even been considered. In addition to semi-structured interviews, two other qualitative methods were used to collect data, namely a qualitative content analysis and observations. The three methods were equally valuable and complemented each other, as information that could not be obtained with one method could be acquired using the other two methods. Another advantage of using more than one method was that information gathered from one data collection method could also be checked using another method (Bryman 2001: 274). In other words, triangulation approaches the phenomenon from more than one angle and is valuable for corroborating the results from different data collection methods (Bryman 2001: 274; Neuman 2003: 138). These methods were put into practice over a six-month period from August 2005 until January 2006. Therefore, this research has a cross-sectional design. The remainder of this chapter will be used to explain how each of these three methods was implemented in the field. In addition to this, ethical considerations, method of analysis, and strengths and limitations will be considered.

4.2.1 Qualitative Content Analysis To understand the meaning of South African punk identities, the first method that was employed was that of a qualitative content analysis. As Bryman (2001: 189) suggests, the value of this method is that it is transparent and relatively unobtrusive. In addition to being unobtrusive, it is a method that is non-reactive and helpful in developing an understanding of the values and beliefs of the group being researched (Marshall & Rossman 1999: 116-117). Originally intended to be a method of lesser significance, the

33 qualitative content analysis provided a serendipitous array of material that illuminated many aspects of the South African punk scene. The first of these valuable discoveries was that of a niche publication called Blunt magazine. Blunt magazine sponsors many youth culture events, including many of the events that were attended for the purposes of this particular dissertation. Many of the journalists and photographers are actually in punk bands. For example, Melissa Williams is a journalist for the magazine and in a band called Impropriety. Andrew Wright, a Blunt journalist and Liam Lynch, a Blunt photographer, are both members of The Slash Dogs. Blunt is a publication that advertises many punk-related events and zines, so it could also be utilised as a source for other aspects of the methodology. The issues of Blunt magazine that were analysed correspond to the time spent in the field; that is, issues from August 2005 until February 2006. Blunt magazine is a monthly publication. Stage magazine was also analysed from September 2005 until January 2006. Stage is produced once every two months and is a more music-centred magazine that covers a bigger array of music genres. Blunt and Stage magazines use many of the same photographers and, sometimes, even journalists. For example, one of the interviewees, Yusuf Laher has written for both Blunt magazine and Stage magazine. During the analysis of all the data, it became clear that it would also be valuable to look at back issues to assess the short history of the scene. A magazine called Top Forty Magazine was particularly valuable at this stage of the analysis, as it has been running for a longer time than both Blunt magazine and Stage magazine. The second discovery was that the internet plays a significant role in the punk subculture. The internet also proved to be a valuable research resource. From the websites of South African punk bands alone, bands could be interviewed, lyrics could be downloaded, topics that were discussed on the forums could be read and links to various zines could be found. Unlike the niche magazines in this analysis, zines are not motivated by profit and are more compatible with the DIY punk ethos. Zines are produced in either electronic or print form. Print zines can be ordered online or bought at gigs if they are available. One of the zines that I referred to over the course of my fieldwork was Gigzine. Gigzine is compiled by six young people between the ages of 17 and 21 who are situated in various cities around South Africa. Their zine features interviews, a gig guide and CD reviews, amongst other things. Another zine was Silent Screams, a zine compiled by Jen Screams. Jen is an avid supporter of the scene, who has become a legend in her

34 own right because there are constant references to her on other punk websites6. In addition to the zines, an analysis of the forums on each of the punk bands’ websites revealed thoughts and themes, as well as another area in which to examine the relationships between supporters of the scene. The third aspect of the content analysis was to examine South African punk lyrics. The motivation for this method stemmed from the punk movement chapter where it was found that punk musicians in Britain had challenged the issues of class stratification and sexism through the use of texts. Lyrics were also an important tool for conveying anti-racist ideas in RAR (Widgery 1986:114). In the composition of a punk song, it is the lyrics that contain the message and this is accentuated by a ‘simply constructed melody and a sneering vocal style’ (Van der Meulen 1995: 170). The significance of South African lyrics becomes evident in the chapter that follows. The lyrics and documents were collected through a process of purposive sampling.

4.2.2 Observing Punk Behaviour In addition to the qualitative content analysis it was seen as important to experience and observe the scene in person. To do this a method loosely based on participant observation was employed. When the emphasis is more on observation than participation, it is termed ‘observer-as-participant’ (see Bryman 2001: 299; Neuman 2003: 372). Due to restricted time and the nature of punk gatherings, there was limited participation in the scene and observations were key. That is, the opportunities to participate in the punk subculture and to observe punk behaviour were restricted by the frequency with which these events occur and this was rarely more than once a week. Opportunities to observe punk behaviour were provided by various punk gigs7, music festivals8 and skateparks9. The availability of punk gigs was determined via the internet, pamphlets at gigs and by word of mouth. Specific venues that were attended in the Gauteng region included the Roxy Rhythm Bar in Melville, The Bohemian in Richmond, The Doors in Edenvale,

6 For example, see the article by Heerden & Venter (2005) on www.gigzine.com 7 A punk gig is when a punk band has the opportunity to play live in front of an audience at a particular venue. Punk gig is used interchangeably with punk night. 8 A music festival is similar to a gig, but it normally involves several bands, often from different genres and takes place over a longer stretch of time, sometimes even days. A festival can also offer other forms of entertainment such as flea markets and extreme sport or board sport events. 9 A is a park that caters for skaters and is usually demarcated by a series of ramps.

35 Tokyo Star in Melville, the Coca-Cola Dome in Northgate and Tanz Café in Riverside10. In December 2005, the opportunity to visit Cape Town arose, but only very limited research could be conducted at this time of year and this was at Gandalfs in Observatory. The music festivals that were attended include Oppikoppi in August 2005 and Woodstock 7 at the end of September 2005. Oppikoppi is a music festival that takes place several times in a year, most notably over Easter and at the beginning of spring. Woodstock is an annual youth music festival in South Africa that has been celebrated every September since 1999. Where Oppikoppi celebrates a whole range of South African music in a distinctly local way, Woodstock is more geared to a range of entertainment for youth and it takes its lead from international festivals. The distinction between the two festivals is indicated in their names. Oppikoppi is an Afrikaans name and it refers to the farm in Northam where the festival is normally held. Woodstock is a reference to the original and more famous US festival of the same name. Both festivals occur over a long weekend, usually consisting of four days. At these gigs and festivals, the following bands were seen, sometimes more than once: Fuzigish, Hog Hoggidy Hog, Half Price, Misled, the Diesel Whores, , 74% Stupid, Harvey 2 Face, Candy Fly, Running With Scissors, The Domestics, the Slash Dogs, Tweak and the Finkelsteins.11. Field notes were made shortly after gigs and sometimes in the field if circumstances permitted. The that were attended include the one provided at Woodstock, the skatepark at Cresta and Boogaloos skatepark at Monte Casino12. Although I never participated in the subculture in terms of membership, playing punk music, writing for zines or skating, I did participate by sharing the experience of the gigs and festivals. This experience involved a few brave attempts to skank13, a few beers and the dust and sleep deprivation that go hand-in-hand with festival life. These experiences contributed to an understanding of the findings presented in Chapter Five.

4.2.3 Semi-structured Interviews The semi-structured interview was the third method that was employed. An interview guide was used as a reminder of important points that needed to be covered in connection

10 Please refer to the source list for more details. 11 The details of the gigs and festivals have been included in the reference list. 12 Please refer to the source list for more details. 13 Skanking involves running and jumping around in a circle while a punk band plays.

36 to the research question. Four main aspects provided a focus in the interview guide. The first of these was the interviewee’s biographical information. The second was the interviewee’s reasons for adopting the punk identity and their experience of the punk identity. The third aspect was the role of punk music, punk lyrics and punk media in identity construction. The fourth and final aspect was the interviewee’s relationship to the South African context. In addition to this, the flexible nature of semi-structured interviews meant that interviewees could also introduce ideas that were not in the interview guide (Bryman 2001: 314). A total of sixteen individuals were interviewed and the details of these interviewees have been included in the source list. They were selected for the interviews according to two non-probability sampling methods, snowball and purposive. There are several reasons for why a non-probability sample was chosen. Firstly, an accurate sampling frame of the punk scene was impossible to devise because the parameters of the sampling population are unknown and there is no list containing the names of all known punks. Therefore all punks did not have an equal probability of being selected and a random sample was not a possibility (see Neuman 2003: 218). Secondly, it was found that defining and identifying punks was a difficult task and that relying on people’s self-identification and their referrals to other punks would be far more effective. This naturally resulted in the use of a snowball sample. Snowball sampling basically means that the researcher begins with one participant and discovers other interviewees through the recommendations of the initial participant (Neuman 2003: 214). In this particular case, a few acquaintances and connections that were established at the beginning were used to start five chain referrals that were worked with simultaneously. The purposive element of the research stemmed from a need to include female punks and punk musicians in the sample. A purposive sample is where the researcher uses her discretion to select participants who will be particularly informative (Neuman 2003: 213). The desire to include female punks was based on the need to avoid making the mistake of ignoring female members of the punk subculture like some past literature has done (see Brake 1980: 82; Andes 1998: 213; Lee 2002:42). The punk movement has been explained in terms of the musicians and the bands that were seen to lead and represent what it meant to be punk. Therefore punk musicians played an integral role in the subculture and it was necessary to find out how South African punk musicians had constructed their identities.

37 Punks from different areas of South Africa were interviewed and the sampling process occurred as follows. George W. Bacon from Hog Hoggidy Hog was contacted through the band’s website. Hog Hoggidy Hog is a Cape Town based -punk14 band that celebrated its ten-year existence in October 2005. George is the vocalist, front man and website manager of Hog Hoggidy Hog. George told me about Hennie La Grange who released Hog Hoggidy Hog’s first album through his record label Way Cool Records. Hennie is also Cape Town based and has been involved in many areas of the punk subculture since 1977. These include playing in punk bands, publishing fanzines and magazines, making music videos and owning record labels. In addition to George and Hennie, I was able to interview one more Cape Town based punk, namely Pete Grey from Half Price. George and Pete have played at many of the same gigs and festivals together. I contacted Pete through Red Ambulance, the label that Half Price is currently signed to. Pete then referred me to Billy, a Johannesburg hardcore15 punk who is relatively new to the scene. Like Billy, the majority of punks I interviewed were from Johannesburg as this is where I am based. Wilma Smit was the first female punk I was able to interview face-to- face. Wilma is not in a band, but she was at many of the same gigs and festivals that I attended. The same can be said of Lauren Jooste who granted me my next face-to-face interview with a female. Wilma and Lauren know each other and we were acquainted prior to the commencement of the fieldwork. Lauren introduced me to two other punks. One was Shaun Firkser, originally from Johannesburg, but currently living in London, from where he participated in an email interview. The other was Rambo (pseudonym) and I was able to interview him face-to-face. Rambo originally requested the pseudonym ‘Pudding in the Pirates Punk’ which was changed to Rambo, the name of his favourite band, for convenience purposes. Another snowball sample started in Johannesburg with Rory Mayne, a drummer who has been involved in South African music since 1995. Rory introduced me to Caroline Hillary, the lead singer of an all-girl punk band called Running With Scissors. Caroline, the third female punk that was interviewed, has been involved in the scene from the beginning. Caroline was originally in an all-girl punk band called The Phoebes and did some journalist work for Top Forty Magazine.

14 Ska-punk is punk music that incorporates aspects of ska music, such as ‘choppy guitar rhythms and light- hearted lyrics’ (Pather 2001: 32). Hebdige (1979: 142) explains that the ska sound emphasises the upbeat through the use of drums, bass and a brass section. 15 is a more aggressive style of punk and a style of music that is particularly loud and fast.

38 I was also able to speak to five punks from Durban. The first of these was Paul ‘Ozzie’ Oxborrow from the punk band Lowprofile. Also from Lowprofile was Yusuf Laher, the drummer and occasional journalist for Stage and Blunt magazines. Through the Lowprofile website I discovered a band called Not the Majority. I was very curious to understand what a Christian punk rock band was all about and was fortunate enough to speak to all four of the band members, namely Alex Rodriguez, Luke Jordaan, Ryan Edwards and Rob Garrett.

4.3 Ethical Considerations

To avoid the possibility of misleading interviewees, informed consent was obtained before the commencement of any interviews. Where it was possible to conduct face-to- face interviews, interviewees were asked for permission to record the interview and this was never declined. The interviewees were also offered the opportunity to remain anonymous, if they felt uncomfortable about disclosing personal information. However, there were only two participants who asked me not to use their actual names. Some of the interviewees requested to see how I would use their answers and I have given them copies of papers that I presented at the 2006 ISA World Congress and the UJ sociology seminar16. Of course, I could not inform all of the punks that I observed about my position as a researcher, as this would have been impractical and it would have interrupted the natural flow of events that I was trying to observe. However, great care was taken to ensure that I had not invaded their or negatively impacted on their lives in the reporting of these events.17

4.4 The Analysis

The iterative nature of qualitative research meant that the data analysis process began before the data collection process had been completed. The reason that the analysis began after some of the data had been collected was that the analysis was used to inform the next set of data collection (Bryman 2001: 389).

16 See Acknowledgments and Declaration for more details 17 Bryman (2001) and Neuman (2003) provided the ethical guidelines upon which this section is based.

39 The qualitative content analysis, a form of analysis in its own right was beneficial in establishing what questions to ask in the semi-structured interviews. It was also instrumental in deciding which people to interview and which gigs to attend. The content analysis also made the observation process more focused as a heightened awareness of the scene developed. In other words, the themes derived from the qualitative content analysis provided a framework and guide for the other methods, while also providing useful data. The qualitative content analysis was not only used at the beginning of the collection process, but throughout as well. The qualitative content analysis provided insight into the scene at large. The observations allowed for an experience of immediate group behaviour and interactions, thereby focusing on one particular aspect of the scene at a time. While in the field it was possible to corroborate some of the information from the primary sources and also to interact with some of the interviewees outside of the formal interview context. Attending the various punk events also created an awareness of further opportunities for observations and highlighted certain key themes. The semi- structured interviews took the analysis to the individual level by focusing on one punk at a time. The interviews provided insight into individual experiences and constructions of the punk identity. The interviews were key in establishing the themes, but the interviews had also been informed by the other two methods. It was discovering these themes and the need to confirm their significance or to find out more about them that informed each stage of data collection. Each return trip to the field was more directed than the previous time, until eventually it was found that the collected data had reached a saturation point. The key findings were then analysed, interpreted and presented in Chapter Five.

4.5 Strengths and Limitations

The first and obvious strength of this research was that there was a valuable array of material that had not been drawn from before. This insured, if nothing else, a degree of originality to the findings presented in Chapter Five. Speaking to some of the key players in the scene could also be considered an advantage because as key players they exert a certain amount of influence over the way the scene is celebrated and understood. That is, the experience of key players reveals more than their experience alone because it allows insight into the leadership and direction of the scene.

40 My own age (23), race (white) and class (middle class) allowed me to blend in and relate to the predominantly white, twenty-something, middle class people who became part of the sample18. Previous experiences of the scene proved helpful in both the field and the analysis. As a female I was sensitive to the way that females are treated in the South African scene and this could also be considered an advantage. The limitations of this research lay in the fact that there was a slump in the scene, not only in terms of the limited gigs available, but in terms of the number of people who showed up for them. There were a few gigs where there were very few people to observe. Punk bands such as the Stevie Wonderfuls and Humphrey the Teacup stopped touring and/or updating their websites at the beginning of 2005. However, it should be noted that shortly after my retirement from the field, the scene started gaining momentum again, and that it is in a scene’s nature to experience waves of popularity and decline. An extended period of time in the field would have reflected this more accurately.

4.6 Conclusion

The qualitative paradigm allowed for a flexible research process and the collection of some valuable data. It was employed through the use of three methods, namely qualitative content analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews. A combination of snowball sampling and purposive sampling was used at the various stages of the six- month fieldwork schedule. The data was analysed in an iterative process that illuminated the key themes through several stages of data collection. The following section discusses the findings provided by this research design.

18 A more detailed discussion about the biographical information of the interviewees and the demographics of the scene are provided in Chapter Five.

41 CHAPTER FIVE

AN EXPLORATION OF PUNK IDENTITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA

5.1 Introduction

What does it mean to claim the punk identity in post-apartheid South Africa? To answer this question, qualitative data was collected and then analysed thematically and interpreted. The previous chapters provided a theoretical framework with which to understand these themes. In Chapter Two, it was established that ‘scene’ would provide the insight for understanding the social spaces that facilitate subcultural identities and that ‘subculture’ would allow us to learn about the symbolic meaning of the group. The concept of ‘identity’ would permit us to build on ideas from ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ to produce a more nuanced understanding of the punk phenomenon. Chapter Three demonstrated that context, sub-categorisation, cross-cutting identities and political motivations also contribute to the multiple meanings of punk identities. This chapter will develop this theoretical framework by exploring the construction and meanings of South African punk identities. The themes have been structured in this chapter as follows. Firstly, the history of South African punk is explored, providing a foundation for an assessment of the construction of punk identities. A brief contrast between punk during and after apartheid helps to identify aspects of the South African context that influence the meaning of punk identities. Unlike the CCCS, which was criticised for ignoring the actual voices of those people who belong to subcultures, this chapter gives the voices of South African punks an opportunity to be heard. Secondly, punk is discussed as a ‘scene’, which consists of gigs, festivals, websites, zines and other forms of design that facilitate the performance and development of punk identities. Thirdly, to address the political expressions facilitated by the punk identity, the roles of anarcho- punks and punk musicians are discussed. The final section attempts to assess what is unique about South African punk identities. This is done by exploring the demographics of the group, in relation to the policies and issues of the post-apartheid context that would most likely affect them. To complete this assessment, a short comparison of the South African scene with other scenes is provided.

42 5.2 The History of South African Punk

According to all the interviewees, magazines and zines referred to in the course of data collection, a new scene emerged shortly after the transition into democracy. Although most interviewees demonstrated an awareness of South African punk prior to the current scene, there appeared to be very little continuation between the two points in time. Some interviewees benefited from the experiences of their managers who had been involved in South African punk since the 1970s, but drew their inspiration from the United States and Britain. Lindy van der Meulen (1995) demonstrated in her dissertation that punks prior to the transition also derived their influences from the international movement. After considering this and the lack of information available on punk during apartheid, it became clear that it would be difficult and even unnecessary to develop a detailed chronological history of punk during apartheid. However, it was possible to provide an impression of punk during this period based on some of the interviews and two dissertations (Van der Meulen 1995; Pather 2001). The value of this brief sketch is that it helps to contrast punk before and after the transition. It also helps to distinguish post- apartheid South Africa as a specific time period, which gives the analysis of meanings derived from the context more clarity.

5.2.1 Punk Under Apartheid The interviewees did not draw on punk under apartheid as a reference point in the construction of their own identities. Apartheid was continually emphasised as the dark days before their time where there was something very obvious to fight against. Most of the musicians admitted to knowing very little about punk during apartheid, but there was some awareness of the names of older or former punk bands. The following quote from Billy, illustrates this:

I don't know exactly what it was like but it couldn't have been as easy as it is today. Back in seventies South Africa to promote equality and anti-government rhetoric with SAPS batons waving around threatening to push your shit in? Our

43 manager did tell us about a band called Powerage19 who defied those reckless hate-mongering pigs and got a lot of shit for it. But they did sell something like 4000 albums in France.

George also knew the names of a few old punk bands and like Billy indicated that the police and the type of government in control, affects the way that the punk scene is celebrated:

I don’t know too much about it, but Hennie from Way Cool Records, the label with which we released our first album, Fishpaste & Vibe, told me some stories. There were bands like Safari Suits, Housewives Choice and the Lancaster Band, who have since reformed. Apparently these bands used to play a mix of punk and ska, much like the punk bands of today. This country was also a very different place back then. It was an extremely conservative and controlled environment – a perfect place for a punk scene to rebel against. He [Hennie] also played in a punk band back then and he reckoned that it was quite a different ballgame. People used to try and beat them up at the shows, sometimes they would have to stop the show and make a quick get away because they feared for their lives. But I’m afraid I wasn’t there so I can’t comment too much on it, other than there was in fact some sort of a punk movement back then.

Fortunately Hennie, referred to by George above, was able to inform me about certain aspects about the history of punk. Hennie confirms that there is a distinction between punk then and now:

Almost everyone I knew was in a band or part of some creative collective. Eighties Punk clubs (in Cape Town at least) like 1886 or The Scratch Club were some of the first multi-racial clubs in South Africa. Back then you could get arrested for dancing in these clubs. Like I said, the dark ages. Basically you could be arrested for wearing an ANC T-shirt never mind a Sex Pistols shirt.

19 Powerage was the first hardcore punk band in South Africa (Van der Meulen 1995: 71). Hardcore punk is a faster and more political version of punk (Van der Meulen 1995: 71). Hardcore punk was also less of an imitation of British punk than early South African punk, and songs were more relevant to the apartheid context (Van der Meulen 1995: 71).

44

Most interviewees were under the impression that there was not a lot to know about punk at this time, simply because the oppressive context had forced the scene underground. Alex suggested that because of the police force during apartheid ‘the kind of anarchic punk that was prevalent overseas would never really have stood a chance here’. To a certain extent, Alex and the rest of the interviewees are correct because the police did suppress South African punk and there was often a police presence at punk gigs (Van der Meulen 1995: 38). In the early 1980s, political punk bands such as Powerage were under constant police surveillance, because they posed a potential threat to the state (Van der Meulen 1995: 73). In addition to the police, there were censorship laws in place, radio stations would disregard albums that contained insubordinate messages and there was a poor distribution of punk music, which all impacted on the momentum of the scene (Pather 2001: 4 & 78). Nasan Pather (2001: 78) explains that the 1970s and 1980s were characterised by a state of paranoia and oppressiveness. This climate was so strong that even if the police were not monitoring gigs or music, the suspicion that they might be, resulted in strict self-censorship (Pather 2001: 78). The main reason that so little is known about punk during the apartheid era is that it has been badly documented. Van der Meulen (1995: 1) also found in her research that the history of some important rock bands had not been recorded or given any academic attention. This unrecorded history is compounded by the fact that many bands did not record their music (Van der Meulen 1995: 7). Pather (2001:3) attributes the unappreciated history of South African punk to the demographics of the people who enjoyed punk music. That is, punk fans were mostly white, middle class university students and because they were part of the ruling minority, they were not expected to resist the dominant ideology of apartheid and their counter-hegemonic practices are therefore largely unacknowledged (Pather 2001: 3). From the little that is recorded, we know that the punk revolution was first celebrated in South Africa at the University of Natal in 1977, with the band The Fourth Reich20 (Van der Meulen 1995: 53). Van der Meulen (1995) suspects that the political climate after the Soweto Uprising in 1976 and the free-thinking that was being fostered at some universities made the punk rhetoric particularly appealing at this time. Pete also

20 The name The Fourth Reich was supposed to express disapproval of the apartheid government and it was also meant to imply that the apartheid government had become a Nazi regime (Van der Meulen 1995: 61).

45 noted a similarity between the ‘punk rock attitude’ and the defiance and anti- authoritarian rhetoric of the anti-apartheid struggle. However, despite the expected antagonistic relationship between punk and the oppressive environment, there is little evidence to suggest that punk was initially anything more than an attempt at escapism (see Van der Meulen 1995: 28). There was a strong desire to identify with the British punk scene and little attention was paid to the political situation in South Africa (Van der Meulen 1995: 28). It was only in the early 1980s that hardcore punk bands like Powerage became more political and their songs became more relevant to the anti-apartheid struggle (Van der Meulen 1995: 71). Like punks in 1970s Britain, they had an antagonistic relationship with the mainstream music industry. This was not only because the music industry placed business interests over and above artistic integrity, but because South African music companies often promoted international artists over local musicians and they did not take South African bands seriously (Bacon 2005: 36; Pather 2001: 4). Gary Baines (1998: 69) attributes this to the fact that South African record companies were making more money out of promoting international acts and had little interest in the local music scene. Local bands had also resorted to playing cover versions of international music in order to make money (Van der Meulen 1995: 122). South African punks had expressed great resentment towards the way that the music industry conducted itself (Van der Meulen 1995: 58). They were particularly offended by the censorship laws imposed on the music industry and the curfews restricting bands that posed an ideological threat to the apartheid regime (Van der Meulen 1995: 124). This section has illustrated that the law and the police succeeded at restricting the operation of the South African music scene during apartheid. It would seem that although punks resented these limitations, escapism was initially more of a priority than explicit defiance. The following section will consider whether the new generation of South African punks attempt to engage their less oppressive social environment. They certainly express no desire to attempt any connection to punk of the previous era and rather see themselves as a separate scene that belongs to a new cohort of South Africans.

5.2.2 Punk After Apartheid The musicians involved in the current South African punk scene consider their history to be completely different to anything that might have happened during apartheid. Yusuf

46 admits to not knowing much about old South African punk bands, but quite a lot about ‘punk history post Leek and the Bouncing Uptones and what Fuzigish, Hog Hoggidy Hog and Sibling Rivalry have been up to.’ Similarly Billy said that ‘personally history equates to about a decade ago when bands like Fuzi[gish], Humphrey The Teacup, Leek and the Bouncing Uptones, Vendettas, Ceasefire, Kate and the 85ers, (to name a few), were getting started.’ Ultimately, to the interviewees I spoke to, the current punk scene began in 1995. Ozzie referred me to an article in the October issue of Blunt magazine (2005: 36-38), where George W. Bacon had written about the last decade of punk in South Africa. As Hennie pointed out, ten years is a remarkable amount of time for a band to keep going, especially a punk band in South Africa. From Bacon’s (2005: 36) article a timeline could be pieced together. It would seem that Hog Hoggidy Hog was one of the first if not the only ska-punk band to emerge post-apartheid and that it got the scene going in Cape Town in 1995. A Top Forty Magazine (Horenz 1997: 15) article confirms this by describing Hog Hoggidy Hog as one of South Africa’s premier ska-punk bands. After the transition, there was a new sense of pride of anything South African and this included the ‘South African Music Explosion’ (Bacon 2005: 36; Alexander 2006: 26). The ‘South African Music Explosion’ refers to a sudden improvement in both the quantity and quality of local music (Baines 1998: 66). Baines (1998: 66) suggested that the ‘South African Music Explosion’ was partly media hype and partly a result of a quota system introduced by the Independent Broadcasting Association (IBA). In 1995, the IBA introduced legislation that was intended to protect and promote local music content on the South African airwaves (Baines 1998: 82). This resulted in more major record companies investing in local music and more radio stations playing local music (Baines 1998: 84). Although punk bands were not popular at the festivals and platforms emerging from the ‘South African Music Explosion’, the infectious spirit of these events encouraged punk musicians to keep going (Bacon 2005: 37). In 1998 the Cape Town punk scene started losing members to the scene, but the punk scene in Gauteng began to emerge as bands like Fuzigish started gaining recognition (Bacon 2005: 38). There were a few differences between the scenes in Cape Town and Johannesburg. According to George, the audience in Cape Town tended to be quite apathetic and just watch the bands, whereas the crowd in Johannesburg really participated and interacted with the bands while they were playing. The Durban scene

47 was influenced to a large degree by Southern Californian punk, which also gave Durban punk a distinctive edge. In 1999 there was a Punkfest at Thrashers Skatepark in Pretoria and soon after the punk scene began operating at a national level (Bacon 2005: 38). Paul ‘Ozzie’ Oxborrow describes the time period between 1999 and 2002 as the ‘golden age’ of punk in South Africa. One of the highlights of this ‘golden age’ was the 2001 Woodstock Festival, because it had a Blunt stage dedicated completely to punk (Bacon 2005: 38). Woodstock is an annual youth music festival in South Africa that began in 1999 and has been steadily growing in popularity ever since. Therefore, to have a stage dedicated entirely to punk could be seen both as an indicator of its popularity at this time and as a great opportunity to expose the youth to punk music and rhetoric. However, despite the apparent popularity of punk at Woodstock, all punk bands were operating at a loss and were just playing gigs for the pure love of it (Silent Screams, April 2001). Bacon (2005: 38) explained that 2001 was a particularly exciting year in the punk scene as bands were touring a lot and helping each other out, which made it feel like a family. For example, they would stay at each other’s houses while they were on tour (Bacon 2005: 38). Bacon describes the punk scene as a family because everyone is so supportive of each other. Younger bands like Lowprofile have a lot of respect for the bands that started the current scene and the more established bands also have a lot of respect for each other. For example, George believes that Fuzigish is underrated. Half Price acknowledges how much Fuzigish has helped them in terms of guidance on performance. This feeling is returned by the members of Fuzigish who explain in Stage magazine why they signed Half Price to their independent label Red Ambulance: ‘They would drive all the way to Bloemfontein to do a show for nothing and we thought that was amazing. They’re the kind of hard working band you want on your label’ (Stage, 2005:29). I have also observed that punk bands show support for each other at gigs, by promoting each other on stage or acting as supportive audience members. In 2002 the punk scene in Cape Town went through a phase where punk bands performed without their clothes on (Bacon 2005: 38). The intention of this short-lived ‘naked phase’ is uncertain, but it certainly follows the punk need to shock conventional society. One of the Cape Town bands that debuted in this naked phase of punk rock was Pete’s band Half Price. Half Price embraced the humour in the naked concept and embraced it while developing its reputation as a band.

48 In 2003 the punk scene had become so popular that it attracted bands from other countries and this trend continued into 2005 (Bacon 2005: 38). For example, two bands called the Spermbirds and Drei Flaschen played in South Africa during the data collection phase of this project. Not only have punk bands from other countries played in South Africa, but South African punk bands have also played in other countries. For example, Hog Hoggidy Hog and Half Price toured in 2005 and Fuzigish has toured . Fuzigish has also recorded an album with the Australian punk band . This timeline presented in this sub-section indicates that although punk has experienced moments of popularity, it has never become a mainstream phenomenon. As a relatively small scene it has had strong and weak moments, suggesting that support for the punk scene goes through waves. The section as a whole demonstrates that the socio- political environment has an effect on the way that a punk scene operates. During apartheid, the government, the police and even the music industry placed serious restrictions on the punk scene. This provided a strong impetus for escapism and eventually activism. Post-apartheid punks have been inspired by the novelty of taking pride in their national identity and have engaged with their context to a greater extent. Before discussing the politics of South African punk in greater detail, it is necessary to consider the changing nature of punk itself. Apartheid era punks were introduced to the punk concept while it was still quite fresh, whereas post-apartheid punks have been exposed to a more processed and fragmented idea of punk. That is, the respective scenes not only operated in distinctive environments, but with different notions of what it meant to be a punk. The following section zooms in on the current scene and the meaning of punk identities within it.

5.3 The Punk Scene

There are various ways of sharing the experience of the punk scene and this section explains these options. It first explores a typical punk night, as well as the venues and festivals that cater for them. The role of written material and visual material in the punk scene are also given attention. These experiences and roles facilitate the identity process and give rise to meaning. A punk may be involved in one or more of these roles or activities at any stage of their punk career. The meanings that different individuals attach

49 to their punk identity are also related to the sub-category of punk that they prefer. Skate- punk is elevated as a style in this section because it was popular within the sample, but more importantly because of its interesting manifestation of punk attitude. Finally, the role of females in the punk scene is addressed and their sense of inclusion is assessed.

5.3.1 Gigs and Festivals Chapter Four and the history of South African punk section, both hinted at the types of venues and events that cater for punk gatherings. This section explores the actual experiences that punks have in different contexts. According to Rory, the music industry in South Africa is still in a developing phase and has a long way to go in terms of infrastructure. For example, there are not many venues or any radio stations dedicated to alternative music. Some clubs cater for live bands and sometimes the line up will consist purely of punk bands, but this does not happen often. So as in the case of music festivals, the audience is mixed in terms of genre preference. There are also clubs such as The Doors in Edenvale, Johannesburg (18 November 2005) and Gandalfs in Observatory, Cape Town (26 December 2005), where there are sometimes live bands, but mostly just DJs playing alternative music. The quality of the band has a huge role to play in the way that the subculture is celebrated and understood. This was especially evident at live shows, where new bands often provoked no response from the crowd and old bands had established followings that knew what to expect. When I asked participants about their experiences of live shows, this is what Wilma had to say:

What I enjoy about that is probably going skanking. While everyone is going around in a circle and it’s just such an adrenaline rush for everyone because everyone is united at that point. Just going about and having fun, I’d say I’d like that the most at the Fuzigish show. The least is probably the beer price [laughs]. [pause] So far I can’t actually say what I didn’t like about it.

Wilma mentions three things that help to define the punk scene in South Africa. The first is the way that people dance at punk gigs, specifically when ska-punk bands are playing and this is called skanking. Skanking involves running and jumping around in a circle while the band plays. This expected way of moving gives the concerts a ritual quality and makes them distinctive from other bands in the alternative rock genre. Some skanking

50 circles can be incredibly violent and dangerous depending on the size of the crowd and the band playing. At Woodstock 7 (September 2005) there were a few thousand people skanking to the bands in the tent sponsored by Blunt magazine, which produced a dust storm because it was a festival and the floors were not paved. The second aspect that Wilma mentioned is beer, which is definitely the ‘drug’ of choice in the punk subculture as it is given iconic status and there appears to be little dabbling with other drugs, besides marijuana. To give an idea of just how much beer is celebrated within the punk subculture, the following illustrations may be useful. At every Fuzigish gig that I have been to, including the ones at Woodstock (30 September 2005) and Violent Femmes (5 November 2005), the trumpeter whose stage name is Big Willy, will suspend a beer funnel from the stage so that the skankers can refresh themselves as they run by. The photograph of Fuzigish in a Stage magazine that was analysed, has all four members holding a beer (Stage 2005: 29). A quick quantitative analysis of how many times the words beer, alcohol and drunk are used in any of the Hog Hoggidy Hog interviews on their website, reveals that these words appear in twelve of the twenty interviews that are provided. The words beer and drunk are also used extensively in Hog Hoggidy Hog lyrics, for example, in the songs ‘Sad Goodbye’ and ‘The Incident’. The address of Half Price’s website is www.drunkpunk.co.za. In fact, when the punk bands were starting out in the country they would get drunk and play terribly (Williams 2005:66). A few of them developed serious reputations for being out of control (Williams 2005:66). Half Price has been banned from three Cape Town venues for their drunken behaviour (Williams 2005:66). Half Price’s drinking habits are reflected in their lyrics as well. For example, the song ‘I Drink All Day’ starts with five word repetition of the word beer, which is shortly followed by a list of their favourite local beers: I drink a Castle and an Amstel and a Black Label. I drink as long as I am able. Their songs ‘Real Men’ and ‘Can-O-Beer’ follow a similar theme pattern. The third aspect that Wilma mentioned is the sense of unity that she feels while skanking after drinking at a punk party. A number of interviewees spoke about the unity and comradeship in the scene. Therefore, both musicians and audience members feel that they are part of the punk family. I personally experienced this sense of unity, but found it to be much stronger at smaller gigs, where it feels like you are part of what the band is about. The combination of skanking and drinking also helps one to let go of some inhibitions and to feel free and have fun. Also, people look after each other, if someone

51 falls down, someone else will pick them back up, and this does happen a lot. Live shows are probably the most apparent way of experiencing a sense of belonging to the punk scene. The comradeship experienced in the scene certainly provides a motivation for joining the scene. It also confirms the theory that collective identities such as subcultural identities develop through interaction with like-minded others and the sense of belonging that this creates (Wood 2003: 45; Martin 2004: 32). Another thing which Wilma implies, and other interviewees reiterate is that punk gigs are a lot of fun because you have the freedom to just act stupidly. As Lauren says:

Everyone’s quite stupid actually [laughs]. They just kind of run around and blatantly give a ‘I don’t give a shit’ kind of attitude. And um, it’s very colourful and very festive and everyone gets very, very drunk and very raucous and out of control and it’s fun.

A significant part of South Africa’s music infrastructure is the festivals that showcase new bands and unite music lovers of all ages. Two music festivals stick out in particular. They are Oppikoppi and Woodstock. Attending these two festivals proved valuable to this research project. Festivals provide an opportunity for people to interact with youth from different areas of South Africa and with people from very different backgrounds. This allows individuals with different music preferences or different subcultural identities to intermingle and also for a certain amount of racial integration between traditionally black and traditionally white subcultures to take place. This was witnessed at Woodstock 7, where the Blunt tent was used for both punk and sessions at different points over the weekend, producing quite a mixed crowd in terms of music preference and race. This indicates that punks do not only have to interact exclusively with punks to experience a confirmation of their chosen subcultural identities. It should be noted that these festivals are not politically motivated like Rock Against Racism, which was discussed in Chapter Three. They are rather celebrations of various kinds of music, with Woodstock being far more youth and commercially orientated than Oppikoppi. Lauren explains her experience of festivals as follows:

52 Everyone’s just on a whole different vibe when they’re at a festival. Everyone’s just on a mission to just be as crazy and whatever as possible. You have these few days to do nothing but just have fun.

In this quote, Lauren captures a sense of breaking away from everyday expectations. Timothy Dowd, Kathleen Liddle and Jenna Nelson (2004: 149) believe that the appeal of festivals is that they do provide an opportunity to break away from the everyday routine. In the festival atmosphere, people may feel freer to experiment with other lifestyle elements and even different identities (Dowd, Liddle & Nelson 2004: 149). Dowd, Liddle and Nelson (2004: 150) also compare a scene to religious practice, by suggesting that if a gig is like attending church, then a festival is like going on a pilgrimage. The experience of a festival is far more intense than a gig. However, both gigs and festivals offer a space to celebrate punk as a collective identity (Bennett 2006: 231). Punk can also be expressed in the realm of images and words.

5.3.2 Visual and Written Contributions The ideas and aesthetics of punk are expressed far more coherently in visual and written form than at gigs and festivals. Visual and written contributions are also an introspective means for constructing the punk identity and for simultaneously indicating a sense of belonging to the punk subculture. The internet provides the opportunity for written and visual interactions. It is a medium that facilitates several experiences of the punk identity simultaneously. In Chapter Four it was explained that the internet has become increasingly important in the punk scene because of the role it plays in keeping the various bands, fans and mediums interconnected. When I asked Shaun about his experience of the UK punk scene, he included his visits to a couple of websites as part of his experience. Bacon (2005: 38) believes that when the punk scene started gaining momentum in 1999 it was facilitated by increased internet access because it became easier to communicate with people across the country and even the world. By looking at the links on each band’s website I was able to ascertain that they all had very similar lists, including each other’s websites and other punk resources such as www.zapunx.com and www.punks.co.za. The visual component of punk philosophy is quite important and as a result it seems that more and more punk bands are acquiring a graphic or web designer as an

53 extra member, if they themselves are not skilled in this area. For example, Fokofpolisiekar’s Matt Edwards has been described as their ‘fifth Beatle’ because he designs all their flyers and posters (Williams 2005:32). He is a multimedia designer like many of the interviewees in this sample. In addition to websites, the style of punk pamphlets and flyers also contribute to the image of the punk subculture. On a purely practical note, pamphlets and flyers are one of the cheapest ways for a band to promote itself and it has proven to be quite an effective method as well. For example, Wilma’s favourite South African band is Fokofpolisiekar and she heard about them because of a Matt Edwards’ pamphlet that she received at Woodstock. This intrigued her and she decided to go and watch them and she has done so over and over again since then. Flyers and posters pasted up all over town are another way of getting a band’s name recognised and this complies very much with the DIY ideals of punk. Closely related to the visual component of the scene is its written element, which can be found on websites, in niche publications and zines. The role of these mediums in promoting musicians, encouraging participation in the scene and defining the collective identity was highlighted in Chapter Two. In addition to the magazines and zines that were discussed in Chapter Four, two other zines should be mentioned. The first is Tales from the Pit for which the last issue was produced in 2005. Tales from the Pit21 followed the DIY punk philosophy and used to be an integral part of the Gauteng scene (Stage Magazine, September 2005: 77). The second zine that deserves recognition is the Libertarian Offensive because of its political content and its support by punks and anarchists alike (Stage Magazine, Sepember 2005: 77; Zabalaza 2005). It should be noted that while these particular zines continue to produce the traditional anti-aesthetic DIY appearance of the original punk fanzines, the finished product is clearly more sophisticated. For example, the online zines have a more polished appearance than the deliberately amateurish look of photocopied fanzines. There is also a sense that the creators are working from an established template and do not attempt to break too dramatically from the current global facade of punk. This sub-section was intended to emphasise some of the less recognised roles that punks can utilise to express their identities and also their sense of belonging to the subculture. Some roles have more influence than others in terms of how the punk identity

21 The Pit in the title of this zine refers to a mosh pit, which is when fans jump around and into one another while a band with a loud and heavy sound is playing.

54 is celebrated. Thornton (1995: 12) refers to this influence as subcultural capital and usefully it highlights the way that punk identities are constructed in relation to other punk identities. There is also an implication that there is reward in recognition and that meaning may also be derived from the extent to which a punk successfully achieves the identity in the eyes of other punks.

5.3.3 Different Meanings and Sub-categories of Punk

‘Punk rockers, , we don’t care if you are straightedge, rudeboys and circle-jerks come together and stand as one.’ - The Stevie Wonderfuls

As the lyrics from this song called ‘Breakdown’ by The Stevie Wonderfuls suggests, the punk genre consists of many different sub-categories. The punk rock genre in South Africa boasts the following sub-categories: ska-punk, hardcore punk, , skate- punk, straightedge punk, pop punk or sugar punk, punk, and .22 Rambo explained that these various sub-categories of punk can all be understood in very different ways. However each style is not mutually exclusive and there are often crossovers in roots and philosophy. This section will be used to distinguish some of the punk styles and categories currently operating in South Africa, as well as the personal meanings that participants have attached to punk. The purpose of this is to illustrate how an individual’s initial conceptualisation of punk has an enormous impact on how they construct their identity, how they participate in the scene and also the significance which they attribute to their punk identity. Whether any sub-categorisation is truly punk is a highly contested issue, but it is the more commercially minded bands like the pop punk and emo punk23 bands that sit most uncomfortably in the punk scene. As Rory said:

22 An explanation of each sub-category is included in the glossary attached as Appendix 1. 23 Emo is the abbreviation of emotional or emotive. It is also a style of punk that places emphasis on personal experiences and relationships.

55 Punk is such a crazy term right now. I think so many bands could be called punk right now, but if you look back to what punk bands traditionally were they’re actually a world apart. It’s almost become a commercial tool to sell music. It’s more of a fun thing.

According to Lauren, the distinction is quite clear, pop punk bands like Tweak make ‘ that models itself on a basic punk riff.’ Lauren also made a distinction between older punk music, which she enjoys and new sugar punk, which she feels is aimed more at young teenagers. My observations confirm that crowds who watch sugar punk bands like Tweak and the Finkelsteins are noticeably younger than the smaller audiences who attend hardcore and ska-punk gigs. The animosity shown to bands like Tweak, suggests that their membership of the punk subculture is questionable to non- existent. An example of this animosity was witnessed at Woodstock (October 2005), where the lead singer of Tweak had to ask the audience to please stop throwing bottles at him. Hennie said that while he could enjoy some pop punk music, he did not enjoy the drunken teenagers who embraced it. Indicating again that pop punk is targeted at the younger side of the youth market, he said:

Personally, I don't really think Modern Pamper Punk is ‘punk’ in the true sense of the word. A fashion perhaps? Fake rebellion? Something to do while growing up? It's a lot of things, but punk rock it ain't. On the whole, I just see a bunch of ‘poonker’ kids too young to hold their liquor, wearing T-shirts of bands they've never actually heard. It's a youth movement (like any other) with soundtrack and accessories supplied by major corporations targeting their exact demographic, selling them shit they don't really want or need.

In the October issue of Blunt (2005: 57), Paul van der Walt states that ‘punk rock is probably one of the most controversial and debated music genres in the existence of rock music.’ Van der Walt (2005: 57) points out however, that there are two main schools of thought here: old school and new school. The old school can be associated with the 1970s British punk movement that embraced DIY ethics and anti-establishment attitudes (van der Walt 2005: 57). The new school treats punk as a style of music and is

56 more about having fun. It is this new school that celebrates a more commercialised, accessible version of punk music (van der Walt 2005: 57). Similarly, Alex says:

Today, thanks to the music machine that churns out pop trash, punk has suffered an identity theft, and hence its importance and relevance as a musical genre has become hidden beneath layers of superficial marketing/corporate hype. The corporate giants have put an acceptable face on the punk scene, dressed it in a neat shirt and (always black so it’s still hardcore) and turned it into everything the original punk scene sang against. It's Avril24 in a tie. It's black eye shadow on every band on MTV. It’s hardcore, emo, surf, skate and garage punk. Money corrupts. It’s punk in name only. Today there is a definite line that can be drawn between what was punk and what we perceive to be punk. You may say it’s the evolution; a musical genre brought about by the times and the bands’ ability to play better, but it appears to me more like a completely separate genre of music. I think the time has come to close the chapter on punk and seek another title for what we have today.

In Chapter Three it seemed that the history of punk provided a good illustration of Jenkins’ (2004: 77) distinction between a nominal and virtual identity. That is, that the identity’s name had remained the same at various crossings of context and time, but that its meaning had varied quite dramatically (Jenkins 2004: 77). However, if we consider what Alex has said it would seem that the virtual identity has changed to such an extent that there is now a need to search for a new nominal identity altogether. Of course, it should also be noted that the experience of a nominal identity or its virtual identity is different for every individual (Jenkins 2004: 77). Ryan also explains that punk no longer carries its original meaning, but still retains the same nominal identity:

In terms of the traditional anti-authority punk philosophy, I think today few punk bands around the world still subscribe to the original punk identity because I think the identity itself has changed. It is still very much anti-mainstream but not overly

24 is a Canadian pop star who has been marketed as punk and who made skate-punk a popular fashion trend in 2002.

57 hostile to authority. There is more talk about personal frustrations than with corrupt governments.

So if the meaning of punk has shifted quite dramatically from its initial roots, then what does this tell us about contemporary punks? Do some still identify with the old school rhetoric or is the new school punk attitude more representative of the current scene? Running With Scissors (RWS) certainly subscribe to the new school category of punk, with their poppy emo sounding punk. For Caroline, the lead singer of RWS, emo punk is about having fun. Her influences come from US bands of the 1990s. This is what she had to say:

I personally have always been into it because of the energy and the fun that it encompasses. I never looked at it from a particularly political angle initially. Bands like Rancid and Bad Religion were always very socially-driven as opposed to political and when we were young we just used to like dancing to it. Green Day was also very influential. Eventually they all started encompassing more political messages into their music. The philosophy behind punk was freedom initially, but I don't think that part ever hit South Africa. It kind of came afterwards when people clutched on for rebellion sakes. And we're all guilty of that.

Despite the fact that many of South Africa’s punk bands have become pop acts in themselves, it was often the case at punk gigs that the bands would speak to the crowd and promote an anti-pop rhetoric. On the Fuzigish forum the issues about pop music and commercialism are discussed quite often. Although, not necessarily escaping the new school category, those punk bands that are not blatantly commercial, still attach some old school meaning to their punk identities. This is what a hardcore punk musician, Billy, had to say about why punk appeals to him:

The freedom to be and express yourself and not worry about being judged for having your own beliefs, ideals or quirky dress sense. Even though in reality very few, if any, are truly themselves around others and a vast majority judge everybody else by their way of life and especially on their attire. Punk is just punk and is

58 forever changing but there will always remain that something that is inherently beautiful about the way of life.

In a similar vein, Pete from Half Price reiterated how personal the meaning of punk truly is:

Punk rock is different and unique for everyone, but for us as a band it allows complete and total freedom of self, freedom from self-image, freedom from authority and the pursuit of ultimate individuality. We do what we want, how we want to do it without giving a shit about society norms and values. We write music about issues that are relevant to our lives and the effects that they have on us. We do not pretend to preach our lifestyle. We merely live it the best way that we see fit. Society teaches us that only if we achieve can we be content. That is bullshit. You live for yourself, no one else. This is punk rock to me. If it involves getting wasted and hitchhiking naked on the main road for a day, so be it.

Caroline, Billy and Pete all mentioned the importance of freedom and this is a theme that comes through in many South African punk songs. For example, in the song ‘Conspiracy’ performed by Fuzigish, the chorus, which is repeated several times is: ‘Freedom is a state of mind.’ Also, in a Half Price song entitled ‘The Way it is’, there is a line that goes: ‘I wanna be free. Nothing can stop me from what I want to be. I wanna be free’. Freedom has been interpreted slightly differently in these examples, but a common aspiration for individuality or individual expression is evident. It is also clear that freedom means that people should not be restricted by norms and that every individual has the responsibility to question their perceived limitations. George from the ska-punk band Hog Hoggidy Hog said the following about punk ideals:

Not just accepting wrong or right at face value, question authority if you don’t agree with it. Everyone is equal and no one is better than anyone else, no matter what the situation. Live your life by what you know to be true and not by conforming to or following the crowd etc. I could go on forever, but these are just a few examples of the themes I discovered and could relate to in punk ideals.

59 Of all the newer punk styles, ska-punk fits most comfortably into the old school category of punk. According to Bennett (2006: 227) ska-punk has continued the old school punk preference for smaller venues and the unity it promotes. Bennett (2006: 227) is referring to the ska-punk scene in Britain, but as ska-punk bands in South Africa also play in smaller venues, his observation can be applied in this context as well. Continuing with van der Walt’s (2005: 57) classification, the following punks identify more with the new school as they treat punk as a style of music. Ozzie said he was into punk because of the sound of the actual music: ‘Of all music, it is the genre that speaks to me most. I love fast, energetic music with a rock-solid rhythm.’ Yusuf likes punk because it is loud and fast. Luke like the other Durban punks also said that the word punk cannot be separated from the music style or genre of punk rock, which he believes he relates to because of his personality:

The notion of belonging to a subculture that traditionally has always been a social minority is appealing. I guess people attach and mould their identity around punk for their sense of belonging. For me it's not just a craze or the way I dress where I eventually will lose interest like so many ‘Avril Lavigne type punks'. I don't want to say it's a way of life for me either because it's not. Firstly I’m a Christian and I get my identity from trying to emulate the behaviour of Christ. The Bible is my source of inspiration, punk rock is just the genre of music I write and love because of my personality. For most punks it is an outlook on life, it's about questioning the world around us especially those institutes which make laws that govern our lives. I'm also a bit rebellious and have an angry side in me, which I’m not proud of and I guess that side of me is also drawn to the punk subculture.

In mentioning ‘Avril Lavigne type punks’, Luke distances himself from the new school of commercial punk and an ultimately superficial embrace of the punk identity. However, by following a Christian way of life Luke sets himself apart from old school punks who claimed to be nihilists25. Luke and the rest of his band Not the Majority clearly have strong religious beliefs embodied in their version of Christian punk. This is a good illustration of how cross-cutting experiences further influence the meaning of punk.

25 The original British punks claimed to be nihilists, which means that they rejected all traditional beliefs and moral principles (Robbins, 1993: 61).

60 It also suggests that perhaps the old school/new school classification should not be understood in binary terms, but rather as the two extreme ends of a punk continuum. This section has shown how contested the meaning of punk truly is, to the point where it has been suggested that punk no longer exists and that it is time to search for a new nominal identity. Many punks were of the opinion that their identities held none of the meaning that original punk identities carried. The old school/new school classification helped to illustrate how ideas about punk had changed from its initial moment in 1970s Britain. Of course there has not been a clean shift from one school to the next because both attitudes can still be found in the South African context and some sub-categories take aspects from both schools of thought. Individual interpretations and cross-cutting experiences add further meaning to punk identities and suggest that a standard definition of punk will remain elusive. However, punk as an attitude and essence has essentially remained rebellious. Rambo even defines punk as ‘rebellion becoming conscious of its alias’. It is this defiant attitude that provided the glue in punk’s merger with skateboarding.

5.3.4 Skate-punk The punk subculture has a definite affiliation with the subculture and other board sport related activities. In Chapter Three, it was suggested that this relationship began when the Zephyr boys began to demonstrate the anti-authoritarian potential of skateboarding. That is, the Z-boys began to display the punk attitude on their skateboards. Billy understood both music and skateboarding as forms of expression and as punk outlets they do have the following attitudes in common: an aggressive energy, a disregard for property, a need to test personal and social limitations, to defy expectations and to experience freedom in its many forms. Where British punks used music and fashion to exhibit these attitudes, skate-punks had the additional use of their skateboards with which to confront authority and the urban environment. That is, skate-punks challenged the use of space in the urban environment by using rails and other surfaces for skateboarding rather than for their intended uses (Ferrell 2001: 76). The bands from Durban, particularly Not the Majority, were very conscious of the connection between punk and skating. Luke, who skates and surfs, made the connection to southern Californian skate-punk several times in his answers. Alex, who has been skating for 22 years, said that he listened to:

61

Bands like Black Flag, , Descendants, Los Olvidados and so many more from the West Coast surf/skate scene. When I first started listening to them it was for the pure energy that seemed to come out of the music. It moved me and because I skated it went hand in hand as a source of inspiration.

To Rob, punk has more affiliation with skating and surfing, than any other kind of music:

Look at all the old surfing videos, all punk sound tracks, none of this emo rubbish and hip-hop. Surfing's definitely a part of the lifestyle. All the guys from the local punk bands surf and I see them in the water on a regular basis.

The interviewees from Durban not only had an interest in skateboarding but surfing as well. Unlike punks from Johannesburg, punks from Durban have access to the ocean, allowing them to extend this expression to the highly related sport of surfing. The Z-boys got a lot of their ideas from surfing and to this day the two sports are very much related. However, it was in skateboard form that the scene merged with punk and hence it is this board sport that has a stronger historical connection to punk music. It is also the challenge to man-made environments, rather than the natural environment of the sea, that places skating more comfortably within punk ideology than surfing. The conscious emulation of skate-punk bears some testimony to the influence of US punk in South Africa. This influence stems in part, from the multi-million dollar board industry that has promoted board sport related lifestyles on a global scale. The issues of authenticity that result from this type of corporate involvement were discussed in Chapter Three and they continue to be a source of contention in South Africa. Sponsorship contradicts the old-school DIY punk ethos, which essentially involves the protection of creative freedom and taking a stand against the power of a commercial or profit driven organisation in preventing that freedom. To illustrate how a sponsorship can impact on a scene, the following example from the South African context may be useful. There is a brand called Boogaloos that sponsors several skateparks in Johannesburg and Cape Town. Boogaloos has created a chain of skateparks where the environment is controlled, air-conditioned and under adult supervision. This kind of sponsorship turns

62 rebellion into little more than a form of entertainment for children. It contradicts the original defiance of skate-punks who continually challenged authority and the way that the urban environment was organised and controlled. The problems with sponsorship are often debated in Blunt magazine. However, while Blunt does host this debate, it also promotes the brands and sponsors that keep the magazine financially afloat. Sponsorship may contradict punk ideals, but it also promotes awareness of the scene. As skaters and punks often have the same sponsors, it is another way of illustrating the integration of scenes. For example, Volcom and Iron Fist sponsor the band Fuzigish and all of these brand names specialise in skateboarding merchandise. Van der Walt’s (2005: 57) distinction between old school and new school punk, could also be applied to skate-punk. The skate-punk scene began as a celebration of a common anti-establishment defiance in the mid-1970s that eventually became a very commercial industry focused on the idea of having fun. Therefore there is a similar progression from old school to new school skate-punk. Although, this distinction appears quite straightforward at first, Hennie refuses to see skate-punk as old school. He said the following:

Punk has become a ‘jock’s game’ based around physical activity like skateboarding and surfing. Can you actually imagine Joey Ramone26 skateboarding? Or Johnny Rotten27 surfing? Sid28 doing anything? I rest my case.

Hennie mentions three punk icons from the 1970s in this quote, which illustrate his perception of what old school punk was. Rob, on the other hand, perceives skateboarding as the opposite of a ‘jock’s game’ and like the other Durban punks, he believes that 1970s skate-punk was firmly embedded in punk roots. Skating and punk were appealing to Rob, because they provided a form of escapism and a distraction from the ‘jocks’ that harassed him at school. It is interesting that both Hennie and Rob use the stereotype of ‘jock’ to illustrate the ‘other’, to which they contrast their own identities. As ‘jock’ is a decidedly male identity, there is an implication that the punk identity allows these two interviewees to experience their gender in what they regard as a more

26 Joey Ramone was in the , a punk band from the United States that has often been credited as the band that developed the loud, short and fast style of punk music. 27 Johnny Rotten was the lead singer of the Sex Pistols. 28 Sid refers to Sid Vicious another iconic member of the Sex Pistols

63 positive light. If this is true of male punks then what does the scene offer its female participants?

5.3.5 Female participation

‘Sorry no chicks We don’t want any chicks Sorry no chicks You stupid ass bitch’ -Hog Hoggidy Hog

Hog Hoggidy Hog explains on its website that the intention of this song was not to be sexist. The subject of the song was actually male and the title ‘Sorry No Chicks’ makes reference to an episode from an old British television programme called Black Adder. Although, Hog Hoggidy Hog recognises that the song is potentially offensive, the band also has no intention of being politically correct. Whether the use of the term ‘chick’ is supposed to be sexist or satirical, it still provides an incentive to assess the way that females are treated in the punk scene. The camaraderie that punks often refer to is also sometimes referred to as a brotherhood. The term brotherhood could imply the exclusion of females. Females certainly appear to be outnumbered in the current scene and it was important to establish if this was related to a sense of exclusion. Wilma was one of the few female punks that I had the opportunity of interviewing and I asked her what she thought about the male to female ratio at punk gigs:

Well, you always see some girls that go in, but then some girls are very scared. Like I dragged in my one friend into the pit and she was so shocked afterwards. But it also depends you know, like often some girls will just stand on the side and say yeah and jump up and down. But I think the majority are guys who actually go there because maybe it caters more for guys, like they can go skanking.

Wilma mentions that certain punk rituals such as skanking are more suited to male punks. My observations confirm that skank circles can become quite violent and that more male than female punks participate in them. If skanking does cater more for

64 masculine identities, then it is understandable why fewer females participate at gigs where skanking occurs. So the larger quantity of male punks does not necessarily mean that females are excluded from the scene, but rather that this behaviour would hold less appeal for a female punk. Different sub-categories of punk employ different rituals and some of these appeal more to female than male punks. Lauren noticed that there was a distinction between the crowds at ‘sugar punk gigs’ and ‘proper punk gigs’:

At the teenage sugar punk gigs there are way more girls who sing along with the lyrics and ‘perv’ over the hot band members. But at the proper punk gigs it’s more guys. I think there are a lot more guys who believe in the punk ideals.

Her distinction between proper and sugar punk also implies that the girls who attend sugar punk gigs are not proper punks. The content analysis revealed that there were less female punks in the South African scene and that their roles were often reduced to that of a secondary nature. Blunt magazine, for example, has very little female representation with the exception of an occasional female in a bikini and the articles by Melissa Williams. The general impression is that the talent of a male is based on his ability on a board or with an instrument and the talent of a female is judged according to her looks and physical attributes. Blunt magazine supposedly appreciates women and does not degrade them, yet females are reduced to something to observe and nothing else. Females are often referred to as ‘chicks’ in Blunt magazine and this is true of punk lyrics and the type of language used by punks on the various forums as well. However Running With Scissors may prove an exception to the female image provided so far. Firstly, the band is exclusively female; secondly, their following is mostly female; and lastly their female fans do not sit passively on the sidelines, they claim the dance floor for themselves (Roxy Rhythm Bar, 27 January 2006). Caroline believes the difference between their audience and other punk followings could be for the following reasons:

Firstly, girls find inspiration in watching an all girl band doing what only guys have done in the past. There are many girls that would like to do the same but have been intimidated. They also like our music and can relate to what we do. The second reason is the lesbian angle. Many of the girls that come to our shows

65 are obviously lesbians and they are a very supportive subculture, so just the fact that we are female will attract them. We also have a gay girl in the band and they are very supportive towards her, even without knowing her. I think it's wonderful.

The case of Running With Scissors suggests that females have gone some way in successfully claiming the punk identity as their own. There is also some other evidence to suggest that the male to female ratio of the punk scene is slowly changing. For example, when Fuzigish played at the Red Ambulance Christmas Party (25 November 2005), the lead singer dedicated a song to all the females present. He did this because he was pleased that the amount of females had increased at their gigs since their early days where the crowd only consisted of the same twenty guys at each gig. The zines Silent Screams and Tales from the Pit also have female voices. That is, Silent Screams is compiled by Jen Screams and Tales from the Pit was compiled by Jannike.

5.3.6 Conclusion Participation in the South African punk scene can be achieved in a number of ways, from going to gigs and festivals to contributing to websites and zines. A preference for a particular sub-category or style of punk will affect the way an individual constructs his or her identity. For example, an individual who appreciates the skate-punk style can express his or her identity through music preference and choice of sport. Whereas someone who prefers old-school British punk, for example, may not consider skateboarding as part of his or her punk identity or lifestyle. Sub-categorisation was discussed in connection to a general and significant shift from old school to new school punk. In addition to the meanings stemming from the sub-categories of punk, punk identities are also affected by other experiences. For example, the identities of female punks are constructed from both their punk and their gender experiences within the scene. So far we have seen how context, sub-categorisation and cross-cutting experiences contribute to the meaning of punk identities. These are similar to the findings in Chapter Three, except that the issue of political motivation has not yet been properly addressed in the South African context.

66 5.4 Do South African punks utilise their identity as a vehicle for political expression?

Ever since the constitution, it made no difference It’s time to even the score Directionless, hopeless, no one thinks we should cope with this Decisions made not by us, democracy withheld Fight the Fight -Fuzigish

The lyrics from this song ‘Fight the Fight’ by Fuzigish are of a very political nature and they relate directly to the South African context. The constitution refers to the democratic constitution that was adopted by the South African government in 1996. The lyrics indicate that the adoption of the constitution has not yet lived up to its promise and that the fight for democracy is not over. A call for a bottom-up struggle is effectively put in play. However, the political theme of this song is more the exception than the rule in post-apartheid punk songs. This section explores the extent to which South African punks regard themselves as political. The focus is firstly on anarcho-punk and secondly on why only some punk musicians have politicised their musical platform.

5.4.1 Anarcho-punk Since its inception in the late 1970s, anarcho-punk has always been less popular and more ideological than mainstream punk. In keeping with this tradition, I was only able to speak to two anarchists. Rambo is one of these anarchists and said very proudly:

I am an anarchist. I believe that anarchism is the only thing that can save us from imminence and annihilation. I also believe that the majority of people don’t understand what anarchy truly is and if they did we would be a lot closer to a free society.

67 His commitment to and understanding of anarchism was a lot more in-depth than many of the other participants. This even came through in his preference for crust punk29 and his dreaded mullet30, which corresponds to the image of this extreme form of punk music and philosophy. Thus, to Rambo, his punk identity and anarchist identity are connected, the two philosophies reinforce each other. He is, as he says, an anarchist punk. Rambo felt that the anarchist movement had a lot to offer the third world, although he was less optimistic about the current state of anarcho-punk, expressing this as follows: ‘punk in South Africa is really fucked. It’s time for struggle again. Zabalaza!’ 31 The second anarchist, Shaun, sees his anarchist identity as primary and he is a bit more sceptical about being labelled a punk. ‘I am an anarchist and proud of it. My political views far outweigh any sort of youth culture following. Punk won’t change the world, anarchy might have a small glimmer of hope. The way I view it is that punk is just one of the various outlets that anarchy finds to express itself’. Shaun is currently living in London, where he has become very active in anarchist activist groups and this is something he struggled to do in South Africa, as it was very difficult to organise. Shaun’s understanding of anarchism is as follows:

A complete and utter upheaval of every single train of thought, system of social organising, patterns of dwelling. I'm talking about replacing almost every aspect of human life as we know it; everything humans have ever created, or invented, or philosophised, since the inception of the pyramidal principles that we seem to have adopted when we moved from hunter gatherers and into farm labourers. Why do we only have one type of civilisation? I have seen (with my own eyes) anarchist organisation work with large numbers of people. You almost don't notice it at first because it happens so naturally, like it’s the way it’s just meant to be. We are quite a creative lot as a species, so I don't buy the fact that all other forms have been tried

29 Crust punk is a dark and heavy style of punk music that is very politically oriented and has a strong affiliation with anarchism. Crust punks are discontent with the social system and express a desire to not belong or be associated with that system. They make this statement by fostering a dirty and sometimes smelly image that they perceive to be socially unacceptable. 30 A dreaded mullet is a hairstyle that is part of the crust punk style. This is where the front of the hair is kept short and the back of the hair remains significantly longer and matted into dreadlocks. 31 Zabalaza is the name of an anarchist communist federation that is specifically concerned with the Southern African region (Zabalaza 2005: 1). A member of Zabalaza is responsible for producing the anarcho- called Libertarian Offensive (Zabalaza 2005: 1).

68 and don't work. There can’t be only one absolute solution in such a diverse thing as life. At any rate it (the current system) doesn't fucking work because its completely unsustainable.

Shaun and Rambo’s understanding of anarchism were very similar, in that they both saw a need to overthrow the capitalist system and replace it with a society that allows for greater human freedom. In trying to understand why the anarchist strain of punk held less appeal to the rest of the sample, I asked them what they understood anarchism to mean. Luke said he was opposed to the anarchy that punks portray, but then went on to say that he reads the work of left wing writers like Noam Chomksy. Luke’s statement highlights the two main ways that anarchy has been interpreted in punk culture. The first is to equate anarchy with chaos much like the iconic British punk band the Sex Pistols did in the 1970s (see Colegrave & Sullivan 2001: 301). The second is to understand anarchism as a political philosophy that can be found in the work of self- proclaimed anarchists such as (2002: 344). Chomsky (2002: 199) explains that anarchy as a social philosophy cannot be equated with chaos because anarchists actually advocate a highly organised democratic society that is controlled from below. Anarchism also means that people have the right to be free and any attempt to limit that freedom has got to be justified (Chomsky 2002: 202). In a Blunt magazine article (2005: 78-79), Jon Profane describes Chomsky as a punk legend, because he is the ‘preferred political spokesperson of the punk generation.’ He draws this conclusion from the fact that Chomsky’s work has been used by many musicians, most notably by of US punk band NOFX. Coincidentally, NOFX is an inspiration to members of many South African punk bands including Half Price, Lowprofile and Hog Hoggidy Hog. As explained in Chapter Three, NOFX is one of many US punk bands to take a stand against George Bush’s presidency and the war in Iraq (Abowitz 2004: 126). The anti-Bush stance has been imitated by many South African punks and Rob believed that this was questionable. Rob felt that teenagers who are anti-Bush, do not even know why they hate him. He felt that this was typical youth politics and that it was completely meaningless as South Africans are not Americans. This is true to a certain extent as South African youth would not be able to vote in the United States presidential elections. However, anti-Bush politics could be seen in the context of US foreign policy and larger global issues, which would affect South Africans

69 as well. This is explained in another Blunt article (September 2005: 117) that addresses globalisation and why people like Chomsky and Fat Mike have spoken out against neoliberalism. This indicates that Blunt readers are aware of this supposed global movement, even if they are not actively participating in the activism or anarchism. Luke sums this up perfectly when he says: ‘Compared to the boys from COSATU I am by no means an activist, but I am aware of global power movements.’ Punk continues to flirt with anarchy in the South African context, but the extent to which this develops into a serious relationship depends very much on the individual’s interpretation of and commitment to anarchism. Anarcho-punk is an example of a cross- cutting identity and a sub-category of punk. Whether punks see themselves as anarchists or not, there is a great awareness of political and social issues that often finds expression in punk lyrics. The following section explores the extent to which South African punk musicians utilise their identities for a political cause.

5.4.2 Punk musicians Paul admitted that Lowprofile’s first album was not particularly political, but that their more recent songs intentionally draw public attention to issues that they feel are important. The implication of drawing public attention to important issues is that music is an effective way of distributing a message. Rory said that ‘music can definitely change things and I think that’s been proven by so many benefit concerts and concerts in that same vein’. South African punks have participated in many benefit concerts. For example, in 2000 there was a Rock Against Racism inspired called Punks Against Racism at Thrashers skatepark in Pretoria that promoted an anti-racism message. Also, in Cape Town in February 2005, a concert called Rage For the Revolution was organised by the Treatment Action Campaign to raise social awareness about HIV/AIDS and to develop funds for anti-retroviral medicines. However, Pete from Half Price is sceptical about the extent to which a political band can actually effect change:

Four years ago, we started out as a political band, but have since given that up almost completely. There are so many bands out there that are being political simply for the sake of being political and not because they actually have a clue what is going on. It made us sick and then angry. So, rather than be one of these bands who preaches (largely about the G8 and other such topics), we decided to

70 use sarcasm and to get our point across about real life issues. Singing lyrics about politics, whilst it may educate some people, is not, I believe effecting real change.

The decision to incorporate sarcasm and satire into the Half Price lyrics is not uncommon to other punk bands. Satire is an indirect discourse that lends itself to oppositional rhetoric because its disarming nature allows the embracer to tackle very serious material in a humorous and provocative way (Hutcheon 1994: 26). Satire is very varied and complementary to punk rhetoric. In addition to being a weapon of ridicule, it is also a source of amusement and a way to mock people who take things too seriously (Drewett 2002: 81-82). The title of Half Price’s latest album is ‘Taking Life Seriously’, which is a good example of their use of sarcasm and satire as the implication of the title is the exact opposite of its literal meaning. The general attitude of South African punks is that they do not take things too seriously and this can be seen in the way that they act and speak. Satire stands at risk of being misunderstood and some would consider it a substitute for actual resistance (Hutcheon 1994: 29). The symbolic references employed in this communication style can only truly be understood in a shared context and perhaps in this case through group membership (see Hutcheon 1994: 29; Feixa 2006: 236). Thus humour and symbolism provide another means for understanding the importance of the shared experience of the group and its relationship to the greater context. Perhaps the band that embraces humour to the greatest degree is Hog Hoggidy Hog. Its name alone is far from serious and sets a tone, which the band follows in a number of ways. For example, their style is explained as ‘pork rock’ or ‘hogcore’ and some of their stage names also play off the hog theme: George W. Bacon, Lee Lips and Sean Snout. George W. Bacon is also likely to be a play on George W. Bush and this has some insulting implications for the president of the United States. George’s wit and sarcasm are evident in his answers and lyrics. This is what George had to say about the lyrics for Hog Hoggidy Hog:

Personally I don’t really have any particular theme in my lyrics, I write about whatever moves me at the time. I have written political songs, some are social commentary, some are socio-political, some songs are personal and emotional and some are just plain funny. The coolest thing about punk is that there aren’t really

71 any rules or guidelines. Some things seem to be done more often than others, but that definitely doesn’t make them any more punk.

Billy reinforces the fact that punk can be political but that it is only one aspect of punk. ‘Every punk band should have some take on ‘politricks’ but there is a lot more to life than that.’ Punk is certainly not only about politics, often it is just about getting drunk and acting stupid. The drummer from Lowprofile, Yusuf Laher summed up the diversity of punk subject matter quite effectively: ‘Sometimes it’s poetic, political and deep and sometimes it’s fart jokes’. Caroline explains that her band is not political at all, but rather deeply personal and it deals with a wide variety of messages. Caroline would rather use her platform for entertainment and fun, she does not feel the need to educate her public. As Caroline’s band is more commercial or new school, it is expected that her focus would be more on entertainment than politics. Rob, Ryan and Alex similarly said that Not the Majority are not political, but rather religious. In conclusion, a strong political awareness exists among South African punks, but political activism is rarely made a priority. Like anarcho-punk in other countries, anarcho-punk in South Africa appears to be the less celebrated and more underground form of punk. The majority of people in the sample treat politics in vein as new school internationally successful punk bands, because they pay tribute to political issues in a mix of various other issues. There is to a certain extent an appropriation of politics in order to retain some link with the original movement, but this is done possibly more for an image than a cause. The use of satirical discourse by some punks may be political, but it can only be truly understood through group membership and an understanding of the South African context.

5.5 What is unique about South African punk?

It’s my home it’s where I’ll stay and where I belong I didn’t choose to be here I was born I might seem out of place But everything I hold dear is under the African sun -Hog Hoggidy Hog.

72 The lyrics that open this section indicate that lyrical content, context and a sense of being out of place in that context but wanting to belong to it nonetheless, contribute to the distinctiveness of the South African punk scene. This interpretation of the lyrics correlates with the findings presented in this section. In discussing the punk scene’s relationship to the South African context, the scene’s demographics is raised in connection to post-apartheid policies and developments. When South African punk is compared to other countries, issues of wealth, worldviews, lyrical content, musical influence and originality are brought to the fore.

5.5.1 Defying Expectations: Optimistic White Punks Chapter Three demonstrated that the punk subculture has acquired different meanings in different countries. These different meanings were attributed to the context in which the subculture was celebrated. Caroline made this connection for herself and believed that these meanings were contained within South African songs: ‘The messages people sing about in the punk bands of South Africa will obviously have a unique message as it relates to our social climate’. This section explores certain aspects of the post-apartheid context in relation to the demographics of the scene. My own observations, as well as an article in the Mail & Guardian (7 May 2004: 1) suggest that the punk scene is predominantly white. Therefore, the issue of race is especially factored into the discussion. The first aspect that is addressed is the extent to which punks feel included in the new national identity. The second aspect is the extent to which government policies such as equity may lead to a sense of exclusion. The third and related aspect is the views of punks on their future in South Africa. The transition from apartheid South Africa to democratic South Africa created a climate for a new national identity. Peter Alexander (2006: 40) has suggested that two national identities have emerged since the transition. The first is that of the ‘rainbow nation’, which was associated with Nelson Mandela’s presidency and that celebrates diversity (Alexander 2006: 40). The second and more recent is that of ’s ‘’, the Africanist interpretation of which, may be seen to exclude whites, coloureds and Indians from the national identity (Alexander 2006: 41). However, in the post-apartheid climate, many whites would also consider themselves to be African (Alexander 2006: 25).

73 The punk scene was fuelled to a certain degree by the enthusiasm associated with the ‘South African Music Explosion’ that was discussed in the history section. The ‘South African Music Explosion’ happened during Nelson Mandela’s presidency and could therefore be associated with the ‘rainbow nation’ identity. South African punks clearly felt very much a part of this national identity. However, it is less clear whether punks feel included or excluded in the ‘African Renaissance’ identity. When I asked the interviewees about their South African and African identities, Wilma who is white, was not comfortable about being classified as an African, but saw herself as very much a South African. Shaun on the other hand, is also white and considers himself both an African and a South African. Shaun elaborated on his white African identity:

Europeans have a very different culture (I'm generalising) to white Africans with European ancestry. I think that white South Africans don’t really have a very strong sense of their own culture and are constantly looking outwards towards Europe and America for some sense of identity. I think the white South African youth are quite isolated from the rest of the nation. I think the white youth in South Africa have an identity crisis that they need to sort out. I think the youth of South Africa should unite in terms of racial integration and form something that is unique, something that has never been seen before. This will only truly happen if the mixing of the races starts to take place on a larger scale. I think it is starting to happen slowly.

Shaun suggests that white South Africans have constructed their identities in a western mould, as their own sense of culture is weak. Shaun feels that in trying to resolve this ‘identity crisis’ white South Africans should be enriching their identities through racial integration. To try and understand why the punk subculture is predominantly white and why it is that of all western identities, the punk identity was specifically chosen. A few other factors need to be taken into account. It should be noted that whether white South Africans are considered part of the ‘African Renaissance’ or not, their social minority status makes them marginalised to a certain extent. To punks, being an outsider or an outcast is not perceived to be a negative and the punk identity allows white South Africans to take pride in their minority status. The interviewees do not consider themselves to be typical of the vast majority of South Africans. The name ‘Not the Majority’ is testimony to this and one of the band’s members Luke admits that the

74 traditional social marginal status of the punk subculture provides him with a sense of belonging. According to Brake (1980: 81) punk appeals to people who are uncertain about their futures and obtaining work. White South Africans may be uncertain about obtaining work because of Affirmative Action policies. The Employment Equity Act (South Africa, Republic of. 1998:1) has been implemented to help those people who were put at a disadvantage during apartheid. Affirmative action is intended to help black people, women and people with disabilities to achieve equal representation in organisations (South Africa, Republic of. 1998: 7 & 9). Thus the interests of white males are not promoted by this act. It is interesting to note that white males may be more insecure of their futures than white females, especially in light of the British punk section in Chapter Three and the female participation section in this chapter, where it was suggested that the punk subculture caters mostly for masculine identities. Thus it could be assumed that the punk subculture appeals to white South Africans and white males in particular because it offers a way of dealing with anxieties about the future. However, only two of the participants brought up the issue of affirmative action and only one of these saw it in a negative light. Shaun acknowledged that affirmative action was a necessary step for now, but as an anarchist he was sceptical about the government’s true motives and believed its interests were more business than people centred. Luke was not in favour of employment equity and was more inclined to think that people should acquire jobs through merit and not skin colour. He believed that policies like affirmative action tip us into a ‘Zimbabwe type of autocratic governing system.’ Wilma also mentioned the situation in Zimbabwe and the possibility of South Africa following in its footsteps. She did not see that staying in South Africa was really an option and plans to leave if the opportunity presents itself. Her reasoning was that she might have children one day and she would not want to raise them in a country that could very easily turn out like Zimbabwe. Wilma was one of the few interviewees to express any fear over her future in South Africa. Other participants indicated that they were not interested in the corporate world in general and that it was not because of employment equity policies that they had chosen to pursue non-corporate career paths. This is expressed in a Half Price song called ‘The Way it is’:

75 Nine damn hours wasted away. I’m wasting my life. I’m wasting away. Breaking my back down everyday. I hate my job and I’m underpaid.

If more interviewees had expressed concern over employment equity policies, especially in light of high unemployment rates in South Africa, it may have explained their choice in subculture. In most of the contexts explained in Chapter Three, there were high unemployment rates when the punk subcultures emerged. However, this did not appear to be a causal factor in South Africa or at least in this sample. Most of the interviewees were very positive about the future of South Africa and if they were worried about anyone’s future, it was not their own. For example, Caroline said: ‘I love this country and I am looking forward to what the future holds. I am very excited about being a South African now’. Billy, Lauren, Yusuf, Ozzie, Rob and Alex all had positive outlooks on the future, seeing room for growth and improvement in South Africa. Pete was a bit more specific about the areas that require improvement:

They say that the apartheid government built our city, and we are now living in it. Let me just say that whilst conditions are improving slowly for our country, the majority of the population is fucked. With virtually no education, they stand no chance of ever obtaining a formal job and through astronomically unattainable land values on an unsustainable urban land market they have been pushed to the outskirts of the city limits (up to 50 km away - an isolated poverty trap) where public transportation is in some areas non-existent and others severely overcrowded and crime infested. They spend a disproportionate amount of their income on transport, up to 20% of their earnings simply getting to and from work, two to three hours a day! It is that bad. People live in iron boxes called shacks, as they cannot afford housing, imagine a sea of such boxes extending for kilometres on end. The government promises to deliver houses in order to get votes (they actually spend more money on than they do actually doing). Then they roll out boxes, RDP (reconstruction and development) houses, which look like bus stops. They have been proven to be almost uninhabitable considering the average family size of the disadvantaged population.

76

Ryan was also aware of the poverty crisis and the disproportionate wealth distribution situation in South Africa, but felt more hopeful about overcoming it:

South Africa is an awesome country. We have made so many steps forward in restoring dignity and self-worth to the majority of the population, but we still have a long way to go. I don’t think the future of this country lies with government and their manipulative policies but rather with those willing to empower and restore dignity to those who have been treated like trash (one person at a time).

From the interviewees’ answers it would seem that most of them plan on staying in South Africa. If these punks continue to live in South Africa will they continue to support the punk scene? How do South African punks feel about the future of South African punk? George spoke about where the punk scene was heading in the country. He felt that when it started it was fresh and free and moving away from a narrow-minded society, but that now its growth put the scene in danger of becoming a system in itself. He does not want punk to become a narrow-minded sub-society and he wants people to realise that there is more to punk than hairstyles and skateboards. My fieldwork indicates that the scene is no longer growing, but going through a slump. The bands have also tamed down by drinking less and keeping their clothes on. This was evident at the Red Ambulance Christmas party (25 November 2005), where it was almost hard to believe that these bands could live up to their legendary drinking stories. Caroline supported my observations in saying that the momentum of the punk scene had begun to fade, with many punk bands splitting up or converting to different genres: ‘I think the emo punk bands like Tweak, Candy Fly, The Finkelsteins and even Running With Scissors to a large degree have had our fair share of popularity and we will continue to do our thing. New bands will always emerge though and hopefully they will also get to share in that’. Billy put it as follows: ‘The scene is very up and down, it has its high points and it has its slumps’. Rob believes that the punk scene still has a positive future and that it will still grow. Most punks expressed a commitment to South Africa and some articulated a commitment to the punk scene. This presents a contrast to punks during apartheid who felt a need to belong to Britain and felt very little loyalty to their own country. Few of the

77 punks expressed resentment towards the situation in South Africa or fear about their futures, making them distinct from all the other contexts explained in Chapter Three. How else does this punk subculture compare to other scenes?

5.5.2 Punk Compared Another way of establishing what is unique about South African punk is by comparison with punks in other countries. This comparison can be done on the basis of the experiences of the interviewees and the literature covered in Chapter Three. This sub- section will employ this approach to highlight the additional distinctive qualities of South African punk and its relationship to the global scene. Lauren’s experience in London provides the first point of comparison:

The punks in London are hardcore. They don’t have the jolly, stupid, crazy, friendly personas like the South African punks have. Proper mowhawks, , tight jeans, spikes, attitude, no smiles. There are a lot of older punks as opposed to the younger South African punks, I suppose it’s because London is where the punk thing originated, so there are a lot of the original, authentic punks still around. Also unlike the South African punks, the London punks don’t look like they have money. The one day there was this old dirty punk who was petitioning for anti-vivisection. He was completely drunk in the middle of Camden market, he stumbled into a phone booth and I noticed a puddle started forming and running down the road, pissing in the phone booth in the middle of a busy market place.

Lauren got the impression that the punks in London are a lot more aggressive than the punks in South Africa. She also observed that the old school British punk attitude was still being fostered in its original environment and that it was quite different to the new school punk attitude of wealthy punks in the South African scene. Shaun noted certain similarities to Lauren’s observations and his overall impression was that South African punks were ‘walking around with blinkers on.’ Although he admitted that his experience of punk in the UK was limited, he noticed several differences between the two scenes:

78 Punk here [in the UK] is really about anti-idol, anti-celebrity, anti-state and anti- corporations not just the stylistic conventions of these issues that I found to occur in South Africa. A lot of the punks I've met here refuse to work, they live on the dole or sell drugs and either have council homes or if they truly do have a political statement squat vacant buildings. You might think that’s hypocritical to parasite off a system you don’t stand for but it actually does have a point. It’s basically saying we want to cost you enough money for your whole economic system to tilt over and come crashing down. I would say the main problem with SA punk stems from its supporters who come from quite luxurious, wealthy, white, middle class backgrounds, and don’t have anything really pressing within their own lives that they need to fight for or complain about. Water privatisation doesn’t really affect wealthy white punks who can afford to act drunk and pretend they're stupid.

Perhaps, Shaun is correct in assessing wealthy backgrounds, as a reason for the lack of political activism in South African punk. However, many of the interviewees have demonstrated an awareness of socio-political issues such as water privatisation and poverty and are therefore not unaffected by these social problems. In fact, some interviewees have quite the opposite opinion to Shaun because they suggest that punks in first world countries are actually the ones ‘with blinkers on’. After touring Europe, Half Price was shocked about how ignorant punks in first world countries were about Africa. In a sense being exposed to the South African reality can be seen as an important vantage point because South Africans are not blinded to certain social problems so prevalent in their society. Ryan expresses this as follows:

I’m so thankful that I was born here because I get to see poverty and suffering and the reality of life on earth. Most affluent countries are numb and ignorant of the pain and suffering of the majority of the world and therefore never dream bigger than their own personal comfort. Living in this country makes me aware of those less fortunate than myself and also makes me aware that I can help and empower those that are struggling.

Even though South African punks are mostly from middle class backgrounds, they are still exposed to these issues as onlookers. They are also aware of the fact that their class

79 privilege does not make them exempt from the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa. Half Price has written a song on this topic:

We live in a country where thousands die every day of AIDS We all seem to think that it can’t affect me (can’t affect me) But almost everyone I know might have HIV Education Regulation abstain wait till you are old but We don't listen we don't think we never did what we were told There are drugs to help us all. But companies need to make more profit so understand!!! People have to die. The government is glad, less people means less unemployed after all they can’t afford the drugs, Who cares we all think to ourselves man HIV it can’t affect me! So we pick up another fat easy score, You and me, we all have HIV.

Like Ryan and Pete, Paul was conscious of the lyrical content of some South African punk bands. He also recognised some of the creative resources that South Africa has to offer. The combination of sound and content contribute to a punk product that is exclusive to the South African experience of being a punk:

A lot of South African punk bands use elements of traditional African music, which certainly isn't found in the British or American sound. Additionally, the kind of topics our politically-orientated punk bands sing about tend to include issues closer to home, like the AIDS crisis, poverty and retaining a South African identity, rather than Bush's war.

Importantly, Paul also mentions Bush’s war and this relates to the issue of US influence, which will be dealt with shortly, but first I want to say more about the sound of South African punk. Rory also believed that South African musicians had a rich resource of African sounds from which to draw and this in turn makes the South African sound unique. Luke said:

80 South African punk definitely has a 'home feel' and I think that once again it is best seen in the music. Bands such as Fuzigish have ska/ undertones thrown in with traditional African beats, which definitely makes me feel patriotic when I hear them live.

When George reflected on Hog Hoggidy Hog’s recent tour of Europe and the differences between scenes, he also found that South African originality was most clearly demonstrated in the actual music that is being created. This is what George said:

There are quite a few differences, but the one positive thing that stood out about the South African scene or more specifically the Cape Town scene is that the music here is more original. The bands over there are really good, but I didn’t really see anything I haven’t seen or heard before there. The wealth of different cultures coming together in Cape Town seems to have a very positive effect on the creativity. I would say that although the quality standards of the bands there are definitely a lot higher, in Cape Town we have a much larger percentage of bands doing something fresh and unique.

Clearly George believes that the multi-cultural environment has contributed to the imagination of South African punk musicians. The other interviewees have also pointed to the importance of the unique sound that has been cultivated. This could explain why bands that blatantly imitate international punk music are frowned upon. For example, sugar punk bands such as Tweak (Woodstock, 1 October 2005) and 74% Stupid (Roxy Rhythm Bar, 15 October 2005), have incorporated American accents into their singing and found little acceptance in the punk scene. Billy recognises that no bands can be truly unique, but is sceptical about bands that are so unoriginal, to the point that they not only copy artists from the United States, but imitate their accents as well. Yusuf addresses the issue of American accents in relation to his band Lowprofile’s distinctly Durban sound:

81 Apparently we have ‘typical Durban vocals’32, but that's a compliment. We don't need to sing in American accents. Sometimes it's a downer because people just think that the singing’s not that good, or Paul's33 voice doesn't stand out enough, but it's just because it doesn't sound right in their brains because they're so used to American accents. Take a band like Frenzal Rhomb34, people don't like the singing and I'm convinced again, that it's because it sounds wrong to people.

The issue of American accents links to the issue of US influence. South African punk musicians may not approve of pure US imitation, but they do not deny how or why they also subscribe to similar influences. Ryan says that South African punks ‘are largely influenced by the big American punk bands like NOFX, Bad Religion and ’. Luke believes that many South African punks emulate the style of southern Californian punk35. Rory pointed out that many South African bands are initially influenced by ideas and innovations that have been promoted by the global music market. Caroline justified the fact that Running With Scissors drew its inspiration from international artists by explaining that these bands were all it had as references. Paul confirmed this by suggesting that there was no platform for bands to start from and that there were no existing punk bands to be inspired by when the scene was starting out. Where Australian punks articulated resentment towards the dominant cultures of the US and UK, South African punks have expressed a need to move beyond these influences and to offer their own style of punk music. In summary, South African punks are far less aggressive than the British punks that still operate in contemporary London. This new school attitude is often perceived as superficial and even naïve, but South African punks have explained that their experiences and their work are not without content. The South African vantage point could even be used to educate first world punks about some serious socio-political issues in Africa. Lyrical content sometimes deals with these issues and when combined with distinctive

32 Yusuf is referring to a review of Lowprofile’s album ‘Talk to Strangers’ in Blunt magazine (Wright 2005: 87). 33 The lead singer of Lowprofile. 34 Frenzal Rhomb is an Australian punk band that recorded a split album with Fuzigish. 35 The emergence of the current punk scene coincided with a resurgence of punk in California in the mid- 1990s (Horenz 1997: 15). Local music magazines such as Top Forty Magazine also gave punk rock a lot of coverage at this time (1996; 1999). Posters and articles about old school punk bands like and The Sex Pistols received only slightly less coverage than newer punk bands like Green Day and Pennywise. The names of international punk bands appeared far more often than those of local artists.

82 African sounds and flavours, a unique form of South African punk music is created. South African punks acknowledge the strong influence of US punk, but if bands make no attempt to move beyond this initial influence then they are not held in high esteem. In conclusion, South African punks maintain a healthy link to the global punk movement and acknowledge international influences over their work, especially punk from the United States. However, a number of characteristics do make the current punk scene unique. Firstly, the interviewees expressed a strong sense of optimism about the future of South Africa and their futures within it. This is quite different to the pessimism and sometimes fatalism of the other punk subcultures reviewed in the literature. Perhaps the unexpected attitude of these predominantly white, male and middle class punks can also be attributed to a closer affiliation with new school than old school punk. New school punks are socially aware, but they are more concerned about having fun than aggressively challenging the system as old school punks might have done. South African punks feel that the post-apartheid context has provided them with unique experiences, rich creative resources and the opportunity to move beyond their initial US influences.

5.6 Conclusion

Inspired by the energy and potential of a new South Africa, a group of creative youth began to express themselves through a style of music known as punk. While battling to inspire a following, a sense of camaraderie grew between those who loved and celebrated the scene. As the scene slowly grew, it became clear that skanking and beer drinking were not the only ways of participating in the scene. Soon websites and zines appeared that expressed the punk identity in images, words and ideas. The punk genre was not restricted to one sound and a range of sub-categories emerged. Some of these sub- categories carried philosophies, all of them came to have personal meanings to the punks that embraced them. Punk attitude found further expression on a skateboard and another space was created for shaping masculine identities. However, this did not limit the appeal of the punk identity for the female participants, who enjoyed other aspects of the scene. The meanings associated with the punk identity are appropriately diverse in the ‘New South Africa’, but do punk identities still contain any political meaning? Yes, some of them do. Two of the participants were self-proclaimed anarchist punks and their political beliefs were very strong and very much in line with the old school of punk. Most of the

83 participants showed some sort of political awareness, but this appeared to stem more from being a South African than a punk. Some South African punk musicians tackle political issues in their lyrics and participate in benefit concerts, but this is not the chief purpose of their identities. Unlike, the punk scene in the US and UK, these punks do not express a despondency over their own futures. The emphasis is on fun and the sound of their music has an African flavour that gives it a distinctive edge.

84 CHAPTER SIX

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Looking back to my first experience of a punk night, as described in Chapter One, I am pleased to discover that I now know a lot more about the South African punk scene. I have come to realise that although punk could be described as a cultural and sometimes political phenomenon with DIY music and fashion practices central to its philosophy, this definition should only be used as a starting point. This is partly because it stems from previous attempts to conceptualise punk that produced limited understandings of the phenomenon and partly, because punk has developed many more meanings over the last thirty years. In the final chapter of this minor dissertation, a few punk nights later, I will outline what these discoveries were and draw some conclusions about punk identities in post-apartheid South Africa. Chapter Two examined the conceptual tools that could be used to analyse punk culture and concluded that ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ were useful, but inadequate. ‘Identity’ on the other hand, was capable of highlighting and examining the complexities of the punk phenomenon. When this argument was applied to the history of the punk movement in Chapter Three, it was found that early subcultural studies had overlooked the role of some of the identities that were important in the 1970s British punk scene; gender was the most noteworthy of these. Although it is true that all identities involve a meeting point of multiple identities, cross-cutting identities played a particularly striking role in the construction of British punk identities, with issues related to identity politics often taking centre stage. ‘Identity’ as an analytical tool would have been more suited to recognising the role of cross-cutting experiences in the construction of punk. It would also have revealed that punk was never the coherent movement that the concept of ‘subculture’ portrayed it to be. Chapter Three also emphasised the role of context in shaping the distinguishing characteristics of punk collectives in different parts of the world. Similarities between contexts were perceived as equally important and attributed to the globalisation of punk. Where British punk once exerted influence over global punk symbols, the United States has taken over by introducing punk innovations that are now more popular in the contemporary global punk scene. These developments were discussed in terms of

85 ‘scenes’, which demonstrated the value of its application as a means to explore the operation of punk collectives and also the fragmentation of punk into sub-categories. Sub-categories of punk include anarcho-punk, straightedge punk and skate-punk and they all contribute to the multiple and sometimes contradictory meanings of punk. Although these sub-categories were different they all conveyed some sort of discontent with the way things are and in some cases this was expressed in political terms. Unlike ‘scene’ and ‘subculture’, ‘identity’ would accommodate the multiple and interweaving influences and experiences of punk, which include cross-cutting identities, context, the sub- categories of punk and political utilisations of the identity. Chapter Four outlined the three qualitative research methods that were used to collect data. The three methods that were used were a qualitative content analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews. The data was analysed thematically and it soon became clear that some of the meanings of punk identities demonstrated in Chapter Three, had found acceptance in South Africa. However, South African punks had added a number of their own twists and the primary data presented the opportunity to expand a number of the ideas presented in Chapter Three. The first finding that could be developed from Chapter Three was that sub- categories contribute to the multiple meanings of punk. Chapter Five provided further evidence for this argument and even discovered a number of extra sub-categories that had not yet been discussed. More importantly, an old school/new school classification was introduced that assisted in detecting a pattern with which to understand all these sub- categories. That is, that there had been shift from old school to new school punk. The new school outlook is far more fun than the aggressive old school punk attitude of the 1970s. It was even recommended that punk’s nominal identity be changed to reflect the radical transformation of punk as a virtual identity. However, the shift from old school to new school punk was not a clean break from one school to the next, as old school punk attitudes are still present in the South African context. The old school/new school classification should be understood as a continuum, with hardcore punk, ska-punk and anarcho-punk sitting near the old school end of the continuum and with emo and sugar punk closest to the new school end. These sub-categories lend individuals a variety of takes on the meaning of punk and are open to further interpretation. ‘Identity’ as a concept allowed one to recognise, that while the significance of the collective is important, one could not ignore the diverse group of individuals who

86 participate in the punk scene. To ignore individual interpretations would be to make the same mistake as theories on ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’, which only focused on the meaning of the collective. The importance of individual identities became especially evident when addressing cross-cutting experiences, another theme that continued from Chapter Three. Every individual has more than one identity and these intersecting experiences contribute to meaning. For example, the punk band called Running With Scissors is notable for its exclusively female membership and predominantly female fan base, which is the exception to the rule in a scene dominated by males. That is, their female identities are equally significant to their punk identities in terms of how they experience the scene and the meanings that they eventually attribute to both of them. Similarly, the members of Not the Majority draw their identities from their Christian values. This not only provides a sharp contrast to the found in British punk, it highlights the fact that religion is equally, if not more important, than their punk experience, in terms of how they construct their identities. Political utilisations were emphasised as an important dimension of punk identities in Chapter Three, but politics was only one of many issues dealt with by South African punks. Punk continues to flirt with anarchy in the South African context, but the extent to which this develops into a serious relationship depends very much on the individual’s interpretation of and commitment to anarchism. South African punk musicians generally expressed political beliefs and social awareness in their lyrics, and they performed at benefit concerts, but they were not explicitly political and activism was not made a priority. Very few punks practised punk protest or represented the explicit voice of resistance that I sought in the introduction. Collective characteristics are shaped by the shared experience of the punk scene and its relationship to the larger context. The punk identity allows this small group of predominantly white, middle class males, to take pride in their minority status in South Africa. Despite their potentially marginalised position, the current punk scene is generally optimistic about the future of South Africa and their futures within it. Inspired by the novelty of being ‘proudly South African’, the punk scene came to embrace a spirit of creative camaraderie rather than the traditional punk practices of explicit defiance. This makes South African punks distinct from punks in all the other contexts explained in Chapter Three. That is, unlike punks in Britain and Hungary who felt despondent and

87 fatalistic because of their uncertain national contexts, South African punks were optimistic about the future of their country. This striking difference to other punk collectives is partly attributed to the changing nature of punk culture from old school to new school. Although old school attitudes still exist within the scene, new school punks are far more common in South Africa. This new school attitude is often perceived as superficial and even naïve, but South African punks have explained that their experiences and their work are not without content. The South African vantage point could even be used to educate first world punks about some serious socio-political issues in Africa, such as poverty and the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Lyrical content sometimes deals with these issues and when combined with distinctive African sounds and flavours, a unique form of South African punk music is created. South African punks feel that the post-apartheid context has provided them with unique experiences, rich creative resources and the opportunity to move beyond their initial US influences. In conclusion, this study has helped to document the post-apartheid punk scene from a sociological perspective and to reduce the gap identified in Chapter One. In doing so, it has revealed that ‘identity’ can enhance the value of ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ to produce a more nuanced understanding of the punk phenomenon. In such an analysis, the meaning of punk is found to extend beyond the shared experience of the scene, to engage with the social context and other identities as well. Depending on the individual, political motivations and sub-categorisation can be important to punk identities too. It is recommended that further research should be conducted to develop an international and comparative history of punk. The punk phenomenon is a worthy research topic for sociologists because if nothing else, it reminds us to perpetually question and challenge the way things are.

88 APPENDIX 1

GLOSSARY

Anarcho-Punk: a style of punk that is very political and that advocates anarchism and radical lifestyle choices. Crust punk: is a dark and heavy style of punk music that is very politically oriented and that is derived from anarcho-punk. Crust punks are discontent with the social system and express a desire to not belong or be associated with that system. They make this statement by fostering a dirty and sometimes even smelly image. DIY: stands for ‘do-it-yourself’ and is central to most punk philosophies because it allows for greater creative freedom and less corporate control. Emo punk: emo is the abbreviation of emotional or emotive. It is also a style of punk that places emphasis on personal experiences and relationships. Fanzine: A fanzine is a type of newsletter or journal. It is an alternative to mainstream media and it is not produced for profit but rather for love of the subject. Festival: normally involves a few bands and often takes place over a whole day or a few days. Music and other forms of entertainment provide the focus of the festival. Gig: an opportunity for a band to play live in front of an audience. Jock: a stereotype of a male who is obsessed with playing sport and who is often portrayed as a bully. Hardcore Punk: A style of punk music that is particularly loud and fast. Mosh Pit: fans jump around and into one another while a band is playing. Mullet (and dreaded mullet): a mullet is a hairstyle where the front of the hair is kept short and the back of the hair remains significantly longer. A dreaded mullet is a similar hairstyle, but the longer hair is normally matted into dreadlocks. MTV: stands for Music Television. It is a global media network with localised versions in certain regions. Niche Publication: A magazine that focuses on one topic or caters for a specialised market. Oppikoppi: A music festival that takes place several times in a year, most notably over Easter and at the beginning of spring.

89 Pop Punk or Sugar punk: pop music that is marketed as punk and often has certain similarities to the punk style of music Psychobilly: a combination of punk and rockabilly music (see rockabilly). This subculture is not political and has an appreciation for horror movies. Punks Against Racism: a concert that was held at Thrashers Skatepark in Pretoria in 2000 to promote anti-racism. : British Punk way of ‘dancing’ that involved jumping up and down in the spot and occasionally jumping into other people as well. Rockabilly: a style of music that plays tribute to the 1950s by playing a combination of blues, rock and country music. Rock Against Racism (RAR): a British protest against the National Front and racism. Rock For the Revolution: a concert organized by the Treatment Action Campaign in 2005 to raise social awareness about HIV and AIDS in South Africa, and to develop funds for anti-retroviral medicines. Showcase: a platform for a band to play their music and get heard, especially for new or unrecognised bands. Ska-punk: is punk music that incorporates aspects of ska music, such as ‘choppy guitar rhythms and light-hearted lyrics’ (Pather 2001: 32). Hebdige (1979: 142) explains that the ska sound emphasises the upbeat through the use of drums, bass and a brass section. Skank: running or jumping around in a circle while a punk band is playing live. Skatepark: a park that caters for skaters and is usually demarcated by a series of ramps. Skate-punk: a style of punk that celebrates an affiliation with skateboard culture. Straightedge punk: punks that are against drugs, alcohol, promiscuous sex and animal abuse (Wood 2003: 34). Woodstock: An annual youth music festival in South Africa that has been celebrated every September since 1999. Zabalaza: an anarchist communist federation that are specifically concerned with the Southern African region (Zabalaza 2005: 1). Zine: a DIY publication compiled by fans of a particular phenomenon that often addresses issues that music magazines have neglected.

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SOURCES Primary Sources

Interviewees

Name Age Gender City Interview Date/s

Alex 34 Male Durban Musician 1 February 2006 Rodriguez 2 February 2006 Billy 22 Male Johannesburg Musician and 12 January 2006 (pseudonym) student Caroline 30 Female Johannesburg Musician and 30 January 2006 Hillary consultant George W. 29 Male Cape Town Musician 8 December 2005 Bacon Hennie La 43 Male Cape Town Musician, 1 February 2006 Grange producer, writer Lauren Jooste 23 Female Johannesburg Graphic and 9 December 2005 fashion design 24 January 2006 student Luke Jordaan 23 Male Durban Musician 27 January 2006 Paul ‘Ozzie’ 25 Male Durban Musician 4 January 2006 Oxborrow Pete Grey 22 Male Cape Town Musician and 5 January 2006 MA student Rambo 23 Male Johannesburg Multi-media 26 December (pseudonym) designer and 2005 musician

Rob Garrett 20 Male Durban Musician and 29 January 2006 student Rory Mayne 26 Male Johannesburg Musician 27 August 2005 Ryan Edwards 23 Male Durban Musician and 1 February 2006 student Shaun Firkser 24 Male Johannesburg Multimedia 13 October 2005 (and London) designer 7 November 2005 28 November2005 5 December 2005 Wilma Smit 23 Female Johannesburg Video 13 November Producer 2005 Yusuf Laher 25 Male Durban Musician 11 January 2006

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Gigs and Other Observation Sites

Venue Band/s or Event Date Oppikoppi Hog Hoggidy Hog, Fuzigish, 5 August – 7 (Northam)* The Slash Dogs. August 2005 Cresta Shopping Skateboarding 27 August 2005 Centre in Randburg Tokyo Star in DJ (‘counter-culture’ café) 22 September 2005 Melville Woodstock 7 at the Fuzigish, Misled, The Slash 30 September – 2 Hartebeespoort Dogs, Candy Fly, Tweak and October 2005 Holiday Resort* the Finkelsteins. Roxy Rhythm Bar in Half Price, Candy Fly, Harvey 2 15 October 2005 Melville Face and 74% Stupid Coca-Cola Dome in Violent Femmes and Fuzigish 5 November 2005 Northgate Doors in Edenvale DJ 18 November 2005 Tanz Café at The Domestics 24 November 2005 Riverside Centre Red Ambulance Fuzigish, Half Price, Misled and 25 November 2005 Christmas Party at the Diesel Whores The Bohemian in Richmond Black Star in Specialist Shop in Punk and 6 December 2005 Melville Alternative Commodities Roxy Rhythm Bar in Candy Fly and the Diesel 9 December 2005 Melville Whores. Gandalfs in DJ 26 December 2005 Observatory (Cape Town)* Sunrise Bar in Punk gathering 9 January 2006 Malanshof Doors in Edenvale DJ 14 January 2006 Roxy Rhythm Bar in Candy Fly and Running With 27 January 2006 Melville Scissors Boogaloos Skatepark Skateboarding 28 January 2006 at Monte Casino

* With the exception of Gandalfs, OppiKoppi and Woodstock, all the gigs took place within the Gauteng province. Observatory is in the Western Cape. Northam and Hartebeestpoort are both in the North West province.

92 Magazines and Zines

Bacon, G. W. 2005. ‘A Punk’s Tale: George Bacon’s Ten Year Hogacy’. Blunt Magazine, October: 36-38 McKune, C. 2005. ‘Globurisation…What? Why Are We Supposed To Hate Globalisation?’ Blunt Magazine, September: 117. Gedye, L. 2005. ‘The Clash: Give ‘Em Enough Rope.’ Stage Magazine, December: 48- 51. Horenz, M. 1997. ‘Hog Hoggidy Hog Interview’. Top Forty Magazine, August: 15. Profane, J. 2005. ‘Noam Chomsky: Punk Legend’. Blunt Magazine, August: 78-79. Steak. 2005. ‘Fuzigish’. Stage Magazine, September: 29. Screams, J. 2001. ‘Interview with Hog Hoggidy Hog’. Silent Screams, April. Accessed from www.punk.co.za/silentscreams on 14 December 2005. Van der Walt, P. 2005. ‘Defining Punk Rock’. Blunt Magazine, October: 57. Van Heerden, A. & S. Venter. 2005. ‘Scene Heroes.’ Gigzine. Accessed from http://www.gigzine.com/interviews.html on 27 January 2006. Williams, M. 2005. ‘Matt Edwards’. Blunt Magazine, September: 32. Williams, M. 2005. ‘Make That a Double: The Evolution of Half Price’. Blunt Magazine, November: 66. Wright, A. 2005. ‘Lowprofile: Talk To Strangers’ review’. Blunt Magazine, December: 87.

Lyrics

Fuzigish & Frenzal Rhomb (Split album). 2002. ‘Conspiracy’. On The Unwanted Traveller (CD). Johannesburg: Revolution. Fuzigish & Frenzal Rhomb. (Split album). 2002. ‘Fight the Fight’. On The Unwanted Traveller (CD). Johannesburg: Revolution. Half Price. 2004 (a). ‘HIV Positive’. On Taking Life Seriously (CD). Johannesburg: Red Ambulance. Half Price. 2004 (b). ‘Can-O-Beer’. On Taking Life Seriously (CD). Johannesburg: Red Ambulance. Half Price. 2004 (c). ‘Drink All Day’. On Taking Life Seriously (CD). Johannesburg: Red Ambulance. Half Price. 2004 (d). ‘Real Men’. On Taking Life Seriously (CD). Johannesburg: Red Ambulance. Half Price. 2005. ‘The Way It Is’. Unrecorded Song. Accessed from http://www.drunkpunk.co.za/lyrnew.htm on 20 October 2005. Hog Hoggidy Hog. 2004 (a). ‘Sad Goodbye’. On Oink (CD). Cape Town. Hogmosh Music. Hog Hoggidy Hog. 1997. ‘Sorry No Chicks’. On Fishpaste & Vibe (CD). Cape Town: Way Cool Records. Hog Hoggidy Hog. 2004 (b).‘African Son’. On Oink (CD). Cape Town: Hogmosh Music. Hog Hoggidy Hog. 2004. (c)‘The Incident’. On Oink (CD). Cape Town: Hogmosh Music. The Stevie Wonderfuls. 2003. ‘Breakdown’. Accesessed from http://www.thesteviewonderfuls.co.za/lyrics.htm on 29 September 2005.

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