Iraq As a Battlefield of Foreign Powers the "Democracy" Under the Rule of Islamic Law Imported in 2003 Has Paved the Way 1
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Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law
Berkeley Law Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2005 Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law Hanny Megally Hania Mufti Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/facpubs Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq, 27 Hum. Rts. Q. 830 (2005) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Bremer's "Gordian Knot": Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover,* Hanny Megally, ** & Hania Mufti*** ABSTRACT Shortly after the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, in his capacity as the chief administrator of the Coalition Provisional Author- ity (CPA), introduced several transitional justice mechanisms that set the *Eric Stover is Director of the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, and Adjunct Professor in the School of Public Health. In 1991, Stover led a team of forensic scientists to northern Iraq to investigate war crimes committed by Iraqi troops during the Anfal campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s. In March and April 2003, he returned to northern Iraq where he and Hania Mufti monitored the compliance with the 1949 Geneva Conventions by all sides to the conflict. He returned to Iraq in February 2004 to assist Mufti in investigating the status of documentary and physical evidence to be used in trials against Saddam Hussein and other members of the Ba'athist Party. -
A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses. -
The Cost and Benefits of Education in Iraq
THE COST AND BENEFITS OF EDUCATION IN IRAQ: AN ANALYSIS OF THE EDUCATION SECTOR AND STRATEGIES TO MAXIMIZE THE BENEFITS OF EDUCATION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY There has been remarkable progress in education in Iraq. Enrolment in primary education grew tremendously over the past decade, increasing at about 4.1% per year. As of 2015-2016, 9.2 million students are enrolled across all education levels in Iraq. The total enrolment in primary education almost doubled to six million children in 2012 from 3.6 million in 2000. Girls’ enrolment grew at all levels and at faster rates than boys’ enrolment, although they are still enrolled in lower numbers than boys and tend to drop out at a higher rate. The rising number of students and recent financial crisis in Iraq pose new challenges in terms of providing sufficient education resources for the growing number of students. Unless Iraq increases its public education resources, its expanding enrolment will continue to strain existing education resources. In fact, as of 2013, 13.5% of school-aged Iraqi children (1.2 million children) did not have access to basic education.1 For those who are in school, there are large drop out and repetition rates. The quality of education and learning outcomes is decreasing, due in part to multiple-shifting of schools and dropping teacher retention rates. Government spend- ing on education infrastructure also remains low, although there is a marked increase in private schools yielding higher achievement rates. Looking at Iraq Centre and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), this report aims to update the education situation, quantify the economic benefits of education, and identify sources of inefficiencies as well as key priority themes in the education sector with clear links to the National Education Strategy 2011-2020. -
Terror and Trickster
ABSTRACT TERROR AND TRICKSTER One of the ways in which rhetors stabilize the meaning of terrorism is through the vilification process. Two sets of artifacts were analyzed to explore the rhetorical mechanisms of and alternatives to radical vilification. The first set of artifacts demonstrates how Orthodox Terrorism Studies (OTS) scholars vilify and exclude Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) scholars and their ideas. I argue OTS scholars perform rhetorical exclusion (Sanchez, Stuckey, & Morris, 1999) through naming, shifting the burden of proof, and strategic silence (Endres, 2009) to vilify CTS scholars. The second set of artifacts focuses on President Barack Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry’s rhetoric about ISIL from the first time they mentioned ISIL up to the execution of James Foley, a journalist. I analyze the speeches for vilification through rhetorical exclusion (naming and strategic silence), metaphors, and the Manichean dichotomy of Good vs. Evil. Finally, an alternative framework is offered to replace radical vilification. The alternative is the Trickster, an archetypal figure common to Native American and other indigenous discourse. Farrokh Eizadiboroujeni August 2016 i ii TERROR AND TRICKSTER by Farrokh Eizadiboroujeni A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Communication in the College of Arts and Humanities California State University, Fresno August 2016 APPROVED For the Department of Communication: We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following -
Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States. -
Rebuilding Contested States
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Australian National University Rebuilding Contested States A comparative study of institutional design during political transition in Egypt, Iraq, Libya, & Tunisia Jessica Genauer November, 2018 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University © Copyright by Jessica Genauer, 2018 All Rights Reserved Declaration I declare that this PhD thesis contains no material that has been submitted previously, in whole or in part, for the award of any other academic degree or diploma. Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own work. This research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship. Jessica Genauer Forward and Acknowledgments In 2011, as the Middle East and North Africa region exploded in political upheaval, I was in Jerusalem completing my Masters in Political Science. Watching long-term regimes that seemed so impermeable, shaken to their core in a matter of months, left a dramatic and lasting impression. Following closely over subsequent years, the missteps, twists and turns, and political trajectories in each state left me with the question: what do we understand about rebuilding contested states, and how is our knowledge still incomplete? Designing my thesis project a few years later, it was clear to me that I wanted to address this question. The goal of my research project was to contribute to our understanding of how the interaction amongst societal groups on the design and implementation of new political institutions shapes the trajectory of a political transition. -
Iraq Between Maliki and the Islamic State July 9, 2014
Iraq Between Maliki and the Islamic State July 9, 2014 POMEPS Briefings 24 Contents Seeking to explain the rise of sectarianism in the Middle East . 4 By Toby Dodge The Middle East quasi-state system . 10 By Ariel I. Ahram How can the U .S . help Maliki when Maliki’s the problem? . 12 By Marc Lynch Why the Iraqi army collapsed (and what can be done about it) . 13 By Keren Fraiman, Austin Long, Columbia University, and Caitlin Talmadge Getting rid of Maliki won’t solve Iraq’s crisis . 15 By Fanar Haddad How Arab backers of the Syrian rebels see Iraq . 17 By Marc Lynch Want to defeat ISIS in Iraq? More electricity would help . 19 By Andrew Shaver and Gabriel Tenorio Will ISIS Cohere or Collapse? . 22 By Paul Staniland Maliki has only himself to blame for Iraq’s crisis . 23 By Zaid Al-Ali Was Obama wrong to withdraw troops from Iraq? . 26 By Jason Brownlee Can ISIS overcome the insurgency resource curse? . 29 By Ariel I. Ahram The Calculated Caliphate . 31 By Thomas Hegghammer The logic of violence in the Islamic State’s war . 34 By Stathis N. Kalyva The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Henry Luce Foundation . -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
Iraq, August 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Iraq, August 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: IRAQ August 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Iraq (Al Jumhuriyah al Iraqiyah). Short Form: Iraq. Term for Citizen(s): Iraqi(s). Click to Enlarge Image Capital: Baghdad. Major Cities (in order of population size): Baghdad, Mosul (Al Mawsil), Basra (Al Basrah), Arbil (Irbil), Kirkuk, and Sulaymaniyah (As Sulaymaniyah). Independence: October 3, 1932, from the British administration established under a 1920 League of Nations mandate. Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1) and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein (April 9) are celebrated on fixed dates, although the latter has lacked public support since its declaration by the interim government in 2003. The following Muslim religious holidays occur on variable dates according to the Islamic lunar calendar, which is 11 days shorter than the Gregorian calendar: Eid al Adha (Feast of the Sacrifice), Islamic New Year, Ashoura (the Shia observance of the martyrdom of Hussein), Mouloud (the birth of Muhammad), Leilat al Meiraj (the ascension of Muhammad), and Eid al Fitr (the end of Ramadan). Flag: The flag of Iraq consists of three equal horizontal bands of red (top), white, and black with three green, five-pointed stars centered in the white band. The phrase “Allahu Akbar” (“God Is Great”) also appears in Arabic script in the white band with the word Allahu to the left of the center star and the word Akbar to the right of that star. Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early History: Contemporary Iraq occupies territory that historians regard as the site of the earliest civilizations of the Middle East. -
Democratization in Iraq by Kate Lotz and Tim Melvin
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE Democratization in Iraq by Kate Lotz and Tim Melvin Prospects for political and economic success in Iraq are uncertain. The U.S.-led effort can fail in many ways, notably by a loss of political will in the face of terrorism and weak allies. On the other hand, success could change the shape of political institutions throughout the Middle East (Robert J. Barro in Business Week, April 5, 2004). In great numbers and under great risk, Iraqis have shown their commitment to democracy. By participating in free elections, the Iraqi people have firmly rejected the anti-democratic ideology of the terrorists. They have refused to be intimidated by thugs and assassins. And they have demonstrated the kind of courage that is always the foundation of self-government (George W. Bush, from Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, February 7, 2005). Restructuring Iraq's political system will be laden with difficulties, but it will certainly be feasible. At the same time, the blueprint for Iraq's democracy must reflect the unique features of Iraqi society. Once the system is in place, its benefits will quickly become evident to Iraq's various communities; if it brings economic prosperity (hardly unlikely given the country's wealth), the postwar structure will gradually, yet surely, acquire legitimacy (Adeed and Karen Dawisha in Foreign Affairs, May/June 2003). With the war in Iraq over, Coalition forces are still present as the cultivation of Iraqi democracy is underway. Coalition-led democratization in Iraq will prove to be a lengthy and complex objective, but one which will be pursued until successfully accomplished. -
SMA CENTCOM Reach-Back Reports
SMA CENTCOM Reach-back Reports This is Part 4 of a 9 part series of SMA Reach back responses to questions posed by USCENTCOM. Each report contains responses to multiple questions grouped by theme. 7 February 2017 1 At the request of United States Central Command (USCENTCOM), the Joint Staff, Deputy Director for Global Operations (DDGO), jointly with other elements in the JS, Services, and U.S. Government (USG) Agencies, has established a SMA virtual reach-back cell. This initiative, based on the SMA global network of scholars and area experts, is providing USCENTCOM with population based and regional expertise in support of ongoing operations in the Iraq/Syria region. The Strategic Multi-Layer Assessment (SMA) provides planning support to Commands with complex operational imperatives requiring multi-agency, multi-disciplinary solutions that are NOT within core Service/Agency competency. Solutions and participants are sought across USG and beyond. SMA is accepted and synchronized by Joint Staff (JS/J-3/DDGO) and executed by ASD(R&E)/EC&P/RRTO. 2 Table of Contents What are the strategic objectives and motivations of indigenous state and non-state partners in the counter-ISIL fight? ......................................................................................................................................... 4 In light of their divergent goals and interests, what are the necessary factors that would permit the U.S.- led Coalition, regional stakeholders (including Israel, Russia, and Iran), or jihadist groups to achieve their aims in Iraq? Where do disparate groups’ interests align and where do they diverge? What can the U.S. coalition do to deny adversaries the ability to achieve their goals? ....................................................... 107 What are near and long term Turkish interests and intentions in Syria and Iraq? What are Turkish interests and intentions with respect to al-Bab? .................................................................................................... -
The Potential Return of Nationalism in Iraq
The Potential Return of Nationalism in Iraq Jeffrey Knapp Bemidji State University Political Science Senior Thesis Bemidji State University Dr. Patrick Donnay, Advisor April 2010 1 Abstract Over the past decade, Iraq has experienced a tremendous amount of change from once being a dictatorial regime to becoming a new and developing democracy. Iraq is dominantly composed of three main and distinct groups known as the Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. This paper attempts examine whether or not, Iraqi individuals see themselves first and foremost as Iraqis or as being Muslims first. There has been little research conducted that specifically examines the relationship between nationalism and ethnic identity in Iraq. However, some research suggests that most Iraqis see themselves as being Iraqi first instead of being Muslim first. This study addresses the relationship by examining data from the World Values Survey. Preliminary results confirm that many Sunni and Shiite Iraqi individuals view themselves as Iraqi first rather than Muslim first. 2 Introduction Currently Iraq is struggling to become an emerging democracy in the Middle East. It is a country that has been plagued by insurgent violence since the US led invasion in 2003, but throughout its history there have been ethnic tensions, even under Saddam’s rule. This state is dominantly made up of three distinct groups the Sunni Muslims, Shiite Muslims, and the Kurdish people. Tensions between these different groups have been present throughout Iraq’s history as a state especially during the break up of the empires in 1920 and again in 1973. The current atmosphere in Iraq shows little hope for a unified Iraqi state.