War and Peace in the Caucasus
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Russian History: a Brief Chronology (998-2000)
Russian History: A Brief Chronology (998-2000) 1721 Sweden cedes the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea to Russia (Treaty of Nystad). In celebration, Peter’s title Kievan Russia is changed from tsar to Emperor of All Russia Abolition of the Patrarchate of Moscow. Religious authority passes to the Holy Synod and its Ober- prokuror, appointed by the tsar. 988 Conversion to Christianity 1722 Table of Ranks 1237-1240 Mongol Invasion 1723-25 The Persian Campaign. Persia cedes western and southern shores of the Caspian to Russia Muscovite Russia 1724 Russia’s Academy of Sciences is established 1725 Peter I dies on February 8 1380 The Battle of Kulikovo 1725-1727 Catherine I 1480 End of Mongol Rule 1727-1730 Peter II 1462-1505 Ivan III 1730-1740 Anne 1505-1533 Basil III 1740-1741 Ivan VI 1533-1584 Ivan the Terrible 1741-1762 Elizabeth 1584-98 Theodore 1744 Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst arrives in Russia and assumes the name of Grand Duchess 1598-1613 The Time of Troubles Catherine Alekseevna after her marriage to Grand Duke Peter (future Peter III) 1613-45 Michael Romanoff 1762 Peter III 1645-76 Alexis 1762 Following a successful coup d’etat in St. Petersburg 1672-82 Theodore during which Peter III is assassinated, Catherine is proclaimed Emress of All Russia Imperial Russia 1762-1796 Catherine the Great 1767 Nakaz (The Instruction) 1772-1795 Partitions of Poland 1682-1725 Peter I 1773-1774 Pugachev Rebellion 1689 The Streltsy Revolt and Suppression; End of Sophia’s Regency 1785 Charter to the Nobility 1695-96 The Azov Campaigns 1791 Establishment fo the Pale of Settlement (residential restrictions on Jews) in the parts of Poland with large 1697-98 Peter’s travels abroad (The Grand Embassy) Jewish populations, annexed to Russia in the partitions of Poland (1772, 1793, and 1795) and in the 1698 The revolt and the final suppression of the Streltsy Black Sea liitoral annexed from Turkey. -
Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President. -
Georgia: What Now?
GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE -
History As a Means of Conflict and Conflict Resolution in the North Caucasus/Chechnya by Cecile Druey
History as a Means of Conflict and Conflict Resolution in the North Caucasus/Chechnya by Cecile Druey Starting from the example of the post-Soviet space, this article is interested in how conflicts are caused by – or result in – tensions between groups promot- ing different types and versions of historical memory. In the neo-authoritari- an, (post-) conflict setting of Chechnya, Jan Assman’s concept of cultural and communicative memory offers an interesting entry point to analyse the differ- ent types and levels of conflict, between the Chechens and Moscow, and within society in Chechnya proper. With the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the nationalisation of historiography in the 1990s, the new elites of Chechnya formulated local alternatives to the dominant Russian (and Soviet) narrative of the past. During the second war in Chechnya in the early 2000s, and with the strengthening of authoritarianism under the Kadyrov regime, the formerly open conflict with Moscow was again pushed underground. Ramzan Kadyrov’s instrumentalisation of history as a means to legitimise his cult of the Kadyrov family and the political choice for Moscow, that is, for Vladimir Putin, plays an important role in fuelling these grievances. Civil society, and expecially young people are an important actor in this conflict between official (or cultural) and popular (or communicative) forms of historical memory – a new conflict that is smouldering within the Chechen society, only waiting to eventually break out. Keywords: Communicative Memory, Cult of Personality. Post-Soviet Space, Memory Conflicts, Chechnya, Cultural Memory, Introduction The newly-gained independence or aspirations for autonomy and self-determi- - nation borne out of the collapse of the Soviet Union have put in motion the redefi nition of national and ethnic identities, which has often resulted in armed conflicts createbetween an minority ongoing riskgroups of re-escalation. -
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Georgia Human Development Report 2008 The Reforms and Beyond Published for UNDP Georgia Copyright © 2008 United Nations Development Programme 9 Eristavi Street, 0179 Tbilisi, Georgia All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission ISBN 978-9941-0-0571-8 Editing: Caitlin Ryan Cover and layout: Dimitri Modrekelize, Contour Ltd. Printing: Calamus Graphics Studio Executive summary Team for the preparation of Georgia Human Development Report 2008 Project coordinator Viktor Baramia Lead author George Welton Co-authors Tinatin Zurabishvili and Natalia Nozadze Research assistant George Kiziria Authors of background papers Givi Kutidze, Eka Avaliani, Lasha Gotsiridze, Giorgi Berulava, Tato Urjumelashvili, Shorena Abesadze, Tinatin Zurabishvili, Vakhtang Megrelishvili, Keti Kinkladze, Nino Kizikurashvili, Giorgi Meladze. Human development advisors Andrey Ivanov and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh Indicators computation: Nodar Kapanadze and Mihail Peleah Georgia Human Development Report 2008 Forewords The UNDP National Human Development However, as we enter the second phase of the Report comes at an important time in Georgia’s reforms we need to be forward-looking. The relentless pursuit of enhanced economic devel- Report reminds us that the objective of these opment for all. The beginning of this administra- reforms has always been Human Development tion’s second term is an ideal time for reflection in the fullest sense. We do not only seek to pro- on what we have achieved and what we still need duce a wealthy society. We want our society to be to do. As a long-term supporter of Georgian re- democratic and participatory, educated, healthy forms, UNDP is ideally placed to engage with us and secure. -
The University of Arizona
Sheikhs, Salafis, and the State: The Evolution of Muslim Politics in Chechnya Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Haberstock, Kara Lyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 02/10/2021 20:02:02 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/297597 SHEIKHS, SALAFZS, AND THE STATE KmLyn Hek A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fmtof the Bachelors degree With Honors in htimational Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA MAY 2013 - -- - - - - - Dr. Adele Bar r Department of7 wian and Slavic Studies I , I of Mzona Elmtronlc Thmm and Dl-IWS 1, Reproducflon and Dsstrlbutlon Rights Fmm The UA Campus dissemination and prmwdon of whotarship produced by Unimaf Arizona University Ubrery, in ~~ with the Honors College, hm sstabllshad a to shere, archive, and pmerve undergrolduate More theta Campus lbpcMay are available for public vleuv. Submisdon of your Umk to the Re$Mmbry pM88an your work to graduate eehods and future smployers, It also allow8 for wr work to tm In your discipline, ambling you to contribute to tha knowkdge base in your field. Your signature on whether ywr thesis Is included in Ehe r@podmy. I hemby grant to the Un of Arizona Ubrary the nonexcluslw wofidwide rigM to reproduce and dsstribute my n, the Wemad rn~Mlsn),in whole w in part; in any and all media of dieMbutlan eveloped in the hture. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Azerbaijani Settlements of the Gardabani Municipality
Unknown Suburbs: Azerbaijani Settlements of the Gardabani Municipality 2020 POLICY STUDY Unknown Suburbs: Azerbaijani Settlements of the Gardabani Municipality Aleksandre Kvakhadze POLICY STUDY 2020 Introduction Since declaring its independence, the Georgian state has been struggling with the integration of its ethnic minorities. The regions densely populated by ethnic Azerbaijanis and Armenians have been passively involved in the social and political processes in Georgia. The combination of the legacy of Soviet ‘national policy,’ an ineffective educational system and socio-economic problems hinder the integration of these regions. This paper will be devoted to the Gardabani municipality, an administrative entity with a significant Azerbaijani population. Several factors have determined the choice of this region for this study. Firstly, geographically speaking, the region represents a suburban area of the cities of Tbilisi and Rustavi. It can be considered as a part of ‘greater Tbilisi/Rustavi’ or a ‘Tbilisi-Rustavi agglomeration.’ Secondly, despite its proximity to Georgia’s political and economic center, the Azerbaijani community in this region has been leading a parallel life and is disconnected from the country’s social and political dynamics. Simultaneously, very little is known about this region and very little research has been carried out on its multi-ethnic population. Unlike the neighboring Marneuli municipality, which has been receiving increasing attention from academia, the media and the non-governmental sector, the Azerbaijani population in Garbadani remains neglected by academic and non-governmental bodies. For instance, there is no comprehensive academic research on the linguistic, historical, ethnologic, social and religious parameters of Azerbaijanis in Gardabani. The absence of reliable works leads to myths and uncertainties regarding Georgia’s Azerbaijanis. -
Summons and Complaint
FILED: NEW YORK COUNTY CLERK 01/22/2010 INDEX NO. 150024/2010 NYSCEF DOC. NO. 1 RECEIVED NYSCEF: 01/22/2010 SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK COUNTY OF NEW YORK JWL Group, Inc. and Joseph Kay, as Personal Representatives of the late Arcady Badri Index No. ______/10 Patarkatsishvili, Little Rest Twelve, Inc., and Fisher Island Investments, Inc., Plaintiffs, - against - Inna Gudavadze a/k/a Ina Goudavadze, Boris Berezovsky a/k/a Platon Elenin, Yuly Dubov, Anatoly Motkin, Sophie Boubnova, Victor Perelman, and John Does 1-50, Defendants. Summons and Complaint STERNIK & ZELTSER 119 West 72nd Street # 229 New York, NY 10023 t/f: 212-656-1810 email: [email protected] MOUND COTTON, WOLLAN & GREENGRASS Michael R. Koblenz, Esq. One Battery Park Plaza New York, NY 10004-1486 (2 I 2) 804-4200 SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK COUNTY OF NEW YORK JWL Group, Inc. and Joseph Kay, as Personal Representatives of the late Arcady Badri Index No. ______/10 Patarkatsishvili, Little Rest Twelve, Inc., and Fisher Island Investments, Inc., Summons Plaintiffs, - against - Inna Gudavadze a/k/a Ina Goudavadze, Boris Berezovsky a/k/a Platon Elenin, Yuly Dubov, Anatoly Motkin, Sophie Boubnova, Victor Perelman, and John Does 1-50, Defendants. To the above named Defendants: YOU ARE HEREBY SUMMONED to appear in this Supreme Court of the State of New York, County of New York at 60 Centre Street in New York City within twenty (20) days of service of the Summons, exclusive of the day of service, or within thirty (30) days after the service is complete if this Summons is not personally delivered to you within the State of New York, and to answer this Summons and the allegations set forth in the annexed Complaint with the Clerk, and serve a true copy thereof upon the Attorney for Plaintiff. -
A Way Out? Initial Steps Towards Addressing Romani Issues in Georgia
A Way Out? Initial Steps Towards Addressing Romani Issues in Georgia Giorgi Sordia ECMI Issue Brief # 21 May 2009 2 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Briefs are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Brief # 21 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller © ECMI 2009 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg phone: +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de 3 A Way Out? Initial Steps Towards Addressing Romani Issues in Georgia Giorgi Sordia Introduction The Romani community are one of the least studied ethnic minorities in Georgia and issues such as their history, daily life, relations with other ethnic groups and the problems they face remain virtually unexplored. -
Modelling Elections in Post(Communist Regimes: Voter
Modelling Elections in Post-Communist Regimes: Voter Perceptions, Political Leaders and Activists. Norman Scho…eldy, Maria Gallegoz, JeeSeon Jeonx; Marina Muskhelishvili{, Ugur Ozdemirk, and Margit Tavits Center in Political Economy, Washington University, 1 Brookings Drive, Saint Louis, MO 63130. August 25, 2011 Abstract This paper applies a stochastic electoral model to modeling elections in Poland in 1997, 2001 and 2005, in Georgia in 2008, and in Azerbaijan in 2010. We …nd that in Poland the valence di¤erences are su¢ ciently large to force low valence parties or candidates to adopt divergent positions. We argue that this implies a fundamental di¤erence between an elec- toral system based on plurality rule in contrast to one based on propor- tional representation. In addition, in “anocracies”such as Georgia and Aizerbaijan, the lim- ited access to the media by the parties in opposition to the president means that their support groups …nd it di¢ cult to coalesce. As a conse- quence, they are unable to press successfully for greater democratization. In these countries, the presidential electoral system is highly majoritar- ian, and the President’s party dominates the political arena, controlling political resources and the media. We conclude by giving an overview of the empirical results that have been obtained so far for the three plurality democracies of the USA, The authors thank Merab Pachulia, Director of GORBI, Tbilisi, Georgia for making the survey data for the 2008 election in Georgia available, and thank Rauf Garagozov, Leading Research Fellow, International Center for Social Research, Institute of Strategic Studies of the Caucasus, Baku, Azerbaijan. -
Całość Opracowania W Formacie
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH IM. MARKA KARPIA Centre for Eastern Studies Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem Chechnya: Between a Caucasian Jihad and ‘hidden’ separatism Maciej Falkowski W arszawa, styczeƒ 2007 / Warsaw, January 2007 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor / Editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation OSW / CES Wspó∏praca / Co-operation Jim Todd Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem / 5 Tezy / 5 Wst´p / 7 1. Od czeczeƒskiej wojny narodowowyzwoleƒczej do kaukaskiego d˝ihadu / 9 2. Polityka czeczenizacji i „ukryty” separatyzm czeczeƒski / 18 3. Próba prognozy / 32 Chechnya: Between a Caucasian Jihad and ‘hidden’ separatism / 35 Executive summary / 35 Introduction / 36 1. From the Chechen war for national liberation to a Caucasian jihad / 38 2. The policy of Chechenisation and the ‘hidden’ Chechen separatism / 47 3. A tentative forecast / 60 Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem Tezy 1. Czeczenia jest wcià˝ najbardziej niestabilnà republikà rosyjskiego Kau- kazu Pó∏nocnego. Mimo to trwajàcy tam od jesieni 1999 roku otwarty konflikt zbrojny, zwany drugà wojnà czeczeƒskà, stopniowo przygasa. IntensywnoÊç walk maleje z roku na rok, zaÊ os∏abieni wieloletnià wojnà bojownicy nie sà w stanie przejàç inicjatywy i powa˝nie zagroziç stacjo- nujàcym w republice wojskom federalnym. Obserwowane obecnie os∏a- bienie bojowników nie jest jednak równoznaczne z zakoƒczeniem kon- fliktu.