Procedures and Strategies for Translating of Religious Cultural Terms from Persian Into English

PROCEDURES AND STRATEGIES FOR TRANSLATING OF RELIGIOUS CULTURAL TERMS FROM PERSIAN INTO ENGLISH

MEHRI EBRAHIMI

UNIVERSITI SAINS MALAYSIA 2019

PROCEDURES AND STRATEGIES FOR TRANSLATING OF RELIGIOUS CULTURAL TERMS FROM PERSIAN INTO ENGLISH

MEHRI EBRAHIMI

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

June 2019

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to express my gratitude first and foremost to God who enabled me to accomplish my study in the process of this research successfully. I would also like to thank all whose thoughts, patience, and unstinting support incited me to complete my thesis.

First I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Dr. Tengku Sepora Tengku Mahadi whose insightful comments widened my perspective and her unfailing support assured me of my abilities. It was a great opportunity to work under her intellectual supervision.

I am also grateful to her spiritual support while I was completing my Ph.D.

I would like to express my deep sentiment to my family members especially to my dear parents who patiently stood by my side and many thanks go to my sisters and brothers for their heartening helpfulness.

I wish also to appreciate all staff of the School of Languages, Literacies, and

Translation (SOLLAT) for their assistance in providing research facilities at the school.

Last but not least, I am grateful to my friends, Dr. Seffettullah Kuldas, Dr. Shahram

Jahani, Dr. Shiva Ramezanpour, Dr. Negah Allahyar, Dr. Masoud Amirinejad, whose encouragement and support made my Ph.D. journey truly memorable.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgement …………………………………………………………………. ii

Table of Contents …………………………………………………………………... iii

List of Tables ………………………………………………………………………. x

List of Figures ……………………………………………………………………… xii

List of Abbreviations ………………………………………………………………. xiii

List of Symbols …………………………………………………………………….. xv

List of Appendices …………………………………………………………………. xvi

Abstrak ……………………………………………………………………………... xvii

Abstract …………………………………………………………………………….. xix

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

1.1 Overview …………………………………………………………………….. 1

1.2 Background of the Study ……………………………………………………. 2

1.3 Statement of the Problem …………………………………………….……… 4

1.4 Objectives of the Study ……………………………………….…….……….. 7

1.5 Research Questions …………………………………………………..……… 8

1.6 Significance of the Study ………………………………………….………… 8

1.7 Scope and limitations of the Study …...…………………………….……….. 10

1.8 Definition of Key Concepts ……………………...………………….………. 11

1.9 Organization of the Study …………………………………………………… 12

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CHAPTER 2 – LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Overview ……………………………………………………………….…. 15

2.2 Persian Literature …………………………………………………………. 15

2.2.1 Religious Trend in the Persian Literature ………………………… 17

2.2.2 Religious Trend in the Persian Literature after Islamic Revolution 21

2.2.3 Modern Persian Literature in the Socio-Cultural Context of 23 Translation in the US ……………………………………………...

2.2.4 Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam in the US Context …… 25

2.3 Culture …………………………………………………………………..… 29

2.3.1 Concept of Culture in Persian and in English ……………………. 30

2.3.2 Components of Culture …………………………………………... 32

2.3.2(a) A Model of Culture …………………………………... 33

2.3.2(a)(i) Technical Culture …………………… 34

2.3.2(a)(ii) Formal Culture ……………………… 35

2.3.2(a)(iii) Informal Culture …………………….. 36

2.4 Cultural and Translation …………………………………………….……. 37

2.4.1 Language and Culture ………………………………...…………. 38

2.4.2 Language, Culture, and Translation ……………………...……… 40

2.5 Culturemes ………………………………………………………………... 43

2.6 Untranslatability ………………………………………………………….. 47

2.6.1 Untranslatability of Religious Terms in the Persian Context …….. 51

2.7 Target Reader ……………………………………………………………... 55

2.8 Theoretical Framework of the Study ……………………………………... 60

2.8.1 Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) .…………………………. 61

2.8.2 Translation Norm Theory …………….….…………………….... 64

2.8.3 AlGhamdi’s (2016) Classification of Religious Terms …………. 69

2.8.4 Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) Translation Model ………..……….. 74

2.8.5 Mansor (2011) Modified Model ………………………….……... 77

2.8.6 Venuti’s (2008) Notions of Domestication and Foreignization … 79

2.9 Summary ………………………………………………………………….. 83

CHAPTER 3 - METHODOLOGY

3.1 Overview ………………………………………………………………… 84

3.2 Qualitative Data Analysis Procedure ………………………...…………... 84

3.2.1 Source of Data ……………………………….…………………. 85

3.2.2 Criteria for the Selection of the Corpus …….………………….. 86

3.2.3 Recognition and Classification of Data ……………………….... 87

3.3 Data Collection Method ……………………………………………..…... 88

3.3.1 Questionnaire …………………………………………………... 88

3.3.2 Validity and Reliability ……………………………...... 89

3.3.3 Ethics and Verifications ………………………………………... 90

3.4 Data Collection Procedure ………………...…………………...………… 90

3.4.1 Pilot Study ………………………………………………..…….. 90

3.5 Sample and Sampling Technique …….……………..…………………… 92

3.5.1 The Sample Size ………………………………………………... 92

3.5.2 Criteria for the Selection of Participants ……………………….. 93

3.5.3 Process of Recruitment ……………………………………..….. 94

3.6 Quantitative Data Analysis Procedure……………………………...…….. 95

3.7 Stages of Data Collection and Analysis …………………………..……... 98

3.8 Summary …………………………………………………………...…….. 98

CHAPTER 4 – CORPUS ANALYSIS

4.1 Overview ………………………………………………………………. 99

4.2 Discussion of the Analysis ………………………………………………… 99

4.3 Identification and Classification of IRCTs ………...……………………… 103

4.3.1 Specialized Religious Activities ………………………………….. 104

4.3.2 Religious Personages ……………..………………………………. 108

4.3.2(a) Generic Nouns of Religious Personages ……………... 108

4.3.2(b) Proper Names of Religious Personages ……………… 110

4.3.3 Religious Groups …………………………………………………. 112

4.3.4 Miscellaneous Religious Terms ………………………………….. 118

4.3.5 Religious Sites ……………………………………………………. 119

4.3.6 Religious Constructions …………………………………………... 120

4.3.7 Religious clothes …………………………………………………. 123

4.3.8 Supernatural Beings ………………………………………………. 125

4.3.9 Religious Events ………………………………………………….. 129

4.3.10 Religious Artifacts ………………………………………………... 131

4.3.11 Eschatology Terms ……………………………………………….. 134

4.4 Recognition and Classification of Translation Procedures of IRCTs ……... 138

4.4.1 Borrowing ………………………………………………………... 139

4.4.2 Calque ……………………………………………………………. 143

4.4.3 Literal Translation ………………………………………………... 147

4.4.3(a) Combination of Literal Translation and Borrowing …. 147

4.4.4 Equivalence ………………………………………………………. 153

4.4.4(a) Combination of Borrowing and Equivalence ………... 155

4.4.5 Transposition ……………………………………………………... 159

4.4.6 Modulation ……………………………………………………….. 163

4.4.7 Generalization ……………………………………………………. 167

4.4.8 Lexical Specification …………………………………………….. 171

4.4.9 Explicitation ……………………………………………………… 174

4.4.9(a) Addition and specification ………………………… 174

4.4.9(b) Explicative Glosses ………………………………... 177

4.4.9(c) Combination of Explicitation and Borrowing …….. 178

4.4.10 Deletion …………………………………………………………... 180

4.4.10(a) Partial Deletion …………………………………….. 180

4.4.10(b) Complete Deletion …………………………………. 183

4.5 Summary …………………………………………………………………... 186

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CHAPTER 5 - ANALYSIS OF TARGET READERS’ PREFERENCE

5.1 Overview ……………………………………………………………………... 188

5.2 Analysis of Target Readers’ Preference for Translated IRCTs ……………… 189

5.2.1 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Clothe: Ihram …………. 191

5.2.2 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Artifact: Tasbih ……….. 193

5.2.3 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Site: Haram …………… 196

5.2.4 Respondents’ Preference for the Supernatural Being: Khannas …… 199

5.2.5 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Activity: Jihad ………... 202

5.2.6 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Activity: Azan ………… 204

5.2.7 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Groups: Imams ……… 205

5.2.8 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Groups: Hajjis ………… 207

5.2.9 Respondents’ Preference for the Eschatology Term: Tawheed …….. 209

5.2.10 Respondents’ Preference for Miscellaneous Religious Term: Shirk 211

5.3 Summary ……………………………………………………………………... 213

CHAPTER 6 - DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Overview ……..……………………………………………………………. 214

6.2 Summary of the Research Method …..…………………………………….. 215

6.3 Research Questions …………………..……………………………………. 216

6.4 Summary of the Main Findings ………..………………………………….. 227

6.5 Contributions of the study ……………...…………………………………... 229

6.6 Recommendations for further researches …..……………………………… 231

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6.7 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………….. 231

REFERENCES …………………………………………………………………… 233

APPENDICES

LIST OF TABLES Page Table 3.1 List of Books Used as the Corpus of the Study 86 Table 5.1 IRCTs in the Questionnaire 188 Table 5.2 Descriptive Statistics for Translation Procedures 190 Table 5.3 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RC: Ihram 191

Table 5.4 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RC: 192 Ihram

Table 5.5 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RA: Tasbih 193

Table 5.6 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RA: 194 Tasbih

Table 5.7 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RS: Haram 196

Table 5.8 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RS: 197 Haram

Table 5.9 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SB: Khannas 199

Table 5.10 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SB: 200 Khannas

Table 5.11 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SRA1: Jihad 202

Table 5.12 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SRA1: 203 Jihad

Table 5.13 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SRA2: Azan 204

Table 5.14 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SRA2: 204 Azan

Table 5.15 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RG1: Imams 205

Table 5.16 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RG1: 206 Imams

Table 5.17 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RG2: Hajjis 207

Table 5.18 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RG2: 207 Hajjis x

Table 5.19 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with ET: Tawheed 209

Table 5.20 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with ET: 209 Tawheed

Table 5.21 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with MRT: Shirk 211

Table 5.22 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with MRT: 211 Shirk

Table 6.1 Frequency and Percentage of Translation procedures for 223 Transferring Persian IRCTs into English

Table 6.2 The Most Preferred Procedures in the Translation of IRCTs 226

LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 2.1 The Iceberg representation of culture (Katan 1999, p. 30) 34

Figure 2.2 Holmes’ (2000b) Basic Map of Translation Studies 62

Figure 3.1 Stages of Achieving Research Objectives 98

Figure 6.1 A New Framework for Collecting IRCTs in the Persian Corpus 217

Figure 6.2 Frequency of types of IRCTs identified in the Persian corpus 218

Figure 6.3 Frequency of Translation Procedures in Rendering Persian IRCTs 221 into English

Figure 6.4 Distribution of Categories of Translation Strategies used in 225 Rendering Persian IRCTs into English

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DTS Descriptive Translation Studies

IRCT Islamic Religious Cultural Terms

RCT Religious Cultural Terms

RC Religious Clothes

RA Religious Artifacts

RS Religious Sites

RCO Religious Constructions

SB Supernatural Beings

SRA Specialized Religious Activities

RG Religious Groups

RE Religious Events

GNRP Generic Nouns of Religious Personages

ET Eschatology Terms

MRT Miscellaneous Religious Terms

SL Source Language

ST Source Text

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TL Target Language

TS Translation Studies

TT Target Text

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LIST OF SYMBOLS

Persian English B ﺏ P پ T ﺕ / ﻁ S ﺙ/ ﺱ /ﺹ J ﺝ Ĉ چ H ﺡ / ﻩ X ﺥ D ﺩ Z ﺫ/ ﺯ/ ﺽ/ ﻅ R ﺭ Ŝ ﺵ ‘ ﻉ /ء Gh ﻍ / ﻕ F ﻑ K ک G گ L ﻝ M ﻡ N ﻥ W ﻭ Y ی

LIST OF APPENDICES

APPENDIX A Sample of Data Cells

APPENDIX B Islamic Religious Terms in Translation Questionnaire

APPENDIX C Statute of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution

APPENDIX D Native English Participants Answering the Questionnaire

APPENDIX E List of Islamic Religious Cultural Terms

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PROSEDUR DAN STRATEGI PENTERJEMAHAN ISTILAH-ISTILAH BUDAYA AGAMA DARIPADA BAHASA PARSI KE BAHASA INGGERIS

ABSTRAK

Kesusasteraan Parsi memainkan peranan penting dalam memperkenalkan budaya dan seni Timur Tengah ke dunia Barat. Kajian yang dijalankan terhadap penterjemahan kesusasteraan Parsi kebanyakannya bertumpu pada puisi klasik Parsi manakala kesusasteraan Parsi moden, terutama kesusasteraan bukan fiksyen diabaikan.

Penterjemahan sastera Parsi bukan fiksyen moden dengan kandungan Islam telah berkembang secara mendadak dalam tempoh selepas revolusi. Kajian ini berdasarkan tiga buah buku bidang kesusasteraan Parsi moden bukan fiksyen yang bertajuk “Lost in the Crowd”, “Hajj”, dan “Shi'ite Islam”. Teks-teks yang dipilih mengandungi pelbagai istilah Islam yang lazim ditemui dalam konteks keagamaan Timur Tengah Parsi yang mendukung makna yang khusus budaya. Kajian ini mempunyai dua fasa. Pada fasa pertama, kajian ini menerapkan pendekatan kajian terjemahan deskriptif (DTS) yang diperkenalkan oleh Toury (2012). Teks-teks tersebut diletakkan dalam konteks sosio- budaya terjemahan di Amerika Syarikat untuk mengkaji kedudukan terjemahan di

Amerika Syarikat, khususnya terjemahan kesusasteraan Parsi. Kemudian, kajian ini cuba mengenal pasti pelbagai jenis istilah Islam dan seterusnya mengenal pasti prosedur terjemahan dan strategi keseluruhan yang digunakan untuk menterjemahkan istilah- istilah tersebut. Hal ini bertujuan mendedahkan norma-norma yang mengawal proses penterjemahan dalam menterjemahkan istilah-istilah budaya agama Islam daripada bahasa Parsi ke bahasa Inggeris. Taksonomi untuk pengenalpastian jenis-jenis istilah

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Islam Oleh AlGhamdi (2016) serta model Vinay dan Darbelnet (1995) dan Mansor

(2011) digunakan untuk menunjukkan prosedur-prosedur terjemahan. Tambahan lagi, dua strategi terjemahan oleh Venuti (2000) dipilih untuk mendedahkan strategi terjemahan keseluruhan dalam kajian ini. Hasil menunjukkan 1160 kes istilah budaya agama Islam dalam 13 kategori dan penggunaan 17 prosedur yang berbeza dalam proses penterjemahan. Kajian menunjukkan bahawa terjemahan dilakukan berdasarkan norma etnosentrik yang dominan dalam konteks sasaran, iaitu hasil kajian pada fasa pertama mendedahkan bahawa norma-norma untuk menterjemahkan istilah-istilah budaya agama

Islam Parsi ke dalam bahasa Inggeris cenderung ke arah terjemahan berunsur tempatan.

Pada fasa kedua kajian, pilihan para pembaca yang mempakan penutur asli bahasa

Inggeris dan bukan beragama Islam untuk menterjemahkan istilah-istilah Islam dikaji.

Hasil kajian juga menunjukkan bahawa norma untuk menterjemahkan istilah-istilah

Islam adalah selaras dengan pilihan pembaca sasaran untuk membaca jenis terjemahan yang tidak mengandungi sebarang unsur asing.

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PROCEDURES AND STRATEGIES FOR TRANSLATING OF RELIGIOUS CULTURAL TERMS FROM PERSIAN INTO ENGLISH

ABSTRACT

Persian literature has had a significant role in introducing Middle Eastern culture and art to the West. Studies undertaken on the translation of Persian literature have been mostly focused on the Persian classical poetry while modern Persian literature, especially non-fiction literature has been ignored. Translation of modern non-fiction

Persian literature with Islamic content has grown drastically in the post-revolutionary period. Therefore, this study is based on three books in the field of non-fiction modern

Persian literature titled Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi'ite Islam. The selected texts contain various Islamic terms common in Persian Middle Eastern religious context which bear highly culture-loaded meanings. This research has two phases. In the first phase, the study draws upon Toury’s (2012) methodology of descriptive translation studies (DTS). The study attempts to identify various types of Islamic terms and then identifies the translation procedures and overall strategies used in their translation in order to uncover norms which govern the translation process in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms from Persian into English. AlGhamdi’s (2016) taxonomy for the recognition of types of Islamic terms and Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1995) and Mansor’s

(2011) models were applied to show translation procedures. In addition, Venuti’s (2000) two translation strategies were selected in order to reveal the overall translation strategy in this study. The result yielded 1160 cases of Islamic religious cultural terms in 13 categories and the use of 17 different procedures in the process of translating. This study

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revealed that translation is based on ethnocentric norms dominant in the target context, that is to say, the results of the study in the first phase revealed that norms of translating

Persian Islamic religious cultural terms into English is towards a domesticated translation. In the second phase of the study, the native English speakers who are non-

Muslim readers’ preferences for translating Islamic terms were investigated. The results have also showed that norm of translating Islamic terms is in line with the target readers’ preference for reading a type of translation that removes traces of foreignness.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Overview

For a long time, the field of Translation Studies (TS) was dominated by linguistics and hence, translation was assumed as merely a linguistic activity with faithfulness to the ST as a criterion for proving a good translation. Later, it was argued that ―translation is not merely and not even primarily a linguistic process‖ (Nord, 2005, p. 10). With the advent of cultural approach to TS in 1990s, it was claimed that ―translations are never produced in a vacuum‖ (Bassnett & Lefevere, 1998, p. 14). It takes place in ―situations that involve members of different cultures‖ (Snell-Hornby, 1988, p. 40) and more specifically, translation is assumed as ―a fact of history and a product of target culture‖

(Bassnett & Lefevere 1990, p. 3). Since then, researches have been located in the wider context of culture and scholars and researchers started to grant more consideration to the role of target culture, target text, and target reader to produce an appropriate translation.

As a reaction to the prescriptive models, Polysystem theory was developed by Even-

Zohar in 1970s. It shifts the focus of translation away from heated debate about faithfulness to the source text (ST) towards a study that sees ―translated literature as a system operating in the larger social, literary and historical systems of the target culture‖

(Munday, 2016, p. 170). It provided a ground for the concept of norm to emerge in the

1990s as a broad concept that affects ―the entire process of translation, including source- text selection‖ (Hermans, 1999, p. 76). Norms and regularities as extra-linguistic

1 constrains that govern the practice of any translational action, have been brought to the fore by scholars in the TS such as (Toury, 1995; Hermans, 1991; Chesterman, 1993;

Baker, 1992) and its unstablility was addressed by Schäffner (2010) because norms as sociocultural constraints are ―specific to a culture, society and time‖ (Munday, 2008, p.113).

In target-oriented approach to TS, the centrality of target readers from various dimensions has been discussed by scholars such as (Nida, 2000; Newmark, 2003;

Hermans, 1999; Venuti, 1998) and factors related to target readers‘ ideological convictions (Ping, 2012), types of readers (Nord, 2005), their background knoelwdge

(Venuti, 1998), and their language, identity, or social position (Venuti, 2002) have been addressed. These aspects affect readers‘ preference and consequently, make translation more challenging for the translators.

This study aims to investigate, with regard to sociocultural norms, procedures and strategies used in the translation of Persian IRCTs into English in the non-fiction modern literature including Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam and to examine the target readers‘ preference for the translation of these terms.

1.2 Background of the Study

Given the fact that meaning is culturally determined and culture can influence and constrain translation (Larson, 1984), beside untranslatability of texts, extralinguistic factors such as socio-cultural and socio-linguistic factors can cause translation problem arise and make the process of translating problematic. Hence, translation of culture-

2 bound terms is problematic as they are bound to the sociocultural reality beyond language. In solving the problem of translating culture-bound terms, translators need to find solutions that ―serve current target-cultural norms and other aspects of the translation situation‖ (Leppihalme, 1997, p. 128). Moreover, categorization of culture- bound terms is another issue that differs in detail depending on the type of textual material investigated. In other words, the categorization in audiovisual materials such as movies, TV soap opera can differ from older classifications in text-based fiction or comic texts (ibid, p. 127). It implies that categorization of religious cultureal terms in the case of contemporary non-fiction literature and in the Middle Eastern Muslim context needs to be investigated.

The English translations of modern Persian literature with religious content in the post-revolutionary years increased significantly (cf. section 2.2.2). Literature in this period centers on subjects related to Islam and Islamic values. Therefore, modern

Persian literature written during the years before the revolution and translated after

Islamic revolution, both fiction and non-fiction, contains copious number of terms with religiously loaded meaning. For this reason, three texts in the genre of non-fiction literature namely, Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam were chosen to investigate norms in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms (IRCTs) with regard to the socio-cultural context of the target culture. To investigate norms of translating religious terms, Toury‘s (1995) descriptive translation studies (DTS) as a paradigm is applied.

This study has two steps; in the first step norms in rendering Persian Islamic terms into

English is examined and in the second step target readers‘ preference for the translation of Islamic terms is identified.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

There is a link between language and culture; language reflects the differences between cultures and, hence, translation of language is translation of cultures (Nida

1964; Larson 1984). In the global context, due to difference between Western and

Eastern cultures, texts written in the Eastern culture contain elements unclear for

Western readers with insufficient knowledge of the Eastern context. Hence, translation of terms that bear culturaly loaded meaning becomes problematic for translators. The role of culture as a determining factor in the translation has been mentioned by TS scholars (Hermans 1999; House 2009). The problem is more challenging when it comes to the translation of religious culture. According to Nida (1947),

The religious culture of any people contains by far the most complicated lexical problems. Religious systems usually differ far more widely than any other part of culture. There is a somewhat limited number of basic types of material and social adjustments which people can make. … Religious phenomena are, moreover, much more difficult for the translator to analyze. Ideas are very intangible things. Whatever is tangible for a religious culture (religious system), may be intangible for another culture (p. 203).

Untranslatability of Islamic religious cultural terms can be viewed in the translation of both concrete items and abstract notions. For example, ―mohr‖ is a religious artifact.

It is a small rectangle of packed clay from Mecca or Karbala which is placed on the ground by Shia Muslims when they pray; the forehead touches this remembrance of sacred turf. It is an Islamic term that does not exist in the western context. Translation of culture becomes more difficult when it comes to abstract terms. For instance, the word

―mahram‖, in Islamic discourse, refers to those relatives of a man or a woman that being married with them is illegal in the Islamic law. These terms have no equivalences in the western culture. Therefore, they reflect ―voids resulting from extralinguistic factors‖

(Dagut, 1981, p. 64). Moreover, religious language deals with supernatural events or beings that make translation problematic as they do not address to any extralinguistic reality which is a prerequisite for solid comprehension (Ivir, 1991). For example, ―jinn‖ refers to a supernatural creature in Islamic discourse. Although Muslims strongly believe in the presence of ―jinn‖ in the world as it was addressed in the Holy Qur‘an, western readers whose demand for causality and whose assumption of the levels of reality are not identical with that of Eastern Muslim readers (Nasr, 1975), have no perception of existence of such a non-human creature. Hence, it shows that in the translation of

Islamic terms, parts of Islamic cultures might not be transferred through language and referential gaps, consequently, might jeopardise a reasonable understanding.

The vital role of readers to tackle with the problem of untranslatability and in the decisions on the choice of appropriate translation strategies has been mentioned by some

TS scholars and researchers. It is believed that ―just as there could be no literature without writers and translators, there could be no literature without readers‖ (Nelson &

Maher, 2013, p. 7). Texts are written to be read and are translated for a reader who belongs to a different language and culture. Readership as a main factor in the translation of cultural elements was indicated by Newmark (2003, p. 102). Moreover, in the translation of culture bound terms, it is assumed that communicative value of a text can be evaluated by target language recipients to judge to what extent the TT is

5 comprehended (Farghal & Al-Masri, 2000) and to evaluate to what extent the TT is in accordance with target readers‘ expectation (Evers, Dienstbach, Pinto, & Borba, 2010).

Meanwhile, due to heterogeneity of target readers, translators must ―be aware of TT readers' needs and to take into account the expectations and background knowledge of potential TT readers in order to make decisions on appropriate translation strategies‖

(Leppihalme, 1997, p. 20). In addition, it is assumed that there is a relationship between target norms and readers‘ preference (Ruokonen, 2011; Cronin, 2012). Readers‘ preference can reflect the target norms and, hence, the degree of closeness of TT to the socio-cultural norms of target context can be measured by recognizing to what extent it is in accordance with the target reader's preference in order to make an appropriate translation.

In recognition of the importance of identifying preference of non-Muslim English speaking readers for translating IRCTs, translators explained the use of certain translation procedures in the prefaces of the selected translations, noting that they attempted to make the translation of IRCTs more comprehensible to the western readers.

Nevertheless, translation of non-fiction modern Persian literature has rarely received attention and target readers‘ preference in the translation of religious terms has not received attention among researchers. In the light of these facts, this study is an attempt to bring out translation norms and preference of English-speaking readers for English translations of IRCTs in Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam to see whether translation norm is in conformity with target readers‘ preference for the translation of

IRCTs.

1.4 Objectives of the Study

The objectives and aims of this study are as follows:

1. To identify and classify Islamic religious cultural terms in selected Persian into

English translations.

2. To discover the procedures and strategies used in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms in selected Persian into English translations.

3. To investigate the readers‘ preference for the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms in selected Persian into English translations.

1.5 Research Questions

This study attempts to answer to the following questions:

1. What are the Islamic religious cultural terms and how are they classified in selected Persian into English translations?

2. What are the procedures and strategies used in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms in selected translations from Persian into English?

3. What is the readers‘ preference for the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms in selected Persian into English translations?

1.6 Significance of the Study

The first contribution of the study is that non-fiction literature positioned on the periphery of a culture‘s literary polysystem, receives correspondingly less attention in

7 the TS researches. This study provides insight into the complexities of such texts in the translation from a minor language-Persian into a lingua-franca language-English. The special nature of these texts and their translation procedures and strategies in the sociocultural context of TL are drawn.

It is true that Islamic terms are mostly rooted in Arabic and the origins of many of

Islamic terms in Persian are Arabic such as ―zakat‖,‖ ma‘ad‖, and ―ihram‖. Moreover, there are also Islamic terms rooted in Persian such as ―namaz (prayer‖), ―roozeh

(fasting), ―goldasteh (minaret)‖. Beside it, there are neutral terms rooted in Arabic but are used with a religious connotative meaning in Persian such as ―roozeh‖ and

―roozehxan‖. The former word ―rawzah‖ means garden in Arabic, while in Persian it means mourning for the martyrdom of Imam Hussein and the person who performs roozeh for people is called roozehxan (Nahvi 1989, p. 173). In addition, there are

Islamic terms that are fully or partially rooted in Persian and spread the flavor of SL in a text. For example the word ―imam‖ is originally an Arabic term but imamzadeh is a

Persian term. The term is partially rooted in Arabic and in Persian. In another example, the corresponding term for ―rouzeh‖ in Persian is ―fasting‖ in English and ―siyam‖ or

―sawm‖ in Arabic. The equivalent term for fasting is different in Persian and in Arabic and the term is completely rooted in Persian. Since the study of translation of religious cultural terms (IRCTs) have a contribution to the development of TS researches, this study is a good source for presenting the semantic complexities and nuances in the juxtaposition of the Persian Islamic religious terms with their English counterparts; it makes evident the cultural and linguistic similarities and differences between two

8 language systems. Hence, the findings of this study contribute to the extension of knowledge about the translation of highly cultural terms between Persian and English with regard to the sociocultural norms of target culture.

The findings of this study uncover target readers‘ preference for the English translation of Persian IRCTs. Knowing the target readers‘ preferences for type of translating IRCTs can help translators improve the quality of TTs containing highly cultural terms in the future.

1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study

A number of limitations are considered in the study. The first one is about the case study. Literature is a broad domain containing fiction and non-fiction literature; each one with various genres and sub-genres. The current study focuses particularly on non- fiction literature. The area of research is narrowed down to the examination of translation of works that deal with the Islamic ideology (cf. section, 2.2.2). Among non- fiction literature, this research is concerned only with the translation of three works namely, Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam.

The second limitation is about the language. Annually, plenty of books in the genre of non-fiction literature are translated from Persian into various languages either into western languages such as English, French, German, or eastern languages such as Urdu,

Tamil, Mandarin, Malay. This study is concerned only with the translation from Persian into English rather than from other languages into Persian or vice versa.

The third limitation used in the study is about the elements under investigation. Since the realm of culture is so extended to deal with (cf. section, 2.5), in the study of the translation of culture, it is narrowed down to the investigation of merely religious and non-verbal cultural terms.

1.8 Key Concepts

1.8.1 Culture: It is a set of shared values and conventions that belongs to a community to guide peoples‘ thoughts and behavior. Tylor (1903) defines culture as ―that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society‖ (p. 1).

1.8.2 Cultureme: The concept refers to cultural features. According to Katan (2009b), culturemes are ―formalized, socially and juridically embedded phenomena that exist in aparticular form or function in only one of the two cultures being compared‖ (p. 78).

1.8.3 Religious Cultural Terms (RCTs): They refer to ―words dealing with religious culture‖ which are intangible to people unfamiliar with a specific religious community and its belief system. Religious terms bear either concrete loads of meaning or abstract and are categorized in different taxonomies (Nida, 1947, p. 204).

1.8.4 Translation Norms: It denotes ―the translation of general values or ideas shared by a community — as to what is right and wrong, adequate and inadequate — into performance instructions appropriate for and applicable to particular situations, specifying what is prescribed and forbidden as well as what is tolerated and permitted in a certain behavioral dimension‖ (Toury, 1995; p. 63).

1.8.5 Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS): It is one of the two subdivisions of pure translation studies. Holmes divides Descriptive Translation Studies into three areas: function-oriented translation studies, process-oriented translation studies and product- oriented translation studies (Toury, 1995, p. 4). As a systematic paradigm of translation studies, this model was developed by Toury to identify general characteristics and laws of translation. According to Toury (1995), it is a target text-oriented discipline consisting of ―carefully performed studies into well-defined corpuses, or sets of problems‖ (p. 1).

1.8.6 Domestication: It is a global translation strategy in which the translator is inclined to bring the ST closer to the target language and culture, resulting in changes in linguistic forms and cultural values. It denotes ―an ethnocentric reduction of the foreign text to receiving cultural values, bringing the author back home‖. In other words, the translator tries to replace strange SL forms and conflicting cultural values with target forms and values (Venuti, 2004, p. 15).

1.8.7 Foreignization: It is another translation strategy introduced by Venuti (2004). He defines it as ―an ethnodeviant pressure on those values to register the linguistic and cultural differences of the foreign text, sending the reader abroad‖ (p. 15). That is to say, by applying this strategy, the translator tries to preserve the unique linguistic forms and cultural values of the ST instead of replacing them with the target forms and values familiar to target readers. Similar to domestication strategy, there are degrees of foreignization.

1.9 Organization of the Study

This study is presented in six chapters. The first chapter is a detailed introduction to the study and includes the background of the study, statement of the problem, objectives and significance of the study. It also introduced the research questions and how the study is delimited for further studies. This chapter continued with defining the key terms that are necessary for a better understanding of the grounds based on which the study was designed and conducted and finally the corpus of the study was presented.

The second chapter consists of two sections. The first part provided a historical overview of trend of religion in Persian literature. The concept of culture and then, the importance of culture and language from translation perspective and religious terms as a problematic area in the translation were critically discussed. Then, the study of religious cultural elements was limited to the studies conducted on the translation of cultural elements in the context of Iran in order to present a detailed review of the pertinent research to provide the appropriate preview and justification for this study. The issues of untranslatability and importace of expectation of target readers in the translation were explained. The second part was devoted to the theoretical framework of the study. The descriptive translation studies as a paradigm of study, concept of norm, proposed taxonomies for identifying religious cultural terms and proposed translation models were presented in this chapter.

The third chapter described the methodology adopted for this study. It explained how this research was going to answer the research questions and from where it began. The corpus was introduced and the reason behind the selection of this corpus was given. The

12 procedures of the study for a qualitative analysis to extract translation norms were explained in details. Then, a quantitative analysis procedure for identifying target readers‘ preference was elaborated.

In the fourth chapter, the researcher identified and extractd type of IRCTs from the selected corpus. The researcher attempted to account for the practices and procedures used in the translation of IRCTs. This chapter answered the first and second research questions of this study. The fifth chapter was dedicated to the study of readerships and target readers‘ preference for the translation of IRCTs. In this chapter, respondents‘ answers to the questionnaire as a medium prepared for answering the third objective of the present study was examined.

Chapter six concluded the entire study. It began with the review of all the results, and subsequently the findings were discussed and interpreted, and also the overall translation tendencies for the translation of IRCTs were shown. The implication of the study was presented. The chapter additionally offered suggestions for further research by considering the limitations and delimitations of the present study and advantages of replication of the study in other text types and between other languages. The final chapter of the thesis ended with a list of the contributions of the study.

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Overview

This chapter was divided into several sections. In the first section of the chapter,

Persian literature and trend of religion in the Persian literature historically were reviewed. In the second section, importance of translation in the target context, position of modern Persian literature and the selected texts as the corpus of the present study were analyzed. The next section was devoted to the concept of culture and its definition both in Persian and in English through the lens of anthropologists and cultural studies‘ scholars were presented. In the fourth section, the link between language, culture and translation were discussed and the implications of culture in translation were detailed. In the fifth and sixth sections, concept of cultureme, untranslatability of religious cultural terms and its underlying factors were explained. In the seventh section, target readers‘ role in the translation along with scholars‘ attitudes towards the role of readers in the TS were investigated. The last section was devoted to theoretical framework of this study.

DTS and Norm theory were elaborated and proposed typology of religious cultural terms

(RCTs), and proposed translation procedures and strategies for transferring such terms were highlighted.

2.2 Persian Literature

Persian literature has a long history. It dates back to the earliest surviving inscriptions made in pre-Islamic era, in the time of Achaemenid (522 BCE), the first Persian Empire.

The Old Persian literature is the surviving works which constitute pre-Islamic Persian literature. With the advancement of Islam in Iran, Persian literature entered a new phase.

Yarshater (2015) divides Persian literature into two phases of Islamic civilization. He believes that the first phase of Islamic civilization started when the Arabs had their dominance over Persian language, culture, and literature and lasted some six centuries.

The second phase, from the eleventh through the eighteenth centuries, constitutes a second phase of Islamic culture. During this time, ―the cultural leadership of the Islamic world passed on to the Persians‖ (p. 207).

Poetry was the most popular form of creating literary works. Although the quatrain

(robāʿi), the masnavi, the ghazal, and the qasideh were forms of poetry in the pre-Islamic period in the Persian literature, Persian classical poetry flourished by adapting the meter and rhyme scheme of the Arabic poetic tradition. Appearance of new literary styles in the Persian literature started from the emergence of the epic panegyric Khorasani style of poetry around the tenth century CE until the second half of the twelfth. The Iraqi style of poetry, a lyrical style that uses mystical Sufi concepts appeared later in the thirteenth century CE and was popular until fifteenth century CE. The Indian style which emerged in the fifteenth century CE is partly a neo-classical literary movement advocating a return to earlier aesthetic norms known as bāzgašt-e adabi. It was known from the eighteenth to twentieth centuries). Modern Persian literature appeared later with its close affinities with literary developments in the West (Huyse, 2012).

As for narrative literature in pre-Islamic period, ancient Iranian myths and legends formed the content of ancient books such as the Avestan books, the Yašts in particular

15 form the narrative material used by classical Persian writers of fiction in the medieval time. Vis o Rāmin, as a medieval Persian fiction, the Parthian romance had a great impact on later Persian literature. In Islamic period, narrative literature appeared in the form of prose writings, biographies, hagiographies, and historical works. In modern period, Persian literature experienced dramatic changes and consequently, entered a new era. Contemporary Persian literature has been, in fact, inspired by developments and changes that had occurred in Western literatures. They adapted aspects of Western literature and then, Persianized the literary work (ibid.).

2.2.1 Religious Trend in the Persian Literature

Religion and literature are undoubtedly cultural notions. Literature is a means by which religious scholars and mystics promote their thoughts. Religious themes (Islamic,

Christian, and Zoroastrian) can be traced in Persian verse and prose literature throughout history. Texts of religious nature in pre-Islamic era include Zarātošt-nāma related to the life of the prophet of the Zoroastrians. Manichean manuscripts written by Mani, the first religious teacher in Persia, deal with religious matters. Important corpus of writings in

Book Pahlavi script is mostly of religious content. Arda Wiraz –namag (Book of the

Righteous Wiraz), a popular prose work relating to heaven and hell by the righteous

Wiraz is an example of texts of religious content dates back to pre-Islamic era (Huyse,

2012).

Religious flow in Persian literature after Islam appeared for different reasons. Hence, this trend was separated in three different periods. The first period began with the aim of reviving the Persian culture with the Islamic branch (Yarshater, 2015). Religious themes

16 in this period in Persian literature can be traced in Persian poetry. Rudaki, a poet of 10th century, is the first Iranian poet in the Islamic era influenced by the Qur'an, hadith and religious culture. The continuous presence of religious thoughts in the literature of the fifth to the ninth century can be found in prose writings as well. Some works known as non-belleristic writings such as Tabari‘s Qur'anic commentary known as Tafsir al-

Tabari and his historical chronicle Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings) in 9th century are examples of works devoted to Islamic religion in this period.

Literature would be drastically influenced by schools of thought. Sufism since 10th century played a major role in the process of Islamization of the Iranian cultural sphere and in particular, prepared the ground for the spread of Shi‘ism (Nasr, 1974, p. 272).

This movement eventually led to the emergence of mystical Sufi literature. The literary expression of its doctrine suited its didactic approach led to the creation of monumental works in Persian literature. A remarkable spread of Sufi doctrine was reflected in well- known Persian works such as Ḡa-zāli‘s Kimiyā-ye saʿādat (Alchemy of Happiness) in

12th century, Sanāʾi‘s Ḥadīqat al-ḥaqīqah (The Garden of Truth) in 12th century,

Neẓāmi‘s Makhzan al-Asrar (The Treasury of Mysteries) in 12th century, and Saʿdi‘s

Golestān (The Rose Garden) in 13th century, and Rumi‘s Mathnawi-e ma’nawi (Spiritual

Couplets) in 13th century. Two mystical allegories; Taḏkerat al-awlīāʾ (Biographies of the Saints) written by Attar in the 12th century and Nafaḥāt al-uns (Breaths of intimacy) composed by Jāmī in 15th century are examples of Persian hagiographical accounts in

Islamic period (Fouchecour, 2012).

The second phase of appearance of religious texts, with political reasons, was during

Safavid period (16th - 18th centuries). Nasr (1974) notes that ―the Safavid period marks a definite turning point in the history of Persia and the beginning of a new phase in the history of Islam in that country‖ (p. 274). For the purpose of national individualism, the

Shi'a religion was founded during this period. Literature during Safavid period was directly related to religion and heavily relies on it. The religious material dealing with the lives and martyrdom of the members of the Prophet‘s family and the other Imams of the Shiʿites formed the content of writings in Persian literature. The use of literature as a medium to promote Shi‘ism led to the formation and proliferation of religious poetry and religious narrative in the Safavid era.

The qaṣide in praise of the Prophet and the Imams, as well as a rich strophic poetry of a popular religious type, often recited in the form of ―marthiya or elegy on the death of Shi‘ite Imam‖ in Shiʿite ceremonials were popular during Safavid period

(Browne, 1959, p. 172). Two works of this kind are Tufanul-Buka (Deluge of Weeping) and Asrarush-Shahadat (Mysteries of Martyrdom) (ibid, p. 180-182). The epic narrative was transmuted into a hagiography of a Shiʿite imam both in verse and prose, of a more popular kind known as Rowdha Khani (Rowdha-readings) in recitations of the death of a

Shi‘ite Imam (ibid, p. 172). One of the earlier and best-known books of this kind is

Rowdhat al-šohadāʾ (the Garden of Martyrs) in 15th century a narrative account of the death of the Prophet of Islam and his close descendants. Many non-belleristic writings including commentaries on the Qur‘an, collections of canonical and apocryphal hadith, books dealing with the lives of the prophets, Sufi hagiographies, and tazkere form

Persian literature in this period.

Finally, the third period of religious flow in Persian literature started in 1960s, few decades before Islamic revolution, was directed towards modern Islamization and revival of religion in society through the production of texts with Islamic content.

Nativism in the work of revolutionary story writers and Muslim storytellers is characterized by a strong emphasis on Islamic and revolutionary components (Edrisi &

Balali, 2015). The literary texts produced during pre-Islamic revolution period have been formed around the opposition to promoting the manifestations of Western culture. In the same line, Karimi-Hakkak (1997) argues that ―the path to an egalitarian future was sure to lie through a return to religious values most associated with Iranianness‖ (p. 195). The resistance discourse in the cultural arena in opposition to modern beliefs, values and beliefs in literature produced before Islamic revolution is evident in literary works such as Al-Ahmad‘s The School Principal (1958), Sadeqi‘s The Trench and the Empty

Canteens (1970), and Sa‘edi‘s Vahemeha-ye bi Nam va Neshan (1967). Such works articulated an internal connection between social change and a lamentable loss of traditional norms and values.

As for religious trend in the literary writings in this period, Karimi-Hakkak asserts that in 1960s ―the idea of religion as a rallying point around which social energies could be mobilized began to permeate literary works‖ (1991, p. 512). For example, Al-e

Ahmad in Lost in the Crowd (1964) points to renewed attention to religion as a mobilizing force capable of ending the nightmare of a disintegrating society (ibid, p.

511). Non-belleristic writings of Jalal Al-Ahmad, Ali Shari‘ati, Ruhollah Khomeini,

Morteza Motahari, and Mahmud Talqani as the originators of a nativist and revivalist movement in Iran constituted the discourse of the 1960s as the genesis of an authentic

19 religious revolution in Iran (Tavakoli-Targhi, 2015, p. 229). These influential figures as writers and intellectuals before the revolution began to produce works in the form of essay writings for religious political enlightenment. Al-e Ahmad‘s Plagued by the West

(1964), Shariati‘s Hubut in Kavir (1980) and Yes, brother! That’s the way it was (1980),

Motahhari‘s Anecdotes of Pious Men (1960) and The Human Being And His Destiny

(1966) are examples of books for enlightenment with religious content in this period.

2.2.2 Religious Trend in the Persian Literature after the Islamic Revolution

It is believed that discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been a religious- political discourse in which Islamic culture has played a major role in its victory. Hence, with the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution among writers and audiences of Persian literature, a great deal of enthusiasm for religious literature emerged and strengthened.

In the fiction literature in this period affected by the revolution, a new approach emerged that attempted to record the religious values as human virtues on its agenda. The writers of the religious trend seek to answer the problems of their society with a religious- centered view. In other words, contemporary literature was formed after the Islamic

Revolution, with the emphasis on the replacement of committed literature (Adabiyat-va

Honar-e Mote‘ahhed) in place of non-religious literature and its expansion in order to revive Persian culture with Islamic spheres and ―became representative of an emerging revolutionary literary trend in the post-revolutionary period‖ (Shams, 2015, p. 169).

The religious trend in the literature after revolution has changed to some extent. In the first decade after Islamic revolution, religious novels often narrate the events of the imposed war and the Islamic Revolution, and the novels have a religious color. The

20 themes and stories of this period, especially those stuck directly or indirectly with the two categories of war and revolution, are sustainability, sacrifice, and martyrdom.

Ashura and its characters and events are featured in these stories as examples of heroic qualities. The emphasis on Islamic revolution and war is the most obvious theme of the novels in the first period. In the second decade after the Islamic Revolution, a religious novel aims at a variety of topics and tries to provide its insights in more diverse formats.

Varieties of techniques are applied for writing a fiction. Religion in this period is mainly considered as a collective and as a kind of social and political ritual. The writers of the spectacular flow in the third decade have increasingly drawn attention to the nature of the story and the rules of the form and genre, and have worked to create an impact on the value of art as well (Saberpour & Shadloo, 2017).

Persian literature after Islamic revolution has become a political tool for promoting the Islamic state ideology. Therefore, religious literary and artistic works (Adabiyat-va

Honar-e Dini) has benefited from state sponsorship in terms of both production and translation (Shams, 2015) (cf. Appendix C). Translation of Persian literature with

Islamic content known as commited literature has proliferated since the advent of

Islamic revolution. Dehqan‘s Journey to Heading 270 Degrees (1994) and Sarshar‘s

That Which That Orphan Saw (1998), Ahmadzadeh‘s A City Under Siege: Tales of the

Iran–Iraq War (2000) and Hosseini‘s One Woman's War: Da (Mother) (2008) are examples of novels with religious content published and translated into English in the post-Islamic revolution period.

2.2.3 Modern Persian Literature in the Socio-Cultural Context of the US

The innovations that took place in Persian literature after the Second World War facilitated the emergence of modern Persian literature and consequently, western readers‘ access to it (Beard, 1998). Since then, modern Persian literature has been translated into different languages but the major portion of Persian translations in the world has been published by the US. This is not surprising because the US holds the biggest publishing industry in the world. While American publishers own 80% of the market for translation of modern Persian literature, the rates for English and Canadian publishers are 10% and 2% respectively (Nanquette, 2016). Though this country is still leading in producing Persian translations, published Persian translations by the US are few in number.

Translation of modern Persian literary works in the US over three decades, between

1979 and 2011, shows that it has not received much attention in the world literary history. According to UNESCO's Index Translationum database, over three decades, only 350 Persian books have been translated which are mainly related to classical literature or religion (Nanquette, 2016). It indicates that modern Persian literature in the socio-cultural context of the US is not much welcomed. There are some reasons for its smaller field of circulation and lack of visibility at international level in comparison to

Iranian movies that have succeeded to win a higher rank in the international movie production (Kenevisi, 2017).

Translation is mostly aligned with the cultural policies of the superpower countries and it has been used to keep a balance of power. In other words, translation is motivated

22 by superpowers‘ political reaction to the events in the world. In the case of Persian literature, Kamran argues that translation policy in the US aims to promote the discussions of cultural discourse on Iran on the issues of Islamophobia and orientalism

(Motlagh & Nanquette, 2016).

Both individuals and institutions have had an influential role in facilitating Persian literature translation into English in the US. Institutions play a key role in promoting and providing financial support for translations (Lefever, 1992). In spite of it, patronage for promoting a culture overseas influences which texts to be chosen for translations or how many books to be translated. Haddadian asserts that the policies of the Iranian government and superpowers for translation have made the market of modern Persian literature much smaller. The fact is that translation is closely associated with geopolitical issues and it is not neutral. Translation is a political act influencing which texts need to be chosen, produced, and even distributed. The diplomatic relationship with the US has encouraged Iranian government mainly to finance the translations of religious books or texts conveying the Islamic message rather than supporting the publication of literary

Persian works (cf. Appendix C). Until 2012, no institution was sponsoring the Persian language. In 2012, Sa‘di institution was established and started promoting Persian literature. So far, this institute has played a key role in promoting translation exchange

(Motlagh & Nanquette, 2016).

In the context of the US, small individual projects have compensated for the lack of patronage for modern Persian literature. Approximately, 76% of translations have been carried out by at least one Iranian-American translator. Though some scholars teaching

23 at the American universities have succeeded to publish their translations through university presses, the number of published copies has been very limited and books are mainly published by small companies which lack professional publishing standards

(Nanquette, 2016).

Individual Iranian-American translators have been influential in the promotion of

Persian literature in the US. They are less restricted by the institutional policies; therefore, they often follow their own preferences which are against the US publishing policies. Nanquette (2016) argues that the way in which Persian books are translated do not reflect orientalist features of Iranians and their culture and religion which is in contrast with what American readers expect to see in the translations. In addition, modern Persian literature is often translated by scholars who insist on the accuracy of translation and prefer to adopt foreignization strategy which often interrupts the reading flow. Translators often emphasize the Iranianness in translations to verify an identity endangered by the politics of the Iranian government, and by emigration. Both emphasizing Iranian identity and keeping traces of Iranianness in the translation and tendencies for intellectual texts than popular literature became the main reasons that

American readers uninterested in Iranian indigenous literature prefer to read translations of modern Western literary fiction instead.

2.2.4 Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam in the US Context

Lost in the Crowd (1985), Hajj (1979), and Shi’ite Islam (1975) were written by three

Iranian prominent intellectual figures in Islamic discourse, Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-

1969), Ali Shariati (1933-1977), and Seyyed Mohammad Hossein Tabatabaei (1903-

1981) respectively. Although they are advocators of Islamic discourse, their devotion to it is from different perspective. While the first two authors are anti-socialists, the third author of Islamic discourse is a philosopher. Their works had drastic contribution to illuminating Islamic culture and in particular Shi‘ism. Their selected works will be elaborated in this section.

In 1964 Al-e Ahmad made the Muslim religious pilgrimage to Mecca called Hajj. He published his record of this trip in 1966 that was translated into English in 1985 as Lost in the Crowd. As an author and social critic, Al-e Ahmad indicated the role of religion in contemporary Iranian life and Iranian identity (Hillmann, 1985, p. xix). He saw in Islam a cultural banner that might be waved as a rallying point, as a means of assuring cultural survival (ibid, p. xxii). He recognized two influential factors in identity establishment of people; first, the role of traditional Islamic values as the basic mind set of the vast majority of the Iranian population and second, Islam‘s potential as a social and political force in Iran‘s future (ibid, p. xii). This travel diary is ―the most directly religious of his writings‖ (ibid, p. xxx).

Six out of the seven translations of his works published between 1982 and 1988.

Translation of Al-e Ahmad‘s works shows that it follows political events. He was an ideologue of the Iranian revolution and in the years closely following the event, there was a desire to explain the revolution to Americans by translating its thinkers

(Nonquette, 2016, p. 8).

The book was translated directly from Persian into English by three translators; two

Persian translators and one English translator. In the preface of the book, translators

25 refer to the difficulties they faced in the translation of such a sensitive cultural text. They assert that such difficulty started from the title of the book. For example, one of the barriers for translating the title was the connotative meaning of the term Miqat. It refers to the area containing the shrines at Mecca which are the goal of the Muslim pilgrimage.

The lexical equivalent of the term is absent in English. A literal rendition of such terms with strong religious semantic associations will not convey the message. Beside the main translators of the text, a group of experts cooperated with them to accomplish the task of translating it.

Hajj was written in 1978 by Shariati, a university professor who similar to Al-e

Ahmad belonged to a group of anti-establishment Iranians writers. As a Muslim sociologist, he sought to explain problems in Muslim societies in the light of Islamic principles and tried to present a clear picture of Islam to people (I-III). In his book Hajj

(Pilgrimage), Shariati describes the rituals of pilgrimage to Mecca. He believes that all matters of Hajj are symbolic issues whose symbolism is less known for anyone; hence, the author turned to decoding hajj rites in the book. Shariati describes the rituals of pilgrimage figuratively and among figures of speech, simile and metaphor are in high frequency in the book. The literary nature of the text is the author‘s style that can be traced in his works (Farhat & Jokar, 2015).

Hajj has been translated directly into English two times by both Iranian and

American translators and published both in Iran and in the US. It was first translated by two translators and published by the Evecina Cultural and Education Foundation in the

US in 1979. A new translation of the book was made by an Iranian-American translator and published by Be‘sat publishing company in 2014.

As for the translation of the book, Behzadnia & Denny, translators of the book assert that translation of the book took two and half years. The delay was due to the difficulties in finding appropriate words for the unique and sophisticated language of the text which conveys the authors‘ important message. Their purpose was to transmit the author's views and understanding of Hajj (2001, p. 5). In the second translation, ―the Qur‘anic verses and Hadith from the original text have been translated into English for the benefit of the reader. Marmaduke Pickthall's translation of the Qur‘an is the source for translation of Qur‘anic verses. Also, in some instances the author's opinions have been further explained by the translator in the form of footnotes‖ (ibid,).

Shi’ite Islam was written in 1963 in Persian and was translated into English by a

Persian translator and published in the US in 1975. The book is the first general introduction to Shi‘ite doctrine, and in particular, an introduction to Twelver Shi‘ism a significant sector of Islam. In the preface, concerning the reason behind writing and translating the book, the translator mentions that it was a project in three volumes with the suggestion from Professor Kenneth Morgan of Colgate University in 1962 for the purpose of presenting Islam as an oriental religion to non-Muslim Western readers from the point of view of an authentic representative of the Shi‘ite religion. The translator indicates the importance of the production of such a text and its effect upon the future of

Islamic studies (1975, p. 18).

In preface of the book, the translator mentions the complexity of translating such a text and in particular, inherent difficulty of presenting ―the polemical side of Shi‘ism‖

(ibid, p. 19). He says that it took six years of collaboration with the author to prepare the text for translation into English. According to him, the difficulty in the translation of the book is mainly because it ―requires a translation of meaning from one world to another, to a world that begins without the general background of knowledge and faith which the usual audience of Allamah Tabataba‘i possesses‖ (1975, p. 19).

To sum up, invisibility of modern Persian literature is caused mainly by lack of patronage, the ethnocentric US publishing policy that is in contrast with individual

Iranian-American translators‘ preference for maintaining foreign traces of Iranian culture, language and religion in the translation; that is to say, Persian translations are not often tailored to the interests of American readers, and finally, American readers who are neither interested in reading indigenous literature nor have knowledge of

Middle Eastern culture and tradition led to the marginalization of modern Persian literature in the US. The study of the selected texts in the context of the US showed that they were translated by independent translators and published in the US during the years close to Islamic revolution or translated in the US soon after Islamic revolution.

2.3 Culture

Culture is a heuristic concept and a wide variety of definitions for it have been presented. However, available literature shows that the definitions have some commonalities (Ferraro & Andreatta, 2010). This section presents first, the origin of the

28 word culture both in Persian and in English, then, components of culture and finally, a model of culture.

2.3.1 Concept of Culture in Persian and in English

The history of evolution of the term within its existing terminological matrix is not clear both in Persian and in English. From the Middle Ages, the term culture has found its way to ancient texts of Persian. Before that, there was no word meant culture. The word culture was traced in the Sassanid Pahlavi texts, Sogdian, and Manichaean texts

(Ashouri, 2014, p 17). It has undergone a great deal of changes in Persian. It is composed of two components of the prefix "far" and "hang". "Far" means front, high, up, forward and ... "hang" has also been taken from the Avestan root "Thang" meaning drag, force, power, and so on (Dehkhoda, 1931, pp. 1295-1298).

Literally, the term can be interpreted as "pulling upwards" and "pulling out" which implies a course of perfection and an escape from ignorance and darkness. Culture as a complete term, not a combination, had various meanings including: politeness, education, knowledge, wisdom, art, greatness, jurisprudence, and Sharia law (Ashouri,

2014, p. 15-17). The intellectual and classical meaning of the term culture is synonymous with the words polite, intelligent, literate, good-humored, and familiar with certain customs and ethics. In the Persian Dari prose and the writings of Pahlavi's language, culture usually means literacy and science, and everything that is within the category of ethical and artistic merits.

For many years, the word ―farhang‖, in the light of its original meaning literacy in

Persian, was considered as equivalent to "education" in European languages, and culture became the title used for a group of people whose job was teaching. That might explain why the Academy of Iran changed the name of the Ministry of Education to the Ministry of Culture in 1935. But the prevalent connotation of the term culture highlighted the need for an equivalent in English, the word "farhang" was used for the term culture and

"amouzesh va parvaresh" was coined for education (Ashouri, 2014, p. 17).

The term culture in English originates from classical language and perhaps before classical Latin, meaning cultivation or nurture. This word is used in terms of agriculture, horticulture, bee culture (Hornby, 2007, p. 306). This term refers to Latin Civis, Civitas,

Civilis, and Civiliser, which means "political" and "urban". That is, the citizen places an organized state against tribal people. Thus, both the term "culture" and "civilization" have carefully considered the idea of progress toward perfection (Ashoury, 2014). The application of culture to human society and history was late and is borrowed from

German language. English language has long used the term civilization instead of culture to denote social cultivation, improvement, refinement, or progress. Formation of the word culture and the changes of sense of the word in English began in the early nineteenth century (Williams, 1983, p. 13). Culture became a central term in literature and in discussions of society (ibid, p. 12). In 1871 the first well-established definition of the concept of culture proposed by an English anthropologist, Edward Tylor (Kroeber &

Kluckhohn, 1952).

Tylor (1903) uses elements of both civilization and culture to create the first anthropological definition of culture. He defines culture as ―that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society‖ (p. 1). By presenting its various applications, he establishes it as a technical term. Over the past century, a collection of definitions has been formulated by anthropologists and more than 160 definitions were identified by Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952).

2.3.2 Components of Culture

Kroeber and Kluckhon (1952), after reviewing the ideas of some scholars, conclude that in conceptualizing culture, the following core-components should be considered, 1) material culture or the association of man to nature for prolonging survival and obtaining techniques, 2) social culture or the interrelations of men arising from their desire for social positions, 3) spiritual culture or subjective thoughts, mindsets, values and events associated with them (p. 97).

In describing the culture, Williams (1998) considers three core components. The first concept or ideal stands for process through which human sublimity with regard to absolute universal worldwide values is achieved. The second concept or documentary culture refers to academic and imaginative attempts in which human reflections and experiences are precisely described. The third concept or social culture presents the value-loaded lifestyle in art, education, organizations and normal behaviors.

Analysis of culture is placed on a continuum emphasizing the discovery of universal at one end and understanding socio-cultural norms at the other end of the continuum and between the two is documentary culture which attempts to record the people‘s lifestyle and generates general law dominating people‘s life.

For Ferraro and Andreatta (2010) culture is whatever people possess, think and perform. The word possess, shows material assets. The word ―think‖ shows what people have on their mind such as thoughts, values, and mindsets. The word ―perform‖ shows behavior norms. This means that cultures have three components: 1) material possessions, 2) thoughts, values, mindsets, and 3) behaving patterns.

According to Tischler (2007) culture has two elements, material and non-material.

The material culture refers to those issues which are touchable and concrete and they can be quantified using scientific measurements including tools, motor vehicles. In contrast, non-material culture deals with issues that cannot be quantified or compared using measurements. Examples for these issues are beliefs, traditions, and the norms of behaviors. While the material culture deals with the physical objects, the non-material culture presents the idea related to the use of the objects.

Tischler believes that norms, a sub-category of non-material culture, determine what common and expected behaviors are in the society. Values reflect what is defined bad, unwanted, and good or wanted in the framework of each culture. Tischler goes on to note that losing or getting accustomed to non-material culture could be a threat to the cultural traditions of a social group. In contrast, material culture needs to be improved by other cultures. He emphasizes that these two cultures are inseparable. Even though at

32 the first glance the association between the material and non-material aspects are not quite evident, such connection and its effect will gradually be apparent.

2.3.2(a) A Model of Culture

Hall (1959) suggests a theory of culture that has three levels including technical, formal, and informal. He argues that a human being communicates through these three levels (pp. 86-7). His iceberg model is called the Triad of Culture. Katan (1999a; 2009b;

2009c) based on Hall‘s model of culture shows how culture functions in the field of translation.

Figure 2.1 The Iceberg representation of culture (Katan 1999a, p. 30)

2.3.2 (a)(i) Technical culture

It is at the tip of the iceberg. Culture is considered here as what is civilized. The invention of alphabets, the writing of dictionaries, the spread of religions, and etc. belong to this level (Delisle & Woodsworth, 2012). At this level, the language signs

33 have a clear referential function. In linguistics, this level of culture is equivalent to the denotative meaning. Everything is understood and measured scientifically at technical culture and can be explained by experts (Katan, 1999a, p. 31). Any types of textbooks are written at this level of culture. For example, textbooks written on the principles of a religion; in particular, books about rules in Islamic tradition known as ―Sharia‖ are at this level of culture. One of the rules, based on Islamic Sharia, is about the importance of

―hejab‖. Denotative meaning of the word available in dictionaries clearly explains the meaning of the word ―hejab ‖. It is also possible to discuss about the word without miscommunication at this level of culture because communication about hejab at this level is culture-free. Denotative meanings of all religious terms are at this level of culture. The focus of translators practicing at technical level is on the text and particularly denotative meaning of the text. Therefore, their task is to translate the terms and concepts in the SL with minimum loss (Katan, 2009b).

2.3.2(a)(ii) Formal culture

Hall‘s second level of culture is part of anthropological definition of culture. It is part of an appropriate and normal way of doing things in the society. It is the culture of traditions, rules, customs, procedures, etc. (Katan, 2004, p. 45). According to Katan

(2009c), it is ―a predictable pattern of shared practices which guide actual language use that occurs at technical level, for example culture-specific genre preferences, prototypes and schemata, or even simply a good style‖ (p. 72). Another point is that people are generally not fully aware of the conventions and norms surrounding them in the society, but this awareness is obtained when the rules and conventions are reminded to them

34 directly or indirectly. For example, religion is a cultural issue and at the formal level of culture in Islamic countries there are rules for women and men for their appropriate way of dressing when they enter university or libraries. Deviation from the rules brings for them some sort of sanctions.

In addition, definition or perception of a religious issue at formal level is different in

Muslim countries with different cultural backgrounds. For instance, Muslim women in

Islamic cultures have different types of ―hejab‖ assumed appropriate in their cultures.

For example, the way that women cover themselves and call it ―hejab‖ in Arab countries such as Yemen and Libya is different from Iranian women and Malay women. Even the color of dress will determine the normality and acceptance of ―hejab‖. Majority of

Iranian Muslim women wear a kind of headscarf called ―maghna‘e‖. Although it is accepted to wear black ―maghna‘e‖ in public places, appearing with colorful

―maghna‘e‖ in the streets or academic places assumed inappropriate for Iranian Muslim woman. On the contrary, Malay Muslim women wear a kind of headscarf called

―tudung‖. It is in different colors and different styles. Malay Muslim women are respected if they wear it in public as well as in academic places (Endelstein & Ryan,

2013).

2.3.2(a)(iii) Informal culture

The concepts of conscious and unconscious are related to Freud. He divides the mind into conscious (or ego) and unconscious. All decisions that human beings take in their lives are governed by the unconscious mind which is formed from crucial memories in childhood. It is the site of human beings‘ repressed feelings and emotions (Freud, 2015).

At this level of culture there are no rules and regulations. Katan (2004) believes that

―this form of culture is neither taught nor learned‖ (p. 46). Hall (1959) asserts that the third form of culture is acquired informally and out-of-awareness because it is not normally accessible to the conscious brain for metacognitive comment. As for the acquisition of this level of culture, Katan (2004) argues that culture is acquired and gradually internalized as ―a relatively fixed internal representation of reality‖ through social organizations such as family, school and the media. This internal representation of reality (a collection of human beings‘ values and beliefs) both guides and prohibits people‘s behavior and decisions in the society (ibid, p. 46). In addition, these values guide and establish culture in formal level.

At the level of ‗values and beliefs‘, translators as mediators focus on the out-of- awareness levels of culture to see what beliefs and values are implicitly carried by the

ST, how these are likely to be filtered by the intended target reader; and what the (likely) intentions of the ST author were compared to the actors involved in the translation.

Katan divides these levels into visible, semi-visible and invisible. The frames below the water line are progressively more hidden but also progressively closer to our unquestioned assumptions about the world and our own (cultural) identities (2009a). In addition, he believes that in reality translators are more concerned with what is visible on the surface. It implies that they are more concerned with technical level of culture.

2.4 Culture and Translation

In this section before presenting discussions on the significance of culture in translation and approaches of translation scholars to this issue, the connection between language and culture will be studied because translation as interdisciplinary field of study is related to semantic linguistics. A historical overview of opinions of anthropologists who indicate the role of culture in producing meaning will be presented.

Then, the discussion will focus on the role of culture in translation.

2.4.1 Language and Culture

The study of meaning in language is an important area of study both for scholars of linguistics and translation. There is a consensus among them that it is not an easy task to convey meaning in Translation. Historically, there are two different views to the relationship between language and culture. In the first view, language and culture are two separate entities while in the second view, language is culture. In the former view, it is believed that translation is an encoding-decoding linguistic process of transferring meaning from original text into the target culture and in the translation process cultural differences can be transferred by the language without significant loss. In the second view, meaning is not transferred by the language alone. Culture is a determining factor in the transfer of meaning in the translation process. In this section, the second view about the relationship between language and culture pertinent to the purpose of this study is elaborated.

Malinowski (1946, pp. 296-336) is one of the first anthropologists who applied the term context to translation to indicate the interrelatedness of language and culture.

According to him, ―language is essentially rooted in the reality of culture … and that it cannot be explained without constant reference to these broader contexts of verbal utterance‖ (ibid, p. 305). In other words, he believes that ―the meaning of any single word is to a very high degree dependent on its context‖ which he calls the ―context of situation‖ (ibid, p. 307). Boas (1940) is another anthropologist who similar to

Malinowski, introduces the subject of culture in the study of language and indicates that there is a dynamic relationship between language, culture and thought.

Hall (1983) provides the essential link between studies on meaning in language and meaning in culture. With regard to the second type of meaning, he argues that in any communication, there is a process of ―contexting‖ and interlocutors retrieve the meaning from the context, and if context is lost, ―information must be added if meaning is to remain constant‖ (p. 61). In the same vein, Ferraro and Andreatta (2010) indicates that meaning in communication is culture-bound. He goes on to assert that people in their interactions need to derive meaning not only from social context but also from the nonverbal cues and the assumptions embedded in the other cultures (p. 22).

Sapir and Whorf are among the first researchers who have highlighted the association between culture and language. Like Malinowski, Sapir (1949) believes that language has a setting which is tightly associated with culture. He maintains that barely can two languages reflect the same reality. The contexts or worlds within which communities are located are quite different; they are not just the same context having different labels.

This idea which is known as the Sapir & Whorf hypothesis has two versions. In the strong version, the way of people think about the world is determined by language while in the weak version; language contributes to the understanding but does not fully limit or determine it.

The weak version has been drawn the attentions of people from the field of anthropology, linguistics and translation. Among the supporters of this version are

Hatim & Mason (1990) who believe that language influences our perception of the reality to some extent but is not a decisive factor (cited in Katan, 1999a).

2.4.2 Language, Culture and Translation

Translation is an activity that comprises at least two languages and inevitably involves at least two different cultures (Toury, 1995). It implies that translators are permanently faced with linguistic and cultural barriers that cause translation more challenging. Shuttleworth & Cowie (1997) define cultural translation as ―types of translation which function as a tool for cross-cultural or anthropological research, or indeed to any translation which is sensitive to cultural as well as linguistic factors‖ (p.

35). In a narrower use of the term, Sturge (2008) defines cultural translation as ―those practices of literary translation that mediate cultural difference‖ (p. 67). On the issue of translation and culture, different views have been emerged about the link between language and culture.

Nida (1964) is one of the early scholars in the field of translation studies who refer to the mutual relation between culture and language. He notes that cultural difference

39 between SL and TL text makes translation problematic. These problems vary in scope depending on the linguistic and cultural gap between the two languages concerned (p.

130). He identifies three types of relatedness between language and culture that reflect the degree of difficulty translators might face. Languages and cultures may be closely related. Languages may not be closely related but the cultures are closely parallel. He points out that the parallels in culture often provide a common understanding despite significant formal shifts in translation. Finally, a translation may involve languages and cultures that are very different. In this condition translation is very difficult (ibid, p. 160-

161).

According to Lotman (1978), ―languages are inseparable from culture. No language can exist […] unless it is steeped in the context of culture, and no culture can exist which does not have, at its center, the structure of natural language‖ (p. 212). It means that every culture needs its own language in order to be transferred and the translation of every language means the translation of culture within it. Similarly, Larson (1984) stresses the importance of cultural knowledge in the translation and says that ―language is a part of culture and, therefore, translation from one language to another cannot be done adequately without knowledge of the two cultures as well as the two language structures‖ (p. 431). In this regard, she continues to say that a translated text must be modified based on target culture because a target reader can only through his/her culture interpret a message. According to Larson (1984),

―the receptor audience will decode the translation in terms of his own culture and experience, not in terms of the culture and experience of the author and audience of the original document. The translator then must help the receptor

audience understand the content and intent of the source document by translating with both cultures in mind‖ (p. ibid).

Newmark (2003) defines culture as "the way of life and its manifestations that are peculiar to a community that uses a particular language as its means of expression" (p.

94), claiming that each language group has its own culturally specific features. He does not consider ―language as a component or feature of culture", if so, there was no translation problem (ibid, p. 95). According to him, ―the more specific a language becomes for natural phenomenon […] the more it becomes embedded in cultural features, and therefore creates translation problems‖ (ibid). From a grammatical perspective, Newmark (1981) asserts that ―a language is partly the repository and reflection of a culture‖ and features of previous cultures will remain in the lexis of a language (p. 183). In other words, language contains all kinds of cultural deposits, in grammar, forms of address as well as the lexis. Contrary to Newmark, Vermeer (1989) believes that ―language is part of a culture‖ (p. 222). It implies that translation is impossible and the role of translators in transcultural communication is not considered.

According to Bassnett (2000), language is ―the heart within the body of culture‖. It implies that language and culture are integrated and the survival of one is dependent on the survival of the other (pp. 13-14). Linguistic notions of transferring meaning are seen as being only part of translation process and ―a whole set of extra-linguistic criteria‖ such as cultural aspects must also be noticed. In this regard, She goes on to mention that

―the translator must tackle the SL text in such a way that the TL version will correspond to the SL version […].To attempt to impose the value system of the SL culture onto the

TL culture is dangerous ground‖ (ibid, p. 23). Thus, in translation it is important to

41 consider not only the lexical impact on the reader, but also the way in which cultural aspects may be perceived and affect translators choices.

Snell-Hornby (1988) approaches the problem of translation within a ―scale of translatability‖ (p. 41). She believes that ―the scale to which a text is translatable varies with the degree to which it is embedded in its own specific culture, also with the distance that separates the cultural background of ST and audience in terms of time and place‖ (ibid). According to her, there are factors that may affect the translatability of a text:

… the problem do not depend on the source text itself, but on the significance of the translated text for its readers as members of a certain culture, or of a sub-group within that culture, with the constellation of knowledge, judgment and perception they have developed from it (p. 42).

The importance of culture in the studies of translation became crucial when Bassnett

& Lefever (1990) introduced the concept of cultural turn in the studies of translation.

Instead of focusing on formal aspects in translation, they highlighted broader issue of context and argued that translations should always be considered in relation to the cultural environment of both ST and TT. According to them, translation is a bicultural practice that requires a kind of shift from one lingua-cultural model of the world to another.

To sum up, in this section it was discussed that the concept of culture both in Persian and in English was quite different and the current meaning of culture appeared later.

Then, the crucial role of culture in translation process was addressed. It was argues that meaning is not located in language; culture carries meaning and transfer of meaning in a

ST depends on its culture and the task of translators is to be able to tackle with cultural associations of the SL terms in the TL.

2.5 Culturemes

Cultural features are also called culturemes. Vermeer was the first scholar who coined the term cultureme. According to him (1983, p. 8), it is ―a social phenomenon of a culture X that is regarded as relevant by the members of this culture and, when compared with a corresponding social phenomenon in a culture Y, is found to be specific to culture X. ‗Corresponding‘ here means that the two phenomena are comparable under certain definable conditions‖ (cited in Nord, 1997, p. 34). In Katan‘s word, culturemes are ―formalized, socially and juridically embedded phenomena that exist in a particular form or function in only one of the two cultures being compared‖

(2009b, p. 78).

Nord (1997) asserts that although culture-bound items exist in a particular form or function in only one of the two cultures being compared, this does not mean that the phenomenon exists only in that particular culture. They are found in other cultures in a different form but with a similar function. For example, religious activities and rituals are performed in different ways both in Islamic tradition and in Christianity. According to Oxford Dictionary, ―baptism‖ is the Christian religious tradition of pouring drops of water on persons or of covering them with water to admit them to the Christian Church

(2007, p. 108). In Islamic tradition, ―shahada‖ in Arabic or ―shahadat‖ in Persian must be recited by a person who wants to become a Muslim. By saying ―shahadat‖, the person is committed to following Islam. In another example of cultureme in the category of

43 religious food, following the death of a Muslim, ―halva‖ is offered to visitors by relatives of the dead person on the 7th and 40th days and first anniversary after the death of the person. In Jewish tradition ―challah‖ is a loaf of bread baked to celebrate the

Jewish Sabbath. As for religious artifacts, prayer beads are used by people to count the repetitions of prayers in some religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, and

Islam. Prayer beads referred to as ―misbahah‖ or ―tespih‖ in Arabic and ―tasbih‖ in

Persian in Islamic tradition, ―juzu‖ in Buddhism, ―komboskini‖ and ―rosary‖ in English,

―japa mala prayer bead‖ in Hinduism are in different shape and size but with similar function.

According to Newmark (2003), cultural categories cover an extensive range of semantic fields (p.95). Nida (1947, 1975) is the first translation scholar who offers a classification for the recognition and selection of foreign words culturally distinctive. He categorizes them into five different types and sub-types (pp. 94-103). All of the terms under these categories possess cultural importance or value in the SL context.

1- Ecology: It covers categories such as flora, fauna, climate, geography and

environment. In the category of flora, there is a special type of plant in the north

of Iran that is called in local language Anarijeh; its scientific name is Froriepia

subpinnata. Local people of northern region in Iran make various types of

seasoning out of it.

2- Material culture: It includes food, clothes, houses, towns, transportation

vehicles. For example, in the category of transportation, there is a three-wheel

motorbike called rickshaw in India. It is a popular and convenient type of vehicle

that people prefer to use instead of using taxi while Iranians have no perception

of such a vehicle as it does not exist in Iran. Fruits in countries with tropical

climate such as durian and mangostin or food like kaya that are not known in

middle-eastern countries. People of Middle East are unaware of such fruits and

food.

3- Social culture: It is divided into two categories of the social entities and social

mechanisms. Social entities include terms such as the individual personality, the

family, classes, and ethnic groups. Social mechanisms covers features such as

socio-religious rites, words of general social intercourse, government, law,

property, occupations, and war.

4- Religious culture: This category include features such moral and ethical criteria,

eschatology, specialized religious activities, religious personages, religious

constructions, religious groups, religious artifacts, religious events. These are the

most sensitive areas in a culture to be translated. For example, ―God‖ is a

religious term that is familiar in all cultures, but perception of it differs in

different cultural settings. It is completely different in a Buddhist community

comparing to an Islamic society or a Christian context.

5- Linguistic culture: It covers different aspects of language such as phonological,

morphological, syntactic, and lexical aspects in both SL and TL.

Following Nida, Newmark (2003) adapted his proposed taxonomy and added another category to it, the category of gestures and habits. For example, shaking hands in greetings, using a behavior called ―ta‘arof‖ in Persian culture as a sign of respect to

45 others, wearing black dress in funerals, and covering the mouth with a hand at the time of yawning are all cultural signs that belong to this category of culture.

Based on Katan‘s cultural model (cf. section 2.2.3), the main concern of translators at technical level of culture is the translation of cultural items or culturemes. In other words, fundamental issue on cultural translation is about translatability of cultural aspects in the translation process. In the next section, untranslatability of cultural categories and in particular, religious culture is discussed in detail.

2.6 Untranslatability

The concept of translatability and factors involved in untranslatability of sensitive texts, in the case of this study, religious texts have been addressed by translation scholars. According to Shuttleworth & Cowie (2014), translatability is ―a term used … to discuss the extent to which it is possible to translate either individual words and phrases or entire texts from one language to another‖ (p. 179). There is consensus among scholars that there is no absolute possibility in the translation and transfer of meaning. Translation is used with a relative looseness (Pym & Turk, 2005). In other words, untranslatability is an inevitable part of translation. Similarly, Hermans (2009) notes that untranslatability ―mostly appears in relative form, as a matter of aspect, kind or degree. There always remains an untranslatable rest … in the shape of connotation, nuance or poetic quality‖ (p. 302).

Untranslatability bears upon two factors. Catford (1978, p. 94) distinguishes between these two categories of untranslatability as the linguistic and the cultural. He notes that

46 linguistic untranslatability occurs when the lexical and syntactical elements of the original language cannot be substituted in the target language while cultural untranslatability takes place when ―a situational feature, functionally relevant for the SL

… text, is completely absent from the culture of which the TL … is a part‖ (ibid, p. 99).

In terms of linguistic untranslatability, the structural asymmetries that exist between

English and Persian prevent conceptual mapping. For example, at word-level, lexical incompatibility is evident in one of the concepts of kinship. While in English there is only a single term ―cousin‖ that refers to the son or daughter of one‘s uncle or aunt, in

Persian there are eight separate terms referring the same term. In the translation from

Persian into English it fails to find a direct reflection in TL. In another example, the structure of ―ketab-e man‖ [noun + possessive adjective] in Persian does not exist in

English. Therefore, the translator is forced to apply English rules of sentence structure to translate it. The phrase is translated into ―my book‖ [possessive adjective + noun].

Catford goes on to claim that between the two categories of untranslatability, ―cultural untranslatability . . . is usually less absolute than linguistic untranslatability‖ (ibid, p.

99).

Bassnett (2000) criticizes his narrow approach to cultural untranslatability and argues that he fails to consider the content meaning of the source text or its situational features.

She believes that different concepts in different contexts have different connotative meaning (p. 40-41). For example, while the concept of ―woman‖ is present in the lexis of almost all languages, in the eastern Muslim cultures where polygamy is common in some countries, it is totally different from the meaning of ―woman‖ in the West. Hence,

47 meaning is not transferred by the language itself but is negotiated between readers of SL and TL from within their own contexts of culture.

Another determining factor is that translation depends, to a certain degree, on a kind of incommensurability between two languages as its condition rather than its problem

(Pym & Turk, 2005, p. 274). Similarly, Schulte & Biguenet (1992), note that the structural differences which exist between languages are not limitations to translation.

This is due to the fact that each language has the potential of expression which produces alternatives for expressing extra-linguistic features even for expressing those features beyond its cultural experience.

From Hermeneutic approach, Steiner (1975) stresses the degree of fidelity to be pursued to solve untranslatability (cited in Hatim & Munday 2004). Steiner, in his book,

After Babel (1975), shifts from a static one-to-one correspondence between SL and TL texts and posits mediation between the two sides in rendering the SL text into the TL. He makes balance between SL and TL cultural contexts. According to him,

the translator, the exegetist, the reader is faithful to his text, makes his response responsible, only when he endeavours to restore the balance of forces, of integral presence, which his appropriative comprehension has disrupted. … the translator-interpreter creates a condition of significant exchange. The arrows of meaning, of cultural, psychological benefaction, move both ways. There is, ideally, exchange without loss (p. 302).

Similarly, in the translation of culturally loaded items, Baker (1992) argues that the main translation problem is the lack of a one-to-one equivalent for the SL terms in the

TL (p. 21). Aixela (1996) addresses double tension that a translator faces in the

48 translation of cultural terms. According to him, translation problem is ―due to the nonexistence or to the different value (whether determined by ideology, usage, frequency, etc.) of the given item in the target language culture‖ (p. 57). Setting, readership and context are important factors for the translation of cultural terms

(Newmark, 2003, p. 102).

With regard to the untranslatability in different text type, Larson (1984, p. 180) believes that cultural terms dealing with a religion are the most challenging, both in the analysis of the source lexical item and in choosing the most appropriate equivalence in the TL. With regard to translation of Islamic texts, the difficulty is that non-Muslim readers do not have knowledge of the various aspects of meaning related to a single item. In the same vein, Nida (1994, p. 148) states that translation of religious texts can be a good testing ground for the limits of translatability. The notion of untranslatability, in Turner's view (1997, p. x), operates on two distinct levels; the aesthetico-linguistic and the religio-philosophical levels but the question of fidelity, of faithfulness to the text is the central issue at both levels. Manafi Anari (2003), views untranslatability of the

Holy Qur‘an from two perspectives. He believes that beside linguistic untranslatability, a theological factor is related to the untranslatability of it.

Abdul-Raof (2005, p. 166-70) presents his analysis of Qur‘an translation with regard to its untranslatability in more details. He identifies some factors that characterize the untranslatability of Islamic texts and in particular, Qur‘an translation. Except the last one that belongs to linguistic untranslatability, lexical elements in other categories impose cultural untranslatability. The problem is that these items reflect cultural overtone

49 pertinent to the Muslim culture and community that in the translation impose restrictions for the translator. They include theological expressions, ritual expressions, abstract moral concepts, delexicalised expressions, material culture, and linguistic voids. Similar to previous scholars, he believes that untranslatability is in a degree, from minimum loss of meaning to an absolute loss. For example, minimum loss can be found in the translation of lexical items that exist in both languages of source and target but with different perception, i.e., the term ―hajj‖ in Persian and its equivalent ―pilgrimage‖ in

English, and complete loss is evident in lexical items that are lacking in the target language, i.e., ―tabarok‖ in Persian. He calls such delexicalised expressions as ―black holes‖ in the translation (ibid, p. 168).

To conclude, translatability is not an absolute possibility. There is a range of translatability depending on the approaches to the translation and commensurability between languages. Scholars identify various factors that impose untranslatability. They include context of the source and target text, lack of terminology in the target language, level of knowledge or education of the readers, connotative meaning of the words in different cultural settings, and specific language peculiarities.

2.6.1 Untranslatability of Religious Terms in the Persian Context

What is challenging in the translation of religious cultural texts is the problem of shifting between two discourse worlds with different ideologies when dealing with

Islamic versus western discourse (Holt, 2004, p. 65). Islamic discourse, as a political discourse, has its own view of the world that is opposite to western one. Holt goes on to assert that it is a kind of discourse that attempts to speak from outside the orbit of the

West and to challenge notions of universality based on European models (ibid, p. 63).

Similarly, Nasr (1975) in the preface of the book Shi’ite Islam refers to this problem in the translation of Islamic discourse to western readers with different mentality.

Sharififar (2009) investigates the problematic areas in the Persian translation of

Banyan‘s Pilgrim’s Progress an allegorical text. He finds certain characteristics in religious texts that usually cause translation loss. He categorizes problem of translating religious texts into two types: translators had least problems for transferring the religious concepts common between Islam and Christianity, while the problem remains with the religious concepts which are not common between Islam and Christianity.

Persian translators face difficulty translating religious concepts exclusive to

Christianity. An example of these concepts is ―trinity‖. According to this doctrine, God presents as three persons namely Father, Son, and the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit is the one who helps the Christ to accomplish the redemptive process. In contrast, ―tawheed‖ as a sign of monotheism is special to Islam and makes it different from Christianity and

Judaism. This concept which corresponds to the trinity argues that there are no partners for God and he does not need anyone. In an example, Sharififar shows the way that translator dealt with these differences in Persian:

Example 1: Cultural Equivalence for Rendering a Christian Term into Persian

ST God sent forth his Son, made of a woman (p. 341).

ﺥﺫ ﺍًّﺫ ﻑﺭﺯﻥﺩﺍ ؼًﺱﺍ ﺩﺱ ّﺥْﺩ ﺹﻯ ﺁﻑﺵیﺫ (TT . (pp. 270-271

Gloss [God] [child-his] [Ø] [from] [existence] [woman] [created].

BTr God created his child from existence of a woman.

In the above example, the translator has adopted Newmark‘s cultural equivalent and used the word ―farzand‖ in the place of ―son‖ (child). Another issue which is popular with Christians is the Easter ―lamb‖. This term is a symbol of Jesus and corresponds his death to lamb sacrificed on the first pass over. Lamb stands for Christ‘s innocence and virtue. The example below shows Persian translator‘s translational behavior in dealing with the term:

Example 2: Deletion of a Christian Term in the Persian Translation

ST … be to him that sitteth upon the throne and to the lamb forever and ever (P.209).

ﺕﺵ ﺁﻯ کﻅ کَ ﺕﺵ ﺕﺥﺕ ؾًی ٌﺫ ﺕﺍ ﺍﺕﺫﺍالﺕﺫ (TT .(p. 183 [be] [to] [him] [that] [upon] [throne] [sits] [forever and ever]. Gloss

BTr to whom seated on the throne forever.

As it is evident in the example, ―lamb‖ was deleted in Persian translation. Sharififar highlights some of the differences between Islam and Christianity. For instance,

―redemption‖ concept which is the main part of Christian doctrine is absent in Islam.

Due to such differences, many Christian concepts fail to have the same effect in Persian translation of The Pilgrim’s Progress and the religious concepts are not understandable to Persian readers.

Problems associated with religious culture are not just limited to the content of the message but includes words referring to things not allowed in the TL. Katan (2009c) believes that no word is completely dependent on dictionary knowledge when we are discussing informal culture. That is why technical terms are culturally loaded based on the type of readership. According to Bassnett (2000), due to the culture-bound issues,

52 some products like butter, whisky or Martini fail to have the same connotations in the original language when they are translated into other languages. In translation, translators must consider how anchored the intended meaning is to its ―specific context‖ and hence value system; and also how clear it is to the target reader that the meaning is framed within a different model of the world.

In a similar vein, Sharififar (2009) argues that some of the problems in translating religious discourse could be associated with the attitudes that readers hold towards religion. Some issues which are ordinary to English readers could be offensive to

Persian readers. For instance, Persian readers cannot bear anti-religion issues. Thus, the translators need to either mitigate this issue or delete them. Another example is

Alcoholic drinks such as wine (i.e. as a symbol of Jesus‘ blood and his sacrifice) that is mainly served in the religious ceremonies of Christians is totally forbidden in Islam.

Such a contradiction can be seen in the following extract.

Example 3: Adaptation in the Translation of an English Term into Persian

ST The next they brought up was a bottle of wine, red as blood. So Gaius said to them, drink freely, this is the juice of the true wine that makes glad the heart of God and Man (P.341).

ﻉپﻅ ﺱﺍﻍﺭی ﺁ ّﺱﺩًﺫ کَ ﺩﺱ ﺁﻯ ﺥْ ُﺵی ﻉﺵﺵ ﺱ ًگ ﺕَ ﺱ ًگ ﺥْﻯ ﺕْﺩ. پﻅ ﻩیﺽﺕﺍﻯ ﺕَ ﺍیؾاﻯ گﻑﺕﺁﺹﺍﺩﺍ ًَ ﺕیاؽاﻩیﺫ, ﺹیﺵﺍ ﺁﺏ TT ﺡیﺍﺕ ﺏﺥﺵی ﺍﻉﺕ کَ ﻝﺍ ﻝﺓ ﺍ ًﻍﺍﻯ ّ ﺥﺫ ﺍًّﺫﺱﺍ ﻩﻍﺵّﺱ ﻩی ﻉﺍﺹﺩ (p. 272).

Gloss [then] [cup-a] [brought] [that] [in] [it] [link] [red] [color] [to] [color] [blood] [was]. [then] [host] [to] [them] [said] [freely] [drink], [because] [life-giving water-a] [is] [that] [heart] [human being] [and] [God] [Ø] [happy] [make].

BTr Then they brought a cup full of a liquid as red as blood. So, the host told them to drink freely because it is life-giving water that makes human being and God happy.

Both terms, ―bottle of wine‖ and ―win‖ in the ST have been replaced by ―saghar‖

(cup) and ―ab-e hayatbaxsh‖ (life-giving water) in the TT respectively.

Sharififar (2009) in his article concludes that the Persian translator has failed to keep a consistency in the translation. Huge parts of the text are not translated (deleted), and small parts are over translated. For over translation, the translator has adopted two procedures together to fill the referential gap.

It can be concluded that features of religious texts are far more intricate. The transmission of terms with religious association from its cultural context into another context and for a new audience sheds light on other aspects in the translation of this kind of texts; for instance, religious terms may have different interpretations according to the context as it was exemplified in the translation of a Christian term, ―trinity‖. There are also referential gaps due to difference between the two languages.

2.7 Target Reader

Target receivers of translated text are one of the crucial factors in the translation and attention to their expectations in the translation of a text and factors affect their expectations have been discussed by some scholars. In this section the ideas of scholars who advocate receiver studies from different perspectives is reviewed.

Earlier scholars addressed readers in the translation from different perspective such as reader‘s communicative role, reader‘s background knowledge of the source language and culture, and reader‘s sociological environment (Wilss, 1977; Thiel, 1974, 1980;

Cartellieri, 1979; cited in Nord, 2005, p. 57). Awareness of readers‘ role in the translation studies was detected in Newmark‘s (2003) works. In A Textbook of

Translation highlights the importance of paying attention to the readership as a basic

54 factor in the translation of a text. He argues that ―a text is something that may have to be reconstituted for a different readership in a different culture‖ (p. 15).

As for readers‘ knowledge, Newmark (2003) asserts that the expectations of the putative readership are closely connected to his/her knowledge of the source text topic.

In this regard, he categorizes three typical types of reader; ―the expert (in the SL text culture and/or the subject of discourse), the educated layman, and the ignoramus - in the source text culture and /or the topic‖ (p. 55). Attention to the type of target language reader is important because target readers ―with less knowledge of the topic or the culture‖ will fail to communicate with the text (p. 15).

Similarly, Nord (2005) argues that the communicative background of the addresses, for example, target readers‘ general background and their knowledge of special areas and subject matters are important elements in the analysis of a text for the translation.

She adds that in text analysis for the translation, ―the communicative needs of the TT addresses‖ needs to be considered. In this regard, she also notes that certain texts can be addressed to different readers. It can be addressed to either a specific reader that a text was addressed to or to any chance receivers who happen to read a text. The two types of readers have their own expectations and therefore, they affect the type of translation (p.

58).

The point that is worth noting is that readers are heterogeneous in background knowledge. According to Venuti (2000), ―translation is made to perform different functions, academic or religious, cultural or political, commercial or municipal. Any community that arises around a translation is far from homogenous in language, identity,

55 or social position‖ (p. 491). It means that readers who grow up in different communities have different background knowledge and therefore, their expectations are most probably different from each other. Since the degree of knowledge of target readers is a determining factor, Venuti (1998) indicates that the ―expectations and knowledge‖ of the target readers of the translation must be taken into account together (p. 16). In a similar vein, Jones (2011) believes that readers have different identities, experiences and knowledge schemata and therefore they need information about a target text to a different degree and consequently, they show different reactions to a text that they read.

Some scholars believe that translation norms are not independent of readers‘ expectation. In this regard, Ruokonen (2011) is a scholar who focuses on the relationship between target readers‘ expectation and translation norms. She argues that ―readers‘ expectation may exert a normative influence on translators‘ solutions‖ (p. 74). She adds that ―if the target text defies the reader‘s expectations, it may also disturb the reader, particularly if it is felt to break a norm, or to avoid what would have been a more acceptable choice (p. 73). She addresses ―contemporary expectation‖ (p. 73). It implies that readers‘ expectation in each period can change due to changes in socio-cultural context. She claims that more ―research is needed on conflict between expectation and reality, as well as on translations brought out by different publishers‖ (p. 73). It implies that translations published by different publishers needs to be analysed to identify whether translations are in conformity with readers‘ expectations or they are different.

In a similar vein, Cronin (2012) highlights the role of reader as ―the most single feature of translation norms‖ (p. 379). He notes that in the past translation norms used to

56 be determined by the nature of the SL or the prestige of the SL author, it is evaluated later by the extent to which translated texts are accessible to the target readers.

Translation norms in the modern time are viable and prone to change gradually. It means that translation norms need to be investigated in each period of time.

Most of the translation scholars assume that the readers of a text are adults. On the contrary, Oittinen (2000) highlights the importance of paying attention to the child readers. In her view, readers of a book in translation for children are not merely children.

The translators ―with their own child images‖ and the target-language readers are the readers of a text in translation (p. 4). Translator, through ―imaginary projections of her/his own readerly self‖, reaches toward the future child readers of the translation (p.

5). Furthermore, she believes that in the translation of children‘s literature ―the intentions of the readers of a book in translation‖ must be prioritized over ―the original author‘s intentions‖ (p. 3). The purpose of the whole translation process is to give priority to the child as the reader of the text.

Evers et al., (2010) describe that the purpose and function of a literary translation is

―to keep the audience‘s attention and entice readers into the work of a given author‖ (p.

155). He addresses to the concept of fidelity in translation as an important element that must be considered. He goes on to say that fidelity in translation is not limited to the relation between source text and translator alone. He believes that there must be ―fidelity towards the final readers‘ expectations, necessities and abilities‖ (Aubert, 1993, p. 75 cited in Evers et al., 2010, p. 157). In other words, ―fidelity is defined as an attempt to

57 fulfill the expectations, needs and reading skills the translator assumes the audience to have‖ (ibid).

Similarly, Farghal and Al-Masri (2000) emphasis on the relationship between translation fidelity and target readers‘ role as a solution by explaining that ―target language readers' response will be important for deciding whether a certain translation is successful or not. That is to say, by studying the target language recipients' responses, a given translation can be validated‖ (p. 28). They also believe that fidelity in translation depends on the extent to which it affects the target readers. In other words, ―correctness must be determined by the extent to which the average reader for which a translation is intended will be likely to understand it correctly‖ (Nida & Taber, 1982, p. 1 cited in

Farghal & Al-Masri, 2000, p. ibid). They also, limited the discussion on the relationship between translation fidelity and readers‘ perception to the translation of cultural specific elements because fidelity in the translation of such terms due to linguistic and cultural chasms can prevent misunderstanding among target readers and consequently, miscommunication.

Readers‘ role in making texts meaningful has been addressed by some scholars.

Hermans (1999) points out that ―a text, as an artefact, only comes to life as an aesthetic object when a reader responds to it … when it serves as a stimulus in an actual communication process‖ (p. 63). In fact, readers have crucial role in realizing the value of translation. In addition, readers‘ opinion is not formed in a vacuum. In the same line,

Ping (2012), from the perspective of ideology, indicates that ―readers living in the same specific socio-cultural milieu and restrained by the same ideology tend to conform to

58 similar views on the same texts‖ (p. 128). Based on Fish‘s theory of ―interpretive communities‖ she argues that a reader is a member of a community and readers in a community share a set of interpretive strategies in common. Interpretive community makes a collective decision as to what will count as literature. She adds that readers are not completely passive. They can make a text meaningful. Hence, they can ―arouse the same, similar or totally different responses from different TL readers. Because of the different ideologies in different historical-geographical situations, translations may be encouraged and commissioned, or resisted and rejected by the readers‖ (p. ibid).

Dominant ideologies and social changes over time affect readers‘ preference and readers‘ opinion is aligned with the dominant ideology of the society. Hence, readers‘ expectations are formed based on dominant ideology of the society.

To sum up, scholars have approached the importance of the target readers or centrality of target readers in the translation from different aspects. Various factors that influence readers‘ idea and their expectation as well as scholars opinions in this regard were discussed. In addition, scholars‘ different perception of reader was explained. The point that scholars have consensus is that the degree of fidelity of a text to the target readers can be validated by the actual readers of a target text.

2.8 Theoretical Framework of the Study

The analysis of the corpus of this study consists of the IRCTs in non-fiction Persian literature will be carried out within the theoretical framework of DTS, with a particular emphasis on Toury‘s (1995) norm theory, AlGhamdis‘ (2016) taxonomy of Islamic religious terms, Vinay and Darbelnet‘s (1995) and Mansor‘s (2011) taxonomies of

59 translation procedures, and Venuti‘s (2008) notions of domestication and foreignization.

This framework will help the researcher to answer the research questions. In the following sections, the theoretical framework of the present study is elaborated in details.

2.8.1 Descriptive Translation Studies

The field of translation studies has always been in need of paradigms and models that help this field to expand and also reach to a stage of precision that can be described as a science. In 1972 James Holmes introduced a modern and scientific vision of translation studies and also outlined the structure of that discipline. His modern categorization of translation studies covers different approaches to the subject. Within this broad field

Holmes makes a distinction between two main branches: pure versus applied branches

(Toury, 1995, P. 9-10). According to Holmes, translation studies as a field of pure research has two main objectives: First, to describe the phenomena of translating and translation(s) as they manifest themselves in the world of our experience and second, to establish general principles by means of which these phenomena can be explained and predicted (2000b, pp. 176-177). He divides pure translation approach into theoretical versus descriptive sub-branches (Toury, 1995, pp. 9-10). Adopting Holmes‘ subdivision of translation studies into Descriptive and Theoretical translation studies, it is on DTS that Toury focuses his attention.

Figure 2.2: Holmes‘ Basic (2000b) Map of Translation Studies

There are three types of research in DTS proposed by Holmes which are distinguished into product-oriented, function-oriented, and process-oriented. Product- oriented DTS is an area of research that describes existing translations. It describes the individual translations or texts. Function-oriented DTS attempts to describe the function of translated texts in the recipient socio-cultural situation. In fact, it is a study of context rather than text. Process-oriented-DTS concerns itself with the process or act of translation itself. It is related to translator‘s performance (Toury, 1995, p. 12). These three approaches are interconnected.

Toury emphasizes on the need to promote descriptive studies: ―no empirical science can make a claim for completeness and (relative) autonomy unless it has a proper descriptive branch‖ (1995, p. 1). With the objectives of an empirical science in mind,

Toury calls for ―a systematic branch proceeding from clear assumptions and armed with a methodology and research techniques made as explicit as possible and justified within translation studies itself‖ (1995, p. 3).

One task of DTS is to confront the position which is assumed by a translation.

According to Toury as quoted by Schaffner, translation is every text that is regarded and accepted as a translation by a given community (1998, p. 6). As an approach DTS is a target-oriented study and is on the basis of the identification of the target text and its constitutive elements as translational phenomena from the point of view of the target system (Toury, 1980, p. 84). Therefore, the approach of DTS focuses on what translation is and does rather than what translation should be.

This approach also focuses on contextual reasons for what it is and does. In this regard, Toury asserts that ―translations are facts of target cultures‖ (1995, p. 29). The target text needs to be analyzed so that the constraints that affect translation can be revealed in the target context. In fact, there is a shift of attention from the comparison of source and target text to the study of the relations between target texts and their context.

The main purpose of DTS is to describe, understand and explain the regularities that are representative of translational phenomena in order to set a model for translation studies. In other words, through identifying the regularities of translations, the norms that have been in operation in the translation are reconstructed. Meanwhile, the purpose of identifying norms in Toury‘s systemic descriptive study is to achieve laws of behavior for translation, in other words, translational behavioral patterns. Hence, it is necessary to study the nature and role of norms in Toury‘s work.

2.8.2 Translation Norm Theory

Central to DTS approach is the concept of norm. It was first introduced by Toury in the late 1970s. The concept proved influential during the 1980s and 1990s and has supported the most active research programs in translation studies since then. Both

Toury and Hermans have contributed substantially to the development of the concept of norms in translation studies.

Norms are acquired by people during their socialization and always imply sanctions- actual or potential, negative as well as positive. Within the community, norms also serve as criteria according to which actual instances of behavior are evaluated. According to

Hermans as quoted by Toury:

The centrality of norm is not only metaphorical, rather, it is essential. Norms are the key concepts and focal point in any attempt to account for the social relevance of activities, because their existence, and the wide range of situations they apply to (with the conformity this implies), are the main factors ensuring the establishment and retention of social order (2000, p. 202).

Concerning the central position that norms occupy in translation studies, it can be said that they determine the selection, the production and the reception of translations.

Toury defines norms as ―the translation of general values or ideas shared by a certain community- as to what is right and wrong, adequate and inadequate – into specific performance-instructions appropriate for and applicable to specific situations‘ (Toury,

1980, p. 51).

Translation is subject to constraints of several types and varying degree. Toury refers to socio-cultural constraints. According to him, socio-cultural constraints are located

63 between two extremes; relatively absolute rules, on the one hand and pure idiosyncrasies on the other. Between these two poles lies a middle-ground occupied by inter subjective factors designated norms. The border between various types of constraints is relative

(1995, p. 199).

Translator is one of the important sources for the study of translational norms. He manipulates the source text to conform to the existing cultural constraints (Gentzler,

2001, p. 34). Therefore, as a socio-historical agent, his negotiation of contextual constraints as well as of the prospective target text function is predominately revalued by the shifts adopted in translation.

According to Toury, ―norms can be expected to operate not only in translation of all kinds, but also at every stage in the translating event, and hence to be reflected on every level of its product‖ (2000, p. 202). He distinguishes different kinds of norms that operate at different stages of the translation process.

In Preliminary norms the issues of translation policy and directness of translation are considered. Translation policy refers to factors determining the selection of texts for translation in a specific language, culture or time. Directness of translation relates to whether translation occurs through an intermediate language (e.g. Persian to Arabic via

English). Questions for investigation include the tolerance of the target text culture to this practice, which languages are involved and whether the practice is hidden or not

(2000, p. 202).

The basic initial norm relates to a general choice made by translators. Thus, translators can subject themselves to the norms realized in the source text or to the norms of the target culture or language. If it is towards the source text, then the target text will be adequate; if the target culture norms prevail, then the target text will be acceptable. The poles of adequacy and acceptability are on a continuum since no translation is ever totally adequate or totally acceptable (Toury, 2000, pp. 200-201).

Operational norms relate to decisions that are made during the act of translation.

They describe the distribution or the segmentation of the target text as well as linguistic matter of the target text. Matricial norms determine the macro-structure of the text and govern decisions concerning, for example, translating all or part of the source text, division into chapters, acts, stanzas, paragraphs. In other words, they relate to the structure of the target text. Phenomena include omission or relocation of passages, textual segmentation, and the addition of passages or footnotes and manipulations of segmentation. These are determined by matricial norms. Textual-linguistic norms affect the text‘s micro-level, the detail of sentence construction, word choice, the use of italics or capitals for emphasis. In fact, they determine the selection of target text‘s linguistic material: lexical items, phrases and stylistic features (Toury, 2000, pp. 202-203).

Translational norms can be investigated from two types of sources including textual and paratextual sources. From textual source, texts themselves are examined in order to show all kinds of regularities of behavior. It will demonstrate the processes adopted by the translator and, hence, the norms that have been in operation. From paratextual source, the theoretical and critical statements made about translation by translators,

65 publishers, reviewers and other participants in the translation act are analyzed (Toury,

2000, pp. 206-207).

Toury‘s two laws pull in different directions. The law of growing standardization depicts target-language-orientation norms, it is related to acceptability. The law of interference is source language-oriented and it is related to adequacy in translation.

Other translation scholars also have attempted to elaborate the concept by emphasize on various aspects of norms. Schaffner (1998) distinguishes translational behavior and translational norms. She argues that ―translational behavior is contextualized as social behavior, and translational norms are understood as internalized behavioural constraints which embody the values shared by a community‖ (p. 6). Hermans (1996) defines translation as a communicative act and highlights the problem-solving function of translational norms. He says that there are always problems in communication and translational norms offer solutions to problems of communication. In addition, he brings the translator into the center of debates about norms and highlights the interplay between the translator‘s choice as responses to expectations, constraints and pressures in a social context. In fact, he emphasizes on the agents involved in the processes of translation rather than on the nature of the relation between ST and TT.

Following Toury and Hermans‘ work in reconstructing the concept of norms in descriptive studies of translation, Chesterman (1993) attempts to develop further the notion of norms by distinguishing two types of norms; professional norms and expectancy norms. Professional norms emerge from competent professional behavior and govern the accepted methods and strategies of the translation process. They can be

66 sub-divided into three major types: accountability norms are ethical and call for professional standards of integrity and thoroughness; communication norms are social and emphasize the role of the translator as a communication expert; relation norms are linguistic and require the translator to establish and maintain an appropriate relation between source and target texts on the basis of his/her understanding of the intentions of the original writer/commissioner, the projected readership and the purpose of the translation (p. 8-9).

To Chesterman (1997, pp. 63-70).), expectancy norms, known as product norms, are concerned with how a translation of a given type should be in the target culture. They are established by the expectations of the receivers of the translated text. These norms can be affected by mediator factors such as ―economic and ideological factors, as well as power relations within and between cultures‖ (p. 64). Readers, who might not necessarily be clients, may have expectations about different aspects of translation of a text including textual and paratextual aspects. Their expectations can be about ―text-type and discourse conventions, about style and register, about the appropriate degree of grammaticality, about the statistical distribution of text features of all kinds, about collocations, lexical choice, and so on‖ (ibid, p. 64). It is worth noting that expectancy norms are validated and established by a group of experts, in a given society that he calls

―norm authorities‖ (ibid, p. 66). Another point is that expectancy norms are not permanent, but are prone to change and modification. Such norms are also specified by text types and each type requires its own expectations (ibid, p. 67).

For the purpose of this study, the concept of norm introduced by Toury (1995) is relevant to the second and third objectives of the study which are concerned with translation norms and conventions. A good translation is judged based on norms or conventions in the target context. Translators intervene in the translation to produce a kind of text that is in accordance with purpose of translation in the target context and the expectation of TT readers. Therefore, this study draws on Toury‘s norm theory to investigate translators‘ performance and readers‘ preference.

2.8.3 AlGhamdi’s (2016) Classification of Religious Terms

As for the translation of religious terms, AlGhamdi‘s (2016) suggested taxonomy is used. Compared to previous models (Nida, 1947; Crystal, 1964; Elewa, 2014;

Aldweikat, 2015), her taxonomy is suitable for the purpose of this study which is about to classify Islamic terms. Moreover, it is a comprehensive taxonomy to cover different types of IRCTs under a certain definition.

Due to similarity between two Middle-Eastern Muslim cultures, the taxonomy proposed by her is more applicable in this study in order to trace terms that contain religiously loaded meaning. Other taxonomies proposed by some researchers and scholars have been developed based on Western culture and language while in the selected taxonomy, AlGhamdi (2016) modified Nida‘s proposed taxonomy of religious terms. In other words, based on her corpus which was an Islamic text, she added tree categories that were missing in Nida‘s (1947) model. Hence, she expanded previous model. For the purpose of this study, two categories in her framework were excluded from this study because they are beyond lexical level and are not limited to semantic

68 aspect of these terms and cover pragmatic aspect of IRCTs. The excluded categories include terms of revelation and moral and ethical criteria.

AlGhamdi (2016) in her book proposes a more specific definition for the categories of RCTs. She adapted and developed Nida‘s (1947) taxonomy and then, suggested a clear definition for his framework of RCTs. She modifies Nida‘s model by adding sub- categories to his framework. The criteria that she has for the selection of terms as religious cultural ones, is that all of such terms must possess religious importance and value in the source culture. Based on the data collected from her corpus of study, she succeeds to find one more category (religious sites) and two sub-categories (proper names of religious personages and generic nouns of religious personages) and adds them to the previous model (pp. 303-35). AlGhamdi‘s definition for each category is presented below.

1. Eschatology: This religious category covers all aspects of the God‘s intervention

in the human‘s life. On the one hand, it includes everything related to the next

world, on the other hand, everything that happens but is beyond human power

/tohid/ ﺕْﺯیﺫ .(such as miracles, divine punishments and/ or blessings‖ (p. 303―

/barzax/ ﺕﺵﺹﺵ ,ruz-e ghiamat/ the day of judgment/ ﺱّﺹ ﻝیﺍﻩﺕ ,monotheism

ػ /eghab-e oxravi/ punishment in the other world areﻡﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی ,intermediate stage

examples of Islamic religious terms in this category.

2. Moral and ethical criteria: This category relates to any action or behavior that is

either approved or rejected by Islamic law. For example, generosity and kindness

are among behaviors that are highly valued in Islamic ideology, while backbiting

and murder are strongly prohibited. The scale for evaluating the standards of

behavior are set by two main sources of Qur‘an and Hadith during the Prophet

Muhammad‘s life, and then by scholars‘ consensus and judgment after his death

(p. 307-08). An example in this category is presented as follows:

Example 1: Moral and Ethical Criteria

ﺕ ٌ ِﺍ ّﻅیﻑَ ﺯ کْهت اعالﻩی ﺍیﻱ ﺍﻉﺕ کَ تا ؽْﺱﺍ ﺩس ؼؽاع ؽﺵیؼت ﺕَ ﻉﺙﺓ ﻩﺹﻝﺱﺕ ّﻝﺕ, ﺕﺹﻭیﻭﺍﺕی ﺕگیﺵﺩ. . ST (Shie dar Eslam, p. 18)

Gloss [only] [responsibility] [government] [Islamic][this] [is] [that] [with] [council] [in] [around] [Sharia] [to] [reason] [benefit] [time], [decisions] [make].

TT A government which is really Islamic cannot under any pretext refuse completely to carry out the Shari‘ah‘s injunctions (Shi’ite Islam, p. 38).

3. Religious Artifacts: AlGhamdi puts all items considered as manufactured tools

used for a religious purpose in this category. This category is similar to one

category of Newmark‘s model of cultural terms. It belongs to the category of

/sajjadeh/ ﻉﺩﺍﺩٍ ,bot/ idol/ ﺕﺕ ,tasbih/ prayer beads/ ﺕﻍﺙیﺭ .(material culture (p. 309

prayer rug are some examples of religious artifacts.

4. Religious constructions: AlGhamdi considers any building used for religious

ّ ﻅْﺥﺍ ً َ .(activities or surrounded sacred areas as a religious construction (p. 310

/masjed/ ﻩﻍ ﺩﺫ ,mehrab/ the prayer niche/ ﻩﺱﺵﺍﺏ ,vozou xaneh/ ablutions pool/

mosque are examples of religious terms in the category of religious constructions.

5. Religious events: Any event that is significant to a religion or a religious

personality belongs to this type. AlGhamdi goes on to assert that there is a blurred

boundary between classification of an incident as an example of eschatology and a

religious event. This distinction is often confusing. To solve this problem, she

suggests two criteria for the recognition of a religious event: 1) An important event

that occurred to religious peoples whether it was natural for example, the birth of a

prophet or it was miraculous, for instance, healing a blind person. 2) An important

event that occurred in support of a religion, for example; miracles that support the

ﻩْﻉﻥ prophets‘ claim to prophethood or as part of it (p. 312). Some examples are

ػ /eid-e ghorban/ the day ofیﺫ ﻝﺵﺕﺍﻯ ,mosem-e haj/ the season for pilgrimage/ ﺯﺡ

.majles-e ruzeh/ rowzeh gathering/ ﻩﺩﻝﻅ ﺱّ ﻅ َ ,sacrifice

6. Religious groups: AlGhamdi defines a religious group as a group of people who

share the same religion with its specific ideologies. The followers of any specific

religion share common rituals advised by their prophet or a guru in that religion (p.

ahbar-e yahood/ Jewish/ ﺍﺯﺙﺍﺱ ی ِْﺩ ,mojahedan/ Mujahids of war/ ﻩﺩﺍُﺫﺍﻯ .(320

hojjaj/ Muslim/ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ anbia/ prophets, and/ ﺍًﺙیﺍ ,aemmeh/ Imams/ ﺍﺉﻭ َ ,rabbis

pilgrims are some examples of religious groups.

7. Religious Personages: Names are often carriers of cultural load of meaning. They

reveal the existence of the ―cultural other‖, and signal the reader that the text

originated in a different culture. Fernandez (2006) argues that ―names in many

cultures act as signs, generating ancient or more recent historical associations,

indicating gender, class, nationality, religious identity, and intertextuality,

mythology and so on‖ (pp. 45-8). For example if a man is called Mohammad, it

shows that he is a Muslim. With regard to the names of religious personages,

AlGhamdi divides it into two sub-categories entitled proper names and generic

nouns. Generic nouns are title names such as the prophet, imam, and pilgrim.

Then, she distinguishes proper names of religious personages from other names of

persons included in the category of linguistic culture (pp. 322-25). For example,

names of Gabriel, Noah, and Ebrahim belong to the category of proper names of

religious personages.

8. Religious sites: AlGhamdi adds this category to Nida‘s taxonomy of religious

culture (cf. section 2.8.3) in order to distinguish religious constructions from

sacred places which are unrestricted or unlimited areas. Hence, terms that refer to

religious constructions are ‗concrete inanimate non-human nouns‘ such as church,

whereas terms that are used to refer to religious sites are ‗abstract inanimate place

nouns‘ such as the Holy City (Abdul-Raof, 2001, pp.36-38 cited in AlGhamdi,

ﻩﻡﺍﻡ ﺍﺕﺵ ﺍُیﻥ ,haram/ a sanctuary/ ﺯﺵﻡ ,ghebleh/ direction to Mecca/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ .(p. 328 ,2016

ؽ /shahadat-gah/ the place ِﺍﺩﺕگﺍ ٍ magham-e ebrahim / the station of Abraham, and/

of martyrdom are other examples in this category.

9. Specialized Religious Activities: According to Kottak (2015, p. 326), rituals are

―formal, invariant, stylized, earnest acts in which people subordinate their

particular beliefs to a social collectivity‖. According to AlGhamdi, prescribed

rituals of a religion are considered as specialized religious activities. Although

these activities sometimes are common in all religions, they may differ from one

ﻉﺩْﺩ ,tathir/ ritual purification/ ﺕﻁ ِیﺵ ,culture to the other (p. 331). For example

azan/ the call to prayers are some examples of/ ﺍﺭﺍﻯ sojoud/ prostration, and/

religious activities that Muslim people perform.

10. Supernatural Beings: According to AlGhamdi, any referent that is beyond the

laws of nature is a supernatural being (2016, p. 333). This category of RCTs

indicates that they belong to a particular tradition and culture. In a text, they play a

fundamental role in taking the reader into deep layers of religious culture. Terms

such as jinn, satan, God, angels and suchlike serve as references to Islamic belief

and reflect Islamic culture in a text. There are similar examples in the corpus of

this study that will be discussed in chapter four.

11. Terms of Revelation: According to AlGhamdi, ―the Divine disclosure of God and

His will to humans is known as revelation, whether that revelation was oral

(Qur’an, Hadith), written (Torah, Bible), or just a dream‖ (p. 335).

Example 1: Terms of Revelation

کﺕﺍﺏ ﺥﺫﺍ )ﻝﺵﺁﻯ( ﻩﺍﺥﺯ ﺍﻉﺍﻉی ُﺵگًَْﺕﻑکﺵ ﺍﻉالهی ﺍﻉﺕ. (ST (Shie dar Eslam, p. 42

Gloss [book] [xoda] [Qur‘an] [source] [main] [every type] [thought] [Islamic] [is].

TT The Book of God, the Holy Quran, is the principal source of every form of Islamic thought (Shi’ite Islam, p. 83).

2.8.4 Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1995) Model

Procedures are tools for analysis. Translation scholars have offered various types of procedures to compensate for the lack of equivalence at the level of cultural categories or cultureme. Although other typologies that could fit the objectives of this study exist such as Newmark‘s (1988), Ivir‘s (1991), Aixela‘s (1996), and Davies‘s (2003) models,

Vinay and Darbelnet‘s (1995) and Mansor‘s (2011) models are more suitable for the large corpus of the present study. Their typologies of translation procedures are elaborated below.

Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) are pioneers in this field. They suggested a model consists of seven translation procedures broken down into direct versus indirect

73 translation methods; direct translation procedures and indirect translation procedures

(pp. 31-39).

2.8.4(a) Direct Translation Mehtod

1- Borrowing is the simplest of all translation methods. In this type a foreign word

or expression is directly applied in its original form and meaning in the target

context. Translators usually use it in order to create a stylistic effect. Some

examples of Persian borrowings from English are terms like ―hotel‖, ―bank‖, and

―cake‖.

2- Calque is a special kind of borrowing. There are two types of calque, lexical and

structural. In lexical calque, an expression form of SL is borrowed and then, each

part of it is translated literally. In other words, in this procedure the syntactic

structure of the TL is maintained, while a new mode of expression is introduced;

for instance: the phrase ―computer systems analysis‖ in English is translated into

―analiz-e sistemha-ie kampiouteri‖ in Persian. It respects syntactical structure of

the TL while introducing new terms. In structural calque, a new grammatical

construction is introduced into the TL; for example: the word ―good looking‖ in

English is rendered into ―xosh chehreh‖ in Persian.

3- Literal translation is the last procedure in the direct translation model. It is a

mode of translation that remains close to the form of the original. It gives priority

to lexical correspondences and is as close as possible to the original while

adheres to TL grammatically. For example, the English phrase ―the legs of a

table‖ is rendered into Persian as ―pā yehāi-e miz‖.

2.8.4(b) Oblique/Free Translation Method

Vinay and Darbelnet argue that if the three procedures in direct translation method are inappropriate for any reason, the method of oblique translation is used. They include:

1- Transposition involves replacing one word class in SL with another word class

in the TL without changing the meaning of the message. From a stylistic point of

view, the base and the transposed expression do not necessarily have the same

value. This method is used if the translation allows a particular nuance of style to

be retained. For example, ―A careless driver he is‖ is rendered into Persian as ―he

drives carelessly‖. There is a shift from an adjective in the ST to an adverb in the

translation.

2- Modulation is a translation technique focuses on the variation of the form of the

message as a result of a change in the point of view. This change is accepted

when translation results in a grammatically correct sentence, is considered

inappropriate in the TL. For example, the sentence, ―don‘t drive fast‖ is

translated as ―drive slowly‖.

There are two types of optional and fixed modulations. Optional modulations are carried out when the translation should correspond perfectly to the situation indicated by the SL. Fixed modulations are established divergences recorded in dictionaries (p. 346).

3- Equivalence is a translation procedure in which translator replicates the same

situation in the original text in the translation while using completely different

style and wording (p. 342). Vinay and Darbelnet note that majority of

equivalences are fixed and belong to the phraseological group of idioms, clichés,

proverbs, nominal or adjectival phrases. For example, the word ―chair‖ in

.in Persian ‖ﺹٌﺫﻝی― English is equivalent to the word

4- Adaptation is the last procedure among seven procedures proposed by Vinay

and Darbelnet. It is used in those cases where the type of situation being referred

to by the SL message is unknown in the TL culture. In such cases translators

have to create a new situation that can be considered as being equivalent.

Adaptation is a special kind of equivalence, a situational equivalence. For

example, in the translation of ―wine‖ as a non-halal drink for Muslim cultural

context, it is replaced by ―syrup‖ in the translation or ―pork‖ as a non-halal food

is replaced by ―lamb‖ .

2.8.5 Mansor’s (2011) Translation Model

Vinay and Darbelnet‘s model was modified in the translation of cultural terms from

Arabic into Malay by Mansor (2011). He added three other procedures to their model; that is to say, explicitation, deletion, and generalization.

1- Explicitation is defined by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) as ―a stylistic translation

technique which consists of making explicit in the TL what remains implicit in

the SL because it is apparent from either the context or the situation‖ (p. 342).

There are different types of explicitation. Mansor (2011, pp. 60-61) gives a wider

definition of the term and divids it into two general categories of intratextual and

paratextual explicitation. In intratextual explicitation the translator includes

additional information within the text. He presents intratextual explicitation as

―addition and specification‖ technique used in the following forms; 1) the

addition of modifiers, 2) the addition of connectives, 3) lexical specification, 4)

the addition of explanatory remarks, 5) filling out elliptical expressions. In

extratextual explicitation, he considers ―notes as forms of explicitation‖ (p. 62). It

takes several forms: 1) notes whithin the text which are contained in brackets or

in parentheses, that he calls it ―explicative gloss‖, 2) notes at the end of a chapter,

that he calls the term ―chapter-end notes‖, 3) notes at the end of book, that he

calls it ―end-of-volume glossary‖, 4) notes in a special volume that he calls it

―separate volume glossary‖ (p. 63).

2- Deletion is procedure discussed by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995, p. 161) as a form

of explicitation (ellipsis) where a word or words drop from the SL text while

translating. Mansor (2011, pp. 64-65) presents it as a separate procedure because

of its distinguished nature from other forms of explicitation. He explains that this

procedure can be the outcome of the cultural clashes that exist between the SL

and the TL. It is used when the term carries unimportant information. It also can

occur because of morphological and lexical repetition.

3- Generalization is a translation procedure that first time defined by Vinay and

Darbelnet as ―a translation technique in which a specific (or concrete) term is

translated by a more general (or abstract) term‖ (1995, p. 343). Mansor (2011)

says that this procedure shows a degree of translation loss or omission from the

ST message. For example, the choice of translating the specific word ―Bus

drivers‖ in the SL text, by a more general term ―drivers‖ in the TL text. Mansor

(2011) addresses two reasons for the use of this procedure. Generalization

happens when it is the only appropriate translation procedure or the deleted

information is easily inferred in the translation, or not an essential feature of the

original text. He goes on to explain that two procedures of explicitation and

generalization can be combined with other procedures to produce compound

procedures.

2.8.6 Venuti’s (2008) Notions of Domestication and Foreignization

Translation strategies of domestication and foreignization suggested by Venuti

(2008) which universally are regarded as the two dominant strategies of translation are used in the present study to show the overall translation strategies. The two concepts are elaborated below.

In discussions on translators‘ treatment of cultural terms, generally, the main issue of concern is about orientation of translators in the translation of such terms. Two general aims of translation include; first, to maintain the features of ST even if translation produces an unfamiliar and strange effect on the reader or to adapt ST to produce a text that is familiar and understandable to the reader in the target context. These two directions are located at the opposite ends of a continuum. They were introduced through various names and titles by scholars of translation. Holmes (2000a) addresses these two poles as retention versus re-creation. Toury (1980; 1995) defines them as adequacy versus acceptability. The most commonly used terms for these two orientations in the translation of cultural terms are what Venuti (1995; 2000) calls domestication versus foreignization.

Venuti derives the two dominant categories of domestication and foreignization from

Schleiermacher‘s (1813) discussion of the translator‘s choice between two different methods of translation. According to Schleiermacher, there are only two directions in translation process; ―either the translator leaves the author in peace as much as possible and moves the reader towards him; or he leaves the reader in peace, as much as possible, and moves the author towards him‖ (Venuti, 2012, pp. 43).

Venuti defines domestication as ―an ethnocentric reduction of the foreign text to receiving cultural values‖ (2008, p. 15). He recognizes that it has become the predominant trend in Anglo-American translations and disapproves this trend since domesticating practices by reducing linguistic and cultural differences between ST and

TT and producing translations in a fluent and transparent style will, in fact, minimize the foreignness of the TT. Venuti argues that presenting a cultural other as a recognizable, familiar, and even the same entity in the target context may arise the risk of appropriating foreign cultures for agendas in the receiving situation, cultural, economic, political (ibid, P. 14). Hatim and Mason disagree with this trend and assert that consequence of applying domestication strategy by translators will be ―depriving source text producers of their voice and re-expressing foreign cultural values in terms of what is familiar to the dominant culture‖(1997, p. 145).

In order to control violently domesticating cultural values of English-language speaking countries, Venuti suggests translation strategy of foreignization. He defines it as ―an ethnodeviant pressure on those [target-language cultural] values to register the linguistic and cultural differences of the foreign text, sending the reader abroad‖.

According to him, this method signifies the differences of the foreign text by disrupting the cultural codes that prevail in the translating language (2008, p. 15). It is also called a strategy of resistancy. In other words, foreignizing practice is a form of resistance against hegemonic British and American language and culture that have long been dominated by domesticating theories that recommend fluent and transparent translating

(pp. 15-16). In addition, foreignization makes visible the presence of the translator by highlighting the foreign nature of the ST and protecting it from the ideological dominance of the target culture (Venuti, 1998, pp. 305-6).

Venuti claims that there is no absolute domestication and foreignization because the meaning of a ST in the TT depends on the ―cultural assumptions and interpretative choices, in specific social situations, in different historical periods‖ (2008, p. 13). In other words, domestication and foreignization ―possess a contingent variability, such that they can only be defined in the specific cultural situation in which a translation is made and works its effects‖. It means that the term may change meaning across time and location and the value of a foreign text or a discursive strategy is contingent on the cultural situation in which the translation is made. For instance, what is foreignizing in one translation project will not necessarily be so in another (ibid, P. 20).

Another point worth mentioning is that Venuti (2008) gives priority to none of the two methods as he believes that, ―advocating foreignizing translation in opposition to

British and American tradition of domestication is also an advocacy of an agenda like cultural political agenda‖ (P. 18). He asserts that the purpose of such a discussion is ―to develop a theory and practice of translation that resists dominant values in the receiving

80 culture so as to signify the linguistic and cultural differences of the foreign text‖ (ibid).

The importance of discussing on two categories of domestication and foreignization strategies is recognizing the fact that to what extent, a translation assimilates a foreign text to the translating language and culture, and to what extent, it rather signals the differences of that text. In other words, the use of these two strategies of translation depends on the extent of visibility and acceptability that a translator aims to create in the process of translating a foreign text.

There are some determining factors in deciding how far to go in either domesticating or foreignizing the TT. Two major factors are context and historical period; in specific cultures and during specific historical periods, a particular approach may be conventional and accepted. For example, Holmes notes that among contemporary translators, while there is a general tendency to employ domestication at the linguistic level, there is another interest towards ―historicizing and exoticizing in the socio-cultural situation‖ (2000a, p. 49). Other factors influent on decision for domesticating or foreignizing include the text type, the nature of the target audience, and the relationship between the source and target languages and cultures (Davies, 2003).

2.9 Summary

This chapter focused on the literature and the previous studies related to the subject of this study to demonstrate the rationality of cultural translation and theoretical framework. It started from elaboration of the term culture from a general perspective to its complex relationship with language in translation studies and then, to the study of religious culture. Difficulties and nuances in the translation of such highly cultural terms

81 were addressed as well. However, there are some gaps totally in all the studies related to cultural translation. Translation of cultural terms shows that it has been a challenging area for translators and researchers focused on nuances of such translations and translators‘ behavior in transferring the connotative meaning of terms that contain cultural load of meaning from SL into TL. Since religious culture have increasingly been accessible through translation, translators‘ performance in dealing with its nuances and the way they tackle with translating such difficult terms from SL into TL would be important in order to reveal norm of translating such terms in addition to the study of readers‘ preference for translating cultural terms.

CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Overview

The purpose of this study is to answer the questions presented in the first chapter.

This chapter is devoted to the methodology. In this chapter, the research design of the study is explained. It consists of rationale for the selection of the corpus in addition to general information about the three Persian texts and their translations into English, the process of data collection, the selection of participants of the study, sample size, procedures of survey data collection. In general, all the procedures applied in the current study to answer the objectives of the study are elaborated in this chapter.

3. 2 Qualitative Data Analysis Procedure

This study has a descriptive and comparative method for deducing the findings of the present study in order to answer the first two research questions. Hence, analysis of data was carried out within Toury‘s (1995) three-phase methodology (DTS) (cf. section

2.8.1). It was later simplified by Munday (2008) as follows:

First, the selected corpus is situated within the target context to evaluate its significance. Then, the ST and the TT are compared to recognize regularities of translating and relationships between ‗coupled pairs‘ of ST and TT segments. In the last step, generalizations to reconstruct the process of translation for this pair of source and target text are formulated (p. 111).

Within this paradigm, samples of original items in the STs were compared with the corresponding translated parts in the TTs as provided by each translator, to find how each item was rendered, considering procedures that have been applied. Similar to original IRCTs, the frequency of each procedure used for the translation of these items were calculated. This step helped to reveal some of the common translation practices used in the translation of IRCTs from Persian into English. In the next step, the general tendency in translating Islamic terms was explained and translators‘ possible reasons for their choice of translation procedure were discussed. In other words, the result of the study showed the distribution of the degree of foreignization and domestication strategies employed by translators for the translation of IRCTs. The analysis of these data provided answers to the first two research questions of this study.

3.2.1 Source of Data

Part of this study is based on a corpus to extract data. Three books from the genre of non-fiction literature written by Iranian writers, translated and published in the US were selected. The selected texts, as the corpus of the study include: Lost in the Crowd published by Three Continents Press in New York in 1985; Shi’ite Islam published by

State University of New York Press in 1975; Hajj published by the Evecina Cultural and

Education Foundation in the US in 1979. The book was also translated and published by

Be‘sat Publication in Iran in 2014. In the following table, the books used as the corpus of the study were listed.

Table 3.1 List of Books Used as the Corpus of the Study

Persian Name English Name Author Translators 1. Xasi dar Mighat Lost in the Crowd Jalal Al-e Ahmad John Green, Ahmad Alizadeh, & (1966) Farzin Yazdanfar (1985) 2. Hajj Hajj (1978) Ali Shariati Ali A. Behzadnia & Najla Denny (1979) Laleh Bakhtiari (2014) 3. Shie dar Eslam Shi’ite Islam (1963) Muhammad Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1975) Husayn Tabatabai

3.2.2 Criteria for the Selection of the Corpus

There is a set of criteria for inclusion and exclusion of the texts used as the corpus of the study. These criteria are as follow:

 Content of these texts in the corpus is centered on the issue of religion and in

particular, Islam. These texts embody a wide range of religious concepts related

to rituals, events, personages, objects, beliefs and etc., in Islamic tradition that

made them rich sources of data for analysis in order to answer the requirements

of the study.

 The full-lengthiness of these texts not only provided all categories of IRCTs, but

also such terms related to Islamic tradition were rendered into English with

different procedures of translation. This diversity of translation procedures for

similar terms in the corpus made it a suitable source of data for the second phase

of the study which is a survey.

 Regarding the minority position of translated texts in the genre of non-fiction

literature, texts with religious contents are a reason for the researcher of this

study to investigate translators‘ behavior in rendering highly cultural terms in a

Middle Eastern Islamic context into English language for non-Muslim western

readers.

3.2.3 Recognition and Classification of Data

The original texts under study were read carefully in order to identify and collect data.

The whole pages of the original texts were scanned and marked up in the STs. The process of marking was done manually. Although it would be easier to use software to scan through the whole texts for any items of IRCT in each category, the researcher did not use software for collecting data because the corpus of the study is not in a PDF format. In the next step, each item together with its page number, and the category of it was recorded in a file of excel (Microsoft office 2010). Then, the translations given by the translators for each item were recorded in separate columns with the page number of each item in the TT. By applying excel software, all the calculations were made. A few pages of the excel file of the recorded data are given in the Appendix A.

It is worth remarking that the number of pages in the two translations of one of the

STs in the corpus seems unequal. This may not reflect a comparable corpus, but the translators claimed that they are full translations. It is assumed that the length of one of the translations is bigger because verses from Qur‘an were added to the text. Another point is that there were items used frequently in the corpus but were rendered each time

86 by different procedures throughout the texts under investigation. Hence, such items were calculated for the different translation procedures used in the TT.

In chapter four and five which deal with data analysis, to show each category of

IRCTs and types of procedures employed by the translators, usually two, three or four examples of the data were provided. These examples were randomly selected from among the classified data in excel. Each of the examples was contextualized and presented with a short description of a relevant part in the STs and in the TTs. The excerpts are given in Persian, in the gloss and with a back translation of the excerpt. In the gloss each word was put into brackets in order to make the comparison easier. The selected items were typed in italic.

3.3 Data Collection Method

3.3.1 Questionnaire

In this study, a questionnaire was administered in order to find readers‘ preference for the translation of IRCTs from Persian into English in Persian literature. The question about each religious item was adapted from Wen-chun Liang‘s (2007) and Kenevisi‘s

(2017) questionnaires. It is composed of three sections. The first section of the questionnaire consists of the cover page in which the purpose of the research, the instruction, and confidenciality of the respondents‘ information are explained. The second section includes demographic information of participants. This section helps the researcher control unacceptable responses. In the third section of the questionnaire, the translations are presented. This section shows the preferences of the respondents for the

87 translation of IRCTs in the Persian non-fiction literature. Each IRCT in each category is contextualized; it is given to the participants in the form of an excerpt extracted from the corpus of this study. It is assumed to be effective on TT readers‘ comprehension of the

IRCT. The respondents were asked to answer whether they were familiar with the

Islamic term and then they were asked to choose their preferred translation procedure among existing options. Each religious item is distinguished through italic, underlined, as well as bold format in an excerpt. The questionnaire is available in the Appendix B.

3.3.2 Validity and Reliability

Validity refers to the fact if a measuring operation could evaluate anything meant to be investigated and reliability refers to the extent to which other researchers could obtain the same study findings if assessing the same question, applying the same data and research methods but later (Saldanha and O‘Brien 2013). To ensure the content validity of the questionnaire, for the purpose of this study, two experts were consulted through emails. One expert is a lecturer in the field of Translation Studies (Dr. Masoud

Amirinejad from Imam Reza International University) whereas the other one is a coordinator for statistical research (Dr. Shiva Jahani from University of Central Florida).

The research objective was given to the two experts to help them better evaluate validity of the formulated items of the questionnaire. The two experts evaluated and revised every item in the questionnaire in terms of its phrasing, format, content, clearness.

3.3.3 Ethics and Verifications

According to Saldanha & O‘Brien (2013), there are three types of threats to the validity of research. One of them is ―Howthorne effects‖ which occurs when people alter their normal behavior because they are aware that they are being studied, participants will not be informed about the exact objectives of the study. Measurement threats relate to the sample size. This threat is avoided by calculating the number of the participants from the guideline presented in a survey system website (cf. 3.3.4). Another kind of validity is construct validity which is defined as the extent to which the questionnaire measures what it purports to measure (Saldanha & O‘Brian 2013, p. 161). To this aim, a pilot study was done to ensure the face validity of the questionnaire to check whether it was sensible to them or not (Saldanha & O‘Brian, 2013). The pilot study administered in this study is explained in the next section.

3.4 Data Collection Procedure

3.4.1 Pilot Study

In this study, before starting the main survey, a pilot study with the primary goal of testing reliability was carried out. The participants were asked about the clarity, comprehensibility, the scale chosen and the time for filling the questionnaire. The pilot study consisted of 10 types of IRCTs from the corpus of this study. The IRCTs were similar to the ones used in the main survey. As for the pilot sample size, according to

Dörnyei (2007), it should not be smaller than 50 because this number allows the researcher to do a meaningful item analysis. Hence, the questionnaire was given to 100

89 participants. Similar to the main survey, these participants were non-Muslim native speakers of English originally from different English speaking countries in the world.

The pilot study had several differences with the main survey as listed below:

 Religious items were not initially placed in the text, and this would make the

reader unable to understand the meaning of the religious item. In the main

survey, the IRCTs were contextualized and presented in an excerpt taken

from the corpus of this study. It facilitated comprehension of IRCTs by the

respondents.

 Participants‘ field of education was classified into several categories in the

pilot. In the main survey, they were broken down into only two groups of art

and science. It helped the respondent to choose between only two options and

go to the next question quickly.

 Some religious items belonging to a specific religion are widely used by all

individuals and are familiar terms for everybody. In this pilot study, several

examples of common Islamic terms were chosen as an option given to the

participants. These items were excluded from the main survey because they

were familiar words and similar responses would be received from the

participants of the survey which would have a negative impact on the result

of the data analysis of the questionnaire.

 Field of interest on types of texts for reading was not specified in the pilot

study. To speed up respondents‘ answers to the question, it was classified into

two major text-types of fiction and non-fiction in the main survey; non-

fiction is also broken down into six types of texts including biography and

memoir, philosophy, culture and religion, science, politics, and economy.

Moreover, in this study, reliability analysis was carried out to determine the internal consistency of the scale used in the study. The Cronbach‘s alpha coefficient of the scale was used as a reliability coefficient to specify how well the items in a set were positively correlated to one another. The Cronbach‘s Alpha should be at least .60 to reflect the consistency of the scale (Sekaran, 2000). Therefore, a coefficient of 0.60 or higher would be approved in this study. The Cronbach‘s alpha coefficient of the scale with 33 item is 0.717 which is satisfactory internal consistency reliability.

3.5 Sample and Sampling Technique

3.5.1 The Sample Size

Dörnyei (2007) believes that the process of analyzing and collecting data ideally should continue until a ―saturation point‖ is achieved, that is, ―when additional data do not seem to develop the concepts any further but simply repeat what previous informants have already revealed‖ (p. 127). Another basic assumption is that sampling size depends on the degree of accuracy required. If researchers need high accuracy, large sample size is needed. In addition, smaller sample size is sufficient when less accuracy is acceptable

(Newman 2007, p. 162). Newman goes on to assert that in non-probability sampling rarely the sample size is determined because researchers have limited knowledge about

91 the population from which the sample is taken. In addition, the size of the population is irrelevant according to mathematics of probability.

The website of Survey System claims that population size is a factor when the researcher works with a relatively known or small population otherwise the researcher can ignore the population size when it is unknown. In order to allow for the result to reach statistical significance, the researcher collected data from 201 native speakers of

English of different ages, genders, nationalities, fields, education levels. The confidence level and also the confidence interval of this sample size is 80% and 6% respectively

(The Survey System 2019). The confidence interval shows the degree of certainty of the research. The confidence interval of 6% in the current study implies that if 80% of the participant select an option, it can be expected that 8(+/-6)% (63% to 77%) of the rest of the population would choose similar option.

3.5.2 Criteria for the Selection of Participants

Although the target readers of such texts can be any readers who can speak and read in English, as the preference of readers who are native speakers of English is going to be investigated, it was limited to native speakers of English from various English speaking countries. In other words, the researcher chose respondents among native speakers of

English. Moreover, in order to evaluate the effect of familiarity of the particupants with

Islamic concepts upon their preference and to control familiarity as a variable, non-

Muslim people were selected as the respondents of the questionnaire in this study. Non- probability sampling technique was used in the selection of participants. Through this method, the researcher ensures that different nationality groups are included in the

92 sample and by convenience sampling participants who are easily accessible are recruited

(Saldanha & O‘brian 2013, p. 164).

A total of 201 Non-Muslim native speaker of English language were invited to participate in the survey. The study population consisted of males (46%) and females

(53%). The participants were from different English speaking countries. The participants who were the most accessible to the researcher include (35%) from England, (26%) from Australia, (18%) from USA, (6%) from Canada, (5%) from New Zealand, (3%) from South Africa, (2%) from Ireland, (2%) from Scotland, (1%) from Singapore, (1%) from Spain, (1%) from Philippines. The participants with different religious beliefs in this study include Christian (51%), Jewish (4%), Buddhist (3%), Spiritualist (2%),

Hindu (1%), Agnostic (5%), Atheist (34%). In terms of their education, participants in this study have at least diploma. Percentages of their education level are as follow;

Diploma (31%), Bachelor‘s degree (50%), Master‘s degree (14%), and PhD (5%). The participants were chosen via face to face encounter in public places in Penang Island.

The researcher personally asked native speakers of English to participate in the survey.

Hence, the participants were unknown to the researcher.

3.5.3 Process of Recruitment

The researcher chose public places such as George Town, Gurney Plaza, and Batu

Ferringhi in Penang Island as the main study sites. These places are suitable areas where native English speakers from different countires can be found easily. The researcher asked tourists from English speaking countires who came to visit Penang Island and stayed temporarily in the Island to participate in the survey. First, the participants were

93 asked about their mother toungue and their nationality and then, they were asked whether they volunteer to participate in the survey and receive a questionnaire to answer. After their agreement, the researcher gave them a copy of the questionnaire.

Regarding the privacy of the respondents, their names and address were not asked nor recorded anywhere. They were kept completely anonymous until the data were collected and the study was completed. This study did not expose the participants to any specific ideas and did not criticize them to challenge their beliefs.

3.6 Quantitative Data Analysis

In order to make the analysis of items in the SPSS easier, the researcher applied a coding system. Therefore, each item in the questionnaire is presented by a symbol.

Generally, two examples of IRCTs in each category formed the questions. For instance, an item in the category of religious sites was presented two times in the questionnaire.

The first letter of the category in capital in the two samples was chosen and presented as

RS1 and RS2. Moreover, multiple translations of them in small alphabets were presented as the options of a particular question. In other words, first procedure was presented as

(RS1a) and second procedure was illustrated as (RS1b). RS1a stands for the first procedure identified in the translation of an item in the category of religious sites in the first example of the category in the questionnaire. RS2a stands for the first procedure in the second example in the category of religious sites presented in the questionnaire.

The items of the questionnaire in each category were selected based on the frequency and diversity of types of procedures used for the translation of them. As it was

94 mentioned above (cf. section 3.2.2), selected taxonomy for the analysis of procedures used in the translation of IRCTs were divided into two groups of direct and indirect or free methods of translating. In addition, these two methods correspond with the overall translation strategies of foreignization and domestication. In each category of religious cultural terms in the questionnaire at least one sample of each method was included in order to examine the degree of respondents‘ preference in both methods of translating.

A device used for rating responses in the questionnaire was Likert scale. Dörnyei and

Taguchi (2010) argued that there is no absolute standard for the number of response options to be used on Likert scales. It commonly offers five to nine responses in a continuum. In many researches the five-point Likert scale is adopted. It is problematic because some participants might use the middle category (―neither agree nor disagree,‖

―not sure,‖ or ―neutral‖) that does not let them make a real choice (p. 28) and this tendency might be a cultural characteristic of particular nationalities. In light of these considerations, in this study a six-point Likert scale, strongly disagree, disagree, slightly disagree, slightly agree, agree, strongly agree, was applied to reduce the risk of collecting limited ―answers to the research question‖ and to prevent participants‘ tendency to choose the mid-point on the scale (Saldanha & O‘Brien 2013, p. 158).

For the analysis of the preference of the respondents, the researcher arbitrarily divided the translated IRCTs based on Venuti‘s (2004) scale of domestication and foreignization. The analysis of the data in the questionnaire was carried out using a quantitative analysis software package, namely Statistical Package for the Social

Sciences (SPSS, Version 22). It is a powerful statistical application package that is

95 particularly useful for the analysis of questionnaire data (Neuman, 2007). SPSS was used to generate descriptive frequency analysis for one variable of the questionnaire.

That is to say, it was used to analyze familiarity of respondents with the IRCTs.

To determine the extent to which participants' familiarity with original terms makes a difference in their preference of translated IRCTs, a Mann-Whitney U test was performed. This non-parametric test was suitable due to the small sample size of participants familiar with IRCTs as well as non-normal distribution of responses determined by a Shapiro-Wilk‘s test. According to Razali and Wah (2011), Shapiro-

Wilk‘s test is the most powerful test for all types of distribution and sample sizes.

Therefore, a Shapiro-Wilk‘s test of normality (p > .05) was used in this study. The test revealed a non-normal distribution of responses for all items in each category. The significance values ranged from p < 0.00 to p < 0.04, which were smaller than the required significance p > .05.

In the comparison between participants familiar and unfamiliar with translated IRCTs the Mann-Whitney U test scores with p-value less than 0.05, the difference is regarded as statistically significant. As a result of this comparison, the relationship between familiarity or unfamiliarity with the term and respondents‘ preferences is proved.

3.7 Stages of Data Collection and Analysis

This study went through two phases of descriptive content analysis and survey analysis and three stages which fulfilled the objectives of the study. The first two stages were done qualitatively while the last stage dealt with the analysis of the respondents in

96 the questionnaire was done quantitatively. These phases and stages are shown in the following figure:

Figure 3.1 Stages of Achieving Research Objectives

3.8 Summary

This chapter introduced methodology of this study. The research design was described in detail. The chapter illustrated the procedures of data collection and data analysis conducted through corpus analysis and questionnaire. The reason behind the selection of the corpus was justified. The procedures used for the translation of selected religious cultural items and the selection of participants and questionnaire distribution were explained in the next step.

CHAPTER 4

CORPUS ANALYSIS

4.1 Overview

As mentioned earlier, in the present study both descriptive and survey analyses were conducted. Hence, in this chapter, for data analysis, a descriptive method was used in two stages. First, types of Islamic religious cultural terms (IRCTs) were identified and some examples of each category were elaborated. In the next stage, based on the comparison of IRCTs in Persian and their English counterparts, the translation procedures used for the translation of them were explained. The whole data collected throughout the selected corpus were analyzed in order to examine the procedures used for the translation of IRCTs but because of the space restriction, representative examples of each IRCT based on their categories and translation procedures were selected.

4.2 Discussion of the Analysis

Religion as a complementary part plays a significant role in defining the culture of a community and is one of the most highly cultural issues. It interferes on every single aspect of people‘s life. A study of a community from the angle of religion gives better information about the way in which people of a particular society live. It can be obtained through investigating the people of a particular society‘s specific rituals, belief system, ceremonies, dress, and food. This recognition can vary depending on the extent to which religion influences human societies. Religious terms sometimes carry semantic loads of meaning that are not found in dictionaries. As Katan (1999a) argues, they are beyond

98 technical level of culture. The study of translation of religious cultural terms is one of the issues that have been less addressed as a separate and independent category in the discussions of cultural translation. Hence, the purpose of the current research is to identify Islamic religious terms in the selected corpus and diversity of Islamic religious terms and their frequency of use and translations of these terms from a ST (Persian) into a TT (English).

For the recognition of IRCTs, this study draws on AlGhamdi‘s (2016) taxonomy.

Compared to other taxonomies suggested based on Western culture, her model was selected because it was modified based on Middle Eastern Islamic context and suggested for the recognition of Islamic terms. Although with her model a wide variety of IRCTs are categorized, the analysis of the study showed that her proposed model does not fit the corpus of this study. There have been items in the corpus that were not defined in her taxonomy. It shows that there is still a gap of culture between two Muslim communities; that is to say, religion not only affects culture but also is affected by it. In the Islamic

Shia context, there exists Islamic terms that carry religious meaning; such terms cannot be found in Sunni Muslim communities. For instance, the word ―rawzeh‖ in Arabic is a neutral term but in the Persian context, it carries religious meaning. It denotes a kind of religious event that is held on specific dates in commemoration of the third Imam of

Shia sect. During Safavid Empire, for political reasons and in order to preserve the

Iranian identity and territorial integrity when the Ottoman government was considered a threat to the Iranian government, the Safavid kings promoted Shiite religion in Iran and supported the Shi'a scholars, thus introducing Islamic concepts into the Persian

(Yarshater, 2015). Examples of such Islamic terms were identified in the selected corpus

99 of the study; Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi‘ite Islam. These religious terms belong to various categories such as generic nouns of religious Personages ―emamzadeh‖,

―maddah‖, ―nohehxan‖, ―akhound‖, specialized religious activities, such as

―nohehkhani‖, ―sinehzani‖, cooking and distributing food for a specific religious purpose; the martyrdom of the third Imam of Shia known as ―nazri‖ during first ten days of Ashoura. In the category of religious constructions, Islamic terms such as ―hoseinieh‖ and ―tekkieh‖ demonstrate the impact of Shia branch of Islam on Persian language and culture.

In the corpus of this study, terms related to the category of religious clothes was added to the proposed taxonomy. Majority of the terms related to clothes but bear

Islamic religious meaning were found in Lost in the Crowd. Al-e Ahmad in his travelogue describes the appearance of Muslims in his pilgrimage to Mecca (cf.

Appendix E). In addition, some examples of religious clothes were contextualized and elaborated in section (4.2.7).

Beside Islamic terms that were identified based on the above mentioned taxonomy, a considerable number of IRCTs were traced in the selected texts that bear religious meaning but were missing in AlGhamdi‘s (2016) proposed model for the recognition of

Islamic terms. A considerable number of terms that are religiously loaded meaning were recognized in all three texts (cf. Appendix E). These terms demonstrate range of Islamic terms commonly used in Islamic religious communities and contribute to the development and richness of the language and culture in various Islamic communities.

Some of the terms belong to technical culture and can be found in dictionaries. For

100 instance, ―shirk‖ is equivalent to polytheism and ―sadagheh‖ is equivalent to alms.

Majority of the terms added to this category belong to formal level of culture and are highly cultural. Example of such terms include ―tabarrok‖, ―hajat‖, ―shakkiyat and sahviyat‖, ―khoms‖, ―mahram‖, ―takfir‖, ―fateheh‖, ―hormat‖, ―ejtehad‖, ―beitolmal‖ and ―shariat‖. There are not equivalences for these terms in the English language and therefore, such terms show the problem of untranslatability (cf. section 2.6). Few examples of IRCTs in this category were contextualized and then, their meanings and religious importance in the Muslim contexts were explained in this chapter (cf. section

4.2.4).

Translation scholars proposed typologies of translation procedures for the rendering of culturally loaded terms. In the presented study, Vinay and Darbelnet‘s (1995) and

Mansor‘s (2011) models were selected. The analysis of translated IRCTs shows that translators applied different procedures to render original IRCTs into English. Frequency of using some procedures is more than other translation procedures. The analysis shows that translators applied equivalence more than other procedures (cf. figure 6.3). The use of this procedure shows that translators attempted to remove traces of foreignness in the

TT and direct translation towards a domesticating strategy. Some examples of IRCTs rendered into English through this procedure were elaborated in this chapter (cf. section

4.3.4). The reason behind the selection of this procedure is the dominance of English as an ethnocentric language over Persian which is a semi-peripheral language in the world

(cf. section 2.2.3).

101

Another frequently used procedure is explicitation in the form of addition and specification. It is an intra-linguistic explicitation procedure that similar to the procedure of equivalence contributes to the domestication of translation. Examples of this procedure can be seen in this chapter (cf. section 4.3.9a). Translators replace the Islamic term with a familiar word in the TL to increase the readability of the text for the Western target readers. In this way, they provide a text that is comprehensible to them. On the contrary, extra-linguistic explicitation, the use of explicative glosses, footnotes, chapter- end notes, interrupts the flow of reading for the Western target readers and therefore, highlights the foreignness of the TT (Nanquette 2016). These procedures were rarely applied in rendering Persian IRCTs into English (cf. figure 6.3).

The result of the study shows that there are plenty of Islamic terms in the text that were rendered into English literally. Literal or word for word translation is the direct transfer of a SL text into a grammatically and idiomatically appropriate TL text in which the translators‘ task is limited to observing the adherence to the linguistic servitudes of the TL (pp. 33-4). Translators attempted to borrow the Persian IRCTs which highlights the existing gap between the Persian Islamic Middle Eastern language and culture and the English Western language and culture. In this procedure, a word or expression borrowed directly from another language, in its form and meaning (Vinay and

Darbelnet, 1995, p. 340). The overall translation strategy, in fact, uncovers norm of translating Persian IRCTs into English (cf. 2.8.2). Furthur analysis of the translation of

Islamic terms will be presented in chapter six.

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4.3 Identification and Classification of IRCTs

The first stage of the descriptive analysis deals with the identification and categorization of types of IRCT in the Persian corpus. They were described and exemplified below. IRCT types were identified based on a modified taxonomy adapted from AlGhamdi (2016) (cf. section 2.8.3). Based on this taxonomy, IRCTs in the Persian corpus include eschatology terms, religious artifacts, generic nouns of religious personages, proper names of religious personages, religious groups, religious events, religious constructions, religious sites, supernatural beings, specialized religious activities. Samples of IRCTs in each category extracted from the corpus were contextualized and then elaborated in terms of religious load of meaning in the following sub-sections. Two dictionaries, Amid Dictionary (1964) and Moein Dictionary (2002a;

2002b) were used to extract the meaning of original Persian terms during the analysis of the IRCTs.

4.2.1 Specialized Religious Activities

Lost in the Crowd (1966) is a travelogue about Al-e Ahmad‘s journey to Saudi

Arabia to visit the House of God and perform the Hajj ritual. The writer begins his journey from Tehran airport where Iranian pilgrims were prepared to go to Saudi Arabia.

The author writes that the morning before their flight to Jeddah he prayed at the airport which was the first time after many years. He remembers that he used to pray even at midnight in the past.

103

Example 1. Specialized Religious Activities

ﺹﺙﺭ ﺩﺱ آؽیﺍ ًَ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ﻑﺵّﺩگﺍ ٍ ﺕِﺵﺍﻯ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﺥْﺍ ًﺫﻡ. ًﻭیﺫﺍًﻥ پﻅ ﺍﺹ چ ٌﺫیﻱ ﻉﺍﻝ ... ﺱّﺹگﺍﺱی ﺕْﺩ ُﺍ ! ّﻅْ ﻩی :ST گﺵﻑﺕﻥ ّ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﻩی ﺥْﺍ ًﺫﻡ ّ گﺍ ُی ًﻭﺍﺹ ؽة ! (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 5)

Transliteration Sobh dar ashianeh-ie hojaj-e foroudgah-e Tehran namaz mixandam. nemidanam and Gloss: [morning] [in] [hangar] [hajjis] [airport] [Tehran] [prayer] [read]. [I don‘t know] pas az chandin sal … roozgari boodha! vozou migereftam [after] [than] [how many] [year] … [once upon a time] [was]! [ablution] [Ø] va namaz mixandam va gahi namaz-e shab! [and] [prayer] [read] [and] [sometimes] [prayer] [night]!

TT: I remember praying this morning in the pilgrim‘s assembly area at the Tehran airport, after who knows how many years … Those were the days! I would do my ablutions and pray. Sometimes I even did namaz-e shab. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 6)

namāz-e ŝab/, an Islamic term rooted in Persian, is an extra, non-obligatory/ ًﻭﺍﺹ ؽ ﺓ but a recommended prayer. The period of time in which it should be performed is after the midnight until break of dawn. Many hadiths (reported speeches of the Prophet of

Islam) have emphasized its importance, taking it to be an honor for believers, expiation for one's sins committed during the day, preventing the horrors of the grave, and guaranteeing one's livelihood.

In another example in the same book, Al-e Ahmad describes the behavior of his fellow travelers when Iranian passengers arrive at Jeddah airport. One of them was a man from Arak city. The author writes that because of his behavior and his concern about the rate of Saudi currency compared to Iranian currency, others considered him as a wealthy man. So, in order to protect himself from problems he might face with his fellow passengers later, he said loudly that the trip had been his first pilgrimage and until that time he had never made a pilgrimage to Qom, a small religious city in Iran.

104

Example 2. Specialized Religious Activities

... ﺩﺍﺩ ﻩی ﺹًﺫ ﺕﺍکَ ﺕﺱﺍﻝ ﺯﺕی ﺕَ ﺹیﺍﺱﺕﻝﻥ ًﺵﻑﺕَ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 13

Transliteration … dad mizanad ke ta behal hatta be ziarat-e Qom narafteh. and Gloss: [shout] [Ø] [that] [till now] [even] [to] [visit] [Qom] [didnot] [go].

TT: It‘s obvious that they‘ve never even made a pilgrimage to Qom. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 11)

ziarat/, a term equivalent to pilgrimage in English, means visiting holy places/ ﺹیﺍﺱﺕ in Islamic tradition. It can be used when a Muslim visits tomb of a Shi‘it Emam or visits

Kaaba; the House of God in Mecca.

In the book Hajj (1977), the author indicate that Ka‘ba or the House of God is the symbol of all Muslims‘ real house and the pilgrim of the Hajj, in fact, returned to his eternal life, to his real house, and to his true hometown. So, they do not need to perform a broken prayer.

Example 3. Specialized Religious Activities

ُﺵگﺍ ٍ چِﺍﺱ ﻑﺵﻉ ٌگ ﺍص ؽِﺵﺕ ﺩّﺱ ﻩیؾْی, ﻩﻍﺍﻑﺵی, ًﻭﺍﺹﺕﺱﺍ ؽکغﺕَ ﻩی ﺥْﺍ ًی, ًی ﻭَ, ًﻭﺍﺹ ﻩﻍﺍﻑﺵ. :ST (Hajj, p: 53)

Transliteration hargah chahar farsang az shahrat door mishavi, mosaferi, and Gloss: [whenever] [four] [mile] [from] [your city] [far away] [Ø], [pasanger] [you] namazat ra shekasteh mixani, nimeh, namaz-e mosafer. [your prayer] [Ø] [broken] [read], [half], [prayer] [passenger].

TT: When you travel 48 kilometers from your home … you are a traveler and recite a partial ritual prayer, the ritual prayer of a traveler. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 47)

When a Muslim traveler leaves his hometown and goes to another place for any reason, it is obliged to perform his daily prayers differently. On the basis of Islamic law, a Muslim traveler must call a two-rak'at prayer instead of a daily four-rak'at prayer. It is also called the passenger prayer. The incomplete prayer, literally translated broken

105

namāz-e ŝekasteh/ in Persian. This is not/ ًﻭﺍﺹ ؽکﻍﺕ َ prayer in English, is called necessary for Muslim pilgrims to follow this Islamic law when they travel to Mecca to perform Hajj rituals.

The author of the book Hajj (1977) explains the philosophy of Hajj, the philosophy of a single ritual carried out during the Hajj season. The most important of these are seven turns around the construction of the Ka'bah. In fact, this symbolic movement is meant to be in the orbit of monotheism and unity. Also, monotheism is the first and the most important pillar among pillars of Islam.

Example 4. Specialized Religious Activities

ّ ﻍْﺍﻑ ﻩیکٌی ﺍ ﻩﺍ ًَ ﺕﺵ ﻩﺫﺍﺱ هللا, کَ ﺕﺵ ﺁ ُ ٌگ ًﻭﺵّﺩ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 217

Transliteration va tavaf mikoni amma na bar madar-e Allah, ke bar ahang-e namroud. and Gloss: [and] [tavaf] [you do] [but] [no] [on] [path] [God], [that] [on] [song] [Nimroud].

TT: You begin circumambulation not by having Allah in your intention, but as if it is a dance to the ring of Nimrod. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 121)

tawaf/ is rooted in Arabic but is widely used in Persian. It is equivalent to/ ﻍْﺍﻑ circumambulation in English which denotes the act of moving around a sacred object. It is an Islamic devotional practice and part of the Islamic rituals of pilgrimage to Mecca.

Muslim women and men are to walk around the Kaaba seven times, in a counterclockwise direction during the Hajj and Umrah.

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4.3.2 Religious Personages

4.3.2(a) Generic Nouns of Religious Personages

As it was mentioned earlier, in the suggested framework of AlGhamdi (2016) for the categorization of religious terms, religious personages were divided into two types of generic nouns and proper names. Hence, the two types are exemplified and explained separately.

After Eid al-Adha, the author of the travelogue, Lost in the Crowd (1966), writes about the Iranian pilgrims who emphasized the presence of emam-e zaman in the Hajj ritual, in their gathering at nights. They believed that he will take part in the ritual of

Hajj every year. Al-e Ahmad assumes that it is, in fact, a tricky way to persuade Shi'a pilgrims to respect other pilgrims during the Hajj because Shiite pilgrims believe that the

Imam will appear with the appearance of a pilgrim during Hajj and Shia pilgrims must watch their behaviour during these days.

Example 5. Generic Nouns of Religious Personages

ﺕَ ُﺵ یک ﺍﺹ ﺩﻉﺕَ ُﺍی ﺍیﺵﺍ ًی ُﺍ کَ ﻉﺵﺹﺩ ٍ ﺍﻡ .. . ُﻭَ ﺥﺍ ﺍﺹ ﺯﻉْﺱ ﺍﻩﺍﻡ ﺹﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺱ ﻩﺵﺍﻉﻥ ﺯﺡ ﺩﻡ ﻩی ﺹ ًٌﺫ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 135)

Transliteration be har yek az dastehhai-e Iraniha ke sarzadeham … hameh ja and Gloss: [to] [every] [Ø] [groups] [Iranians] [that] [visit] … [every] [where] az hozour-e emam-e zaman dar marasem-e haj dam mizanand. [from] [presence] [emam] [time] [in] [ceremony] [hajj] [Ø].

TT: Every Iranian group I‘ve visited is the same – are very insistent everywhere that the Imam of the Age is present at the Hajj, and he comes on the pilgrimage every year. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 97)

emam-e zaman/ (literally translated as the Imam of the Age) is Mohammed/ ﺍﻩﺍﻡﺹﻩﺍﻯ ibn Hassan known as Imam Mahdi the 12th Imam of Shiites. According to the Shiite

107 sources, the birth of the Imam was hidden by the time, and no one saw him except some of the special companions of his father, Imam Hasan Askari (AS). According to the

Shiites‘ belief, he is the ultimate man-in-law and will have a long period of absence but he eventually will rise to rule justice in the world.

In an example taken from Lost in the Crowd (1966), Al-e Ahmad mentions the number of pilgrims who participate in the Hajj ritual from all over the world annually to sacrifice an animal in Eid al-Adha day in Mecca and estimates how many kilos meat they could have supplied to other countries.

Example 6. Generic Nouns of Religious Personages

ﺩﺱ ﺍیﻱ ﻩﺵﺍﻉﻥ یک ﻩیﻝی ْﻯ ًﻑﺵ ﺯﺍﺥی کؾﺕﺍﺱ کﺵﺩ ٍ ﺍًﺫ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 122

Transliteration Dar in marasem yek million nafar haji koshtar kardehand. and Gloss: [in] [this] [gathering] [one] [million] [person] [Haj-maker] [slaughter] [did].

TT: During these rites, a million pilgrims have made animal sacrifices. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 89)

haji/, equivalent to the word pilgrim, is a title given to a Muslim person who/ ﺯﺍﺥی has successfully completed the Hajj rituals in Mecca. In many Muslim societies including Iran it is used as an honorific title given to an old man as a way to show their respect to him.

Al-e Ahmad (1966) narrates a debate started among Iranian pilgrims in their residence in Mecca one night. It was about controversy on the time of the Eid al-Adha between Shi'a and Sunni; the author goes on to describe how that night was passed with

108 the help of some akhounds and a maddah with reciting Qur‘an and talking about the greateness of the third Imam of Shia.

Example 7. Generic Nouns of Religious Personages

ﺁﺥًْﺫ ُﺍﻩﺍﻯ یکی یکی ﺱﻑﺕٌﺫ ﻩٌﺙﺵ ... ّ ﺕؼذ ﻩﺫﺍﺯﻭﺍى ؽﺵّﻉ کﺵﺩ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt p: 58

Transliteration Axoundha man yeki yeki raftand menbar … va ba’ad maddah-e man shorou’ kard. and Gloss: [axounds] [ours] [one] [one] [went] [alter] … [and] [then] [maddah] [ours] [started].

TT: Our akhonds ascended the pulpit one after another … then our maddah [panegyrist] started in. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 43)

maddah‖, an example of generic nouns of religious personages is equivalent to― ﻩﺫﺍ ﺫ panegyrist in English. He is the one who uses poetry in praising the greatness of God, the Prophet and also in commemorating some historical events in the religious gatherings and in the religious communities. In Shi‘it societies panegyrists commemorate the greatness of Imam Hussein, the third imam of Shia, and mourn for his death in the month of Muharram. They are also called rouzeh khan in Iran.

4.3.2(b) Proper Names of Religious Personages

The author, in a section of the book, Shi’ite Islam (1975), explaines that Isma'ilis; followers of Isma‘ilism a branch of Shia Islam, believe that Proof (hojjat) of God is the ultimate theophany of the Divinity. Hujjat is in two forms: speaker (natiq) and silent one

(samit). The speaker is a prophet and the silent one is an Imam or Guardian (wali).

Moreover, they believe that the basis of the Proof of God revolves around the number seven. A prophet, who is sent by God, is said to have prophethood (nubuwwat), of bringing a Divine Law or Shari‘ah. After him there are seven of his testament (wasi) who possess the power of executors of his testament (wasayat) and the power of esoteric

109 initiation into the Divine Mysteries (walayat). To illustrate this, the author makes an example of Adam and his seven executors.

Example 8. Proper Names of Religious Personages

ﻩی گْی ٌﺫ: ﺁﺩﻡ ػﻝی َ ﺍلغالم ﻩﺙؼْث ؽذ ﺕﺍ ًﺙْﺕ ّ ّالیﺕ ... (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 34

Transliteration Migouiand: adam alaihessalam mab’ous shod ba nabovvat va velayat … and Gloss: [it is said that]: [Adem] [PBUH] [was selected] [with] [prophecy] [and] [leadership] ...

TT: The Isma‘ilis say that Adam was sent as a prophet with the power of prophecy and of esoteric guidance ... (Shi’it Islām, p: 71)

ﺁﺩﻡ ػلی َ الغالﻡ In Islam and also in Christianity and Judaism, it is strongly believed that

/Adam alaih al-salam/ is the first human being created by God. It is a term that bears religious load of meaning in the Persian context. It is translated into English as Adam.

In Shi’ite Islam (1975), Tabatabaei explaines about Shi‘ite Muslims who like Jews and Christians believe in the emergence of a savior. Ja'fari Shi‘ites who believe in the existence of twelve Imams claim that the last Shi'ite Imam is the person who brings happiness, justice and glory to human beings and ultimately, helps people reach salvation. The author explains in the part of the book that refers to the Shi‘ite Imams about the last Imam and his importance to the Ja‘fari Shi‘ites.

Example 9. Proper Names of Religious Personages

ﺯﻉﺵﺕ ﻩ ِﺫی ﻩػْْد ( کَﻍﺍﻝﺙﺍ ﺕَ ﻝ ﻡﺓ ﺍﻩﺍﻡ ػصﺵ ّ ﺹﺍ ﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺽﻩﺍﻯ ﺭکﺵ ﻩی ؽْد) ﻑﺵﺹًﺫ ﺍﻩﺍﻡ یﺍﺹﺩ ُﻥ ... ﺕْﺩ. :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 106)

Transliteration Hazrat-e Mahdi-e mo’oud (ke ghaleban be laghab-e emam-e asr va and Gloss: [holiness] [Mahdi] [promised] [that] [mostly] [to] [title name] [Imam] [time] [and] saheb-e zaman zekr mishavad) farzand-e emam-e yazdahom … bood. [owner] [time] [is called] [child] [Imam] [eleventh] ... [was].

TT: The promised Mahdi, who is usually mentioned by his title of Imam-i Asr (the Imam of the ―period‖) and Sahib al-Zaman (the Lord of the Age), ... (Shi’it Islām, p: 185)

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Mahdi Mo’ud/, Muḥammad ibn Ḥasan al-Askari known as Imam Mahdi/ ﻩِﺫی هػْْﺩ

(the Imam of the time), Mahdi Mo’ud, and Wali l-Asr literally translated into English as the guardian of the age is the twelfth Imam of Shi‘ites. According to the Shi‘ite sources, the birth of the Imam was hidden by the time, and no one saw him except some of the special companions of his father, Imam Hasan Askari. According to Shi‘ites‘ belief, he is a promised savior who will rise one day after a long period of absence to rule justice in the world.

4.3.3 Religious Groups

Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), narrates about a person called Seyyed

Boroujerdi who set up a rowzehxani on the roof of the residence of Iranian pilgrims every night, and then, the Iranian pilgrims prayed behind him as the Imam. Al-e Ahmad writes that the man expected him to pray behind him too and complained to the author of the travelogue why he joined the Sunnis to pray. Al-e Ahmad mentions that the man‘s behavior disturbed him.

Example 10. Religious Groups

تؼدة ﻩی کٌﺫ کَچﺵﺍ ًﻭﺍﺹﺱﺍ ﻩی ﺱّﻡ ﺕﺍ ﺥواػت ﺍ ُﻝ ﺕﻍ ٌﻱ ﻩی ﺥْﺍًﻥ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 75 Transliteration Taajjob mikonad ke chera namaz ra miravim ba jamaat-e ahl-e tasannon mixanam. and Gloss: [wonder] [Ø] [that] [why] [prayer] [Ø] [go] [I] [with] [crowd] [Ø] [Sunni] [read] [I].

TT: He‘s surprised that I pray with the Sunnis, and not behind him. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 55)

ahl-e tasannon/ translated into English the Sunnis, is one of the two main/ ﺍُﻝ ﺕﻍ ٌﻱ branches of Islam. Followers of the Sunni branch of Islam are called Sunni Muslims that

111 constitute majority of the Muslim population; nearly ninety percent of Muslim population in the world. Sunnis are distinguished from Shi‘ite by their belief that the

Caliphate is an elective, rather than a hereditary office.

At the end of the book Hajj (1979), the author speaks of the attendance of the companions of the Prophet of Islam at the Hajj ritual and mentions the importance of these people as pioneers of the Islamic religion and heroes of jihad against blasphemy and tyranny. They are a group who are the first guardians of the Qur'an. He writes that in the rites of the Hajj, they all turn around the house of God and renew their promise with

Prophet Abraham.

Example 11. Religious Groups

ّ ﺩﺱ ﻩیﺍﻯ چ ِﺵ ٍ ُﺍ: ﺍﺹﺱﺍﺏ پی ...ﻍﻭﺙﺵ ﺕﺍ ﺍﺕﺵﺍ ُیﻥ ﺕﺩﺫیﺫ ػ ِﺫ ﻩی ک ٌٌﺫ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 272

Transliteration va dar mian-e chehrehha: ashab-e peighambar … ba Ebrahim tajdid-e ahd mikonand. and Gloss: [and] [in] [among] [faces]: [companions] [prophet] … [with] [Ebrahim] [renew] [Ø].

TT: Among these faces were: the companions of the Prophet (PBUH) … fully in love with God. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 153)

ashab-e peighambar/, the term literally translated into English as/ ﺍﺹﺱﺍﺏ پیﻍﻭﺙﺵ companions of the Prophet of Islam. The term refers to those who saw the Prophet, believed in him and died as Muslims. The Companions, being eyewitnesses, are the most important sources of hadith; the record of the prophet‘s sayings and activities.

During his stay in Mecca, Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), explains that he visited a school near Uhud Mountain and then goes to the shrine. He writes that women were prevented from entering the shrine, and they stood outside the entryways in small

112 groups, and the eulogists were helping them read a book written to be read by Muslims when they visit holy places.

Example 12. Religious Groups

ّ ﺹیﺍﺱﺕ ًﺍ ﻩَ ﺥْﺍ ً ِﺍ ﺕﺵﺍیؾاﻯ ُﺩی ﻩی کﺵﺩًﺫ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 49

Transliteration va ziaratnamehxanha barayeshan heji mokardand. and Gloss: [and] [eulogists] [for] [them] [spell] [Ø].

TT: The professional eulogists were drilling them. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 37)

ziaratnameh/ refers to a text written for the pilgrims to read when they visit/ ﺹیﺍﺱﺕ ًﺍﻩ َ

Shi‘ite Imams‘ tomb, their children or grave of some elders of Islam. These texts contain prayers, greetings and respect for the owner of the grave. Such texts originated from the family of the Prophet which contain unique Islamic beliefs are one of the sources of

ﺹیﺍﺱﺕ ًﺍﻩ َ ﺥْﺍ ً ِﺍ .Shi‘ite education. Pilgrims who recite them are called ziaratnameh xan

/ziaratnameh xanha/ are groups whose career is reading such texts.

Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), writes that he went to a market in Mecca one day to see selling goods there. He describes the market and believed that the market in Mecca was a place for bargaining, for reducing prices and entertainment. He saw local sellers preparing themselves for Umrah pilgrims.

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Example 13. Religious Groups

ﻉَ چِﺍﺱ ﺕﺍ ﺍﺹ ﺩکﺍ ً ِﺍ ﺕَ ﺕﻍﺍﻍ ُﺍ ؽا ﻯﺱﺍ ُﻥ ﻑﺵّﺥﺕَ ﺍًﺫ ّ زاال ﺩﺍﺱًﺫ ﺁﺏ ّ ﺥﺍﺱ ّ ﻩیک ٌٌﺫ ... ﺕﺵﺍی ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ػﻭﺵ ٍ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 157)

Transliteration Se chahar ta az dokkanha tah-e basateshan ra ham forouxtehand va hala darand and Gloss: [three] [four] [Ø] [shops] [bottom] [stall] [Ø] [also] [sold] [and] [now] [Ø] ab-o jarou mikonand … barai-e hojaj-e Omreh. [water] [sweep] [Ø] … [for] [Hajj-makers] [Umrah].

TT: Three or four shops have sold out completely, and are now being washed and swept … for the pilgrims of the Umrah. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 113)

The Umreh is an Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca performed by Muslims at any time of the year, in contrast to the Ḥajj which has specific dates according to the Islamic lunar

hojjaj-e omreh/ literally translated into English as the/ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ػﻭﺵٍ calendar. The term pilgrims of the Umrah refers to Muslims who go to Mecca at any time during the Hajj; a pilgrimage made to Kaaba, known as the House of God, in the sacred city of Mecca in

Saudi Arabia. The rites of Hajj are performed over five or six days, beginning on the eighth and ending on the thirteenth day of Dhu al-Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar.

Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), narrates that on one of the days when the

Iranian Hajjis gathered in their residence, he heard an argument among the female pilgrims and it was inglorious to a point that the leader of the group had to take action to end this incident before it spreaded to a serious problem.

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Example 14. Religious Groups

ﺯﻭﻝَ ﺩﺍﺱﻩﺍﻯ ُﻥ ﺁﻩﺫ کَ: "ﺁﺥﺵ ﺥﺩﺍﻝﺕ تکؾیﺫ ﺯﺍﺥی َ ﺥﺍًﻥ ُﺍ!" (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 55

Transliteration Hamlehdareman ham amad ke: “axar xejalat bekeshid hajieh xanomha!” and Gloss: [guide] [ours] [also] [that]: ―[Ø] [feel ashamed] [Ø] [Hajieh] [ladies]!‖

TT: Our guide came in as well, saying ―you ought to be ashamed of yourselves, hajji ladies!‖ (Lost in the Crowd, p: 41)

hajjieh khanom/ is a title basically used for a Muslim woman who went on/ ﺯﺍﺥی َ ﺥﺍًﻥ a pilgrimage to Mecca in Persian-speaking comunities. It is also an honorific title given to any old Muslim women, regardless of whether or not the woman has performed the pilgrimage in reality.

4.3.4 Miscellaneous Religious Terms

As for the type of miscellaneous religious terms the following examples are presented:

In Lost in the Crow (1985), the writer describes the disastrous situation in Arafat after the sacrifice. He writes that the ground was full of blood and carcasses of animals sacrificed and number of bulldozers that were burying these carcasses in the pits in the same place without any use. He expected that the sacrificial meat on that day could have been sent to poor Muslim people in Islamic countries instead of being burried.

Example 15. Miscellaneous Religious Terms اصالچﺵﺍ ﺱّی ﻝْﻍی ُﺍی چٌیﻱ گؽْت پﺵّﺱﺩ ٍ ﺍی یک ﺍ ًگ ًﺽ ًٌﺫ ... ّ ﺕَ ﺹْﺱﺕ ﺕﺙﺵک ﺕﺵﺍی ﺕﻭﺍﻡ ﻩﺵﻅﺍی :ST ﻩﻍﻝﻭﺍﻯ ػالن؟ (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 122)

Transliteration Aslan chera roui-e ghootihai-e chenin gousht-e parvardehei yek ang nazanand and Gloss: [Ø] [why] [on] [cans] [such] [meat] [Ø] [one] [mark] [not] [Ø] … va be sourat-e tabarrok barai-e tamam-e marzai-e mosalman-e alam? … [and] [like] [gifted] [for] [all] [Ø] [Muslims] [universe]?

TT: Why don‘t they pack this meat in containers … to be used as a spiritually powerful gift for all the afflicted Muslims of the world … ? (Lost in the Crowd, p: 89)

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tabarrok/, literally translated into English as a spiritually powerful gift, means/ ﺕﺙﺵک to seek the blessing, the sincerity and goodness from God or from holy beings who God has given them special privilege such as prophets, imams, and parents, or from objects and places like the Qur‘an and Ka‘bah. Moreover, blessing can be material or spiritual; whether it is a worldly blessing, such as an increase in the wealth, or it is a blessing given to a person in the hereafter, like the highest degrees in the next world.

The author of the book, Hajj (1979), elaborates widely philosophy of the Hajj ritual and emphasizes importance of this ritual and responsibility of a Muslim in the state of ihram because the person who is at miqat with ihram clothes should follow certain principles. These 24 principles were mentioned one by one in a section of the book and were summarized in a general title; moharramat.

Example 16. Miscellaneous Religious Terms

ّ ﺕْ ﺍی ﺁﺩﻡ! ﺩﺱﺍﺯﺵﺍﻩی, ﺩﺱ ﺯﺵیﻭی ... ﺩﺱ ﺯﺵیﻭی ﺍﺹ ﻩﺱﺵﻩﺍﺕ ... (ST: (Hajj, p: 43

Transliteration va to ei adam! dar ehrami, dar harimi … dar harimi az moharramat … and Gloss: [and] [you] [oh] [human]! [in] [ihram], [in] [sanctum] … [in] [sanctum] [Ø] [forbidden] ...

TT: And you, O human being! … you are in ihram, in a sacred place, … you are at the sacred boundaries of prohibitions. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 37)

moharramat/, an Islamic term, refers to some of the things that were/ ﻩﺱﺵ ﻩﺍﺕ forbidden in the Qur'an and in the teachings of the Prophet. Most of the things assumed as moharramat are pertinent to two categories; forbidden foods and forbidden deeds. The person who violates the Islamic rules and acts against whatever forbidden is sinful.

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In another example, the author of the book, Hajj (1979), writes that during the Hajj ritual performance and after tawaf, pilgrims pray beside the Ka'ba. They stand at a place

namaz/ in Persian and prayer/ ًﻭﺍﺹ .called place of Ibrahim and this prayer is two rak’ats in English, an obligatory duty for every Muslim, is an act of worship performed five times per day at prescribed times.

Example 17. Miscellaneous Religious Terms

ّ ﺍکٌْﻯ, ﺩّ ﺱکؼت ًﻭﺍﺹ, ﺩﺱ "ﻩﻡﺍﻡ ﺍﺕﺵﺍ ُیﻥ". (ST: (Hajj, p: 66

Transliteration va aknoun, do rak’at namaz, dar “magham-e Ebrahim”. and Gloss: [and] [now] [two] [rak‘at] [prayer], [in] ―[status] [Ebrahim]‖.

TT: And now the two cycle ritual prayer, here, in the station of Abraham. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 62)

rakat-e namaz/, an Islamic term, consists of the repetition of a unit called/ ﺱکؼت ًﻭﺍﺹ

rakaʿat/ or unit of prayers consisting of prescribed actions and words. The number/ ﺱکؼﺕ of obligatory rakaʿat varies from two to four according to the time of day.

Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), describes accommodation of the Iranian pilgrims in Medina and writes about the Hajj season and situation in Jeddah before Eid al-Adha. He writes that many Muslims from different Islamic countries go to Jeddah to buy livestock such as sheep, goat, cow, or camel for sacrifice for that special day every year.

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Example 18. Miscellaneous Religious Terms

گؽْت لﺵﺕﺍ ًی ﺱﺍگﻝَ ﺩﺍﺱ ُﺍ ّ چْﺕﺫﺍﺱُﺍ ﺍﺹ پ ٌح ؼؽ ﻩﺍ ٍ پیؼ ﺱﺍ ٍ ﻩی ﺍًﺫﺍﺹًﺫ ... ﻩی ﺕﺵًﺫ ﺕَ ﻉﻭﺕ "ﻩ ٌی". :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 22)

Transliteration Gousht-e ghorbani ra galleh darha va choub darha az panj shesh mah pish and Gloss: [meat] [sacrificed] [Ø] [herdsmen] [and] [ranchmen] [from] [five] [six] [month] [prior] rahmiandazand … mibarand be samt-e “mena”. [launch] … [take] [to] ―[Mina]‖.

TT: The demand for sacrificial meat put the herdsmen and drovers in motion six months ago. They drove … towards Mina. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 17)

goosht-e ghorbani/, literally translated into English as sacrificial meat/ گؽْت ﻝﺵﺕﺍ ًی refers to slaughtered animal‘s meat. The ritual of slaughterring an animal is one of the obligatory acts for those who are pilgrims of Hajj; usually a camel, a cow or a sheep are slaughtered.

4.3.5 Religious Sites

The sixth category of IRCTs in this study is religious sites. Some examples of this religious term are illustrated and elaborated belw.

Al-e Ahmad, in Lost in the Crowd (1985), writes that one afternoon, went to Mount

Hira, first home of revelation, according to Muslims, and looked at the top of the mountain, the scenery around it, and the beautiful view of the city of Mecca in the darkness of the night. On the way back to the caravan of the Iranian pilgrims, he passed by The Great Mosque of Mecca known as Masjid al-Haram and describes in his book solitude surrounding the shrine at that time.

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Example 19. Religious Sites

ﺍ ﻩﺍ ﻍﺵﻑ ﺯﺵﻡ ٌُْص ؽلؽْ اﻉﺕ ّ ﺕﺍﺹﺍﺱ ُﻭچ ٌﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺉﺵ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 152

Transliteration Amma taraf-e haram hanouz sholough ast va bazar hamchenan daier. and Gloss: [but] [around] [sacred place] [still] [crowded] [is] [and] [bazaar] [still] [set up].

TT: It is still crowded around the Haram, however, and the bazaar continues to function. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 109)

haram/ refers to a site of high sanctity, a sanctuary or a holy shrine in the Islamic/ ﺯﺵﻡ belief. Two of such places with the highest sanctity are Masjid al-Haram in Mecca and the Prophet‘s mosque in Medina.

On one of the days of his stay in Medina, the writer, along with other pilgrims, goes to visit Quba Mosque in southern Madinah. In part of his book, Ale Ahmed describes the greatness of the mosque and minarets and the surrounding area including an area called

.ؽ /shabestan/ in Persianﺙﻍﺕﺍﻯ

Example 20. Religious Sites

ﻩﻍﺩﺫی ﺕﺽﺱگ ّ ﺩﻝﺙﺍﺹ ﺕﺍ یک ﻩٌﺍﺱ ٍ, ّ ؽﺙﻍﺕﺍ ًی ﺕَ ﻉﻭﺕ ﻝﺙﻝَ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 73

Transliteration Masjedi bozorg va delbaz ba yek menareh, va shabestani be samt-e ghebleh. and Gloss: [a mosque] [big] [and] [spacious] [with] [one] [minaret], [and] [colonade] [towards] [Ghebleh].

TT: It is a large, wide mosque with one minaret. There is a colonnade [shabestan] on the side facing the qebleh. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 54)

ؽ /shabestan/, an Islamic term rooted in Persian language, is part of a largeﺙﻍﺕﺍﻯ mosque with a roof. It is a space inside the mosque covered with parallel columns led to the courtyard of the mosque from one side.

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4.3.6 Religious Constructions

The seventh type of IRCTs is religious constructions. Some examples of this category are presented below.

Al-e Ahmad visits Masjid al-Nabi in Madinah and explains about the decorations of the mosque‘s exterior as well as the materials used in the construction of the building including a construction called goldasteh in Persian.

Example 21. Religious Constructions

ﻍیﺵ ﺍﺹ پﺍی َ ُﺍی ﻩﻍﺩﺫ کَ ﺍﺹ ﺕْ ﻩﺵﻩﺵ ﺍﻉﺕ ّ ﺍﺹ ﺕیﺵّﻯ ﻉ ٌگﺥﺍﺱﺍ, پؼؽْ ﺕﺍﻝی ﻉﺍﺥﺕﻭﺍﻯ ﺕَ ﺁﻯ ػﻅﻭﺕ ُﻥ ﺍﺹ :ST ﺕکَ ُﺍی ﻉیﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﻉﺕ ّ ﺯﺕی گﻝﺫﻉﺕَ ُﺍی ﺕَ ﺁﻯ ﺕﻝ ٌﺫی. (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 53)

Transliteration Gheir az paiehhai-e masjed ke az too marmar ast va and Gloss: [apart] [from] [foundations] [mosque] [that] [from inside] [marble] [is] [and] az biroun sang-e xara, poushesh-e baghi-e saxteman be an azemat ham [from outside] [granite], [cover] [rest] [building] [to] [that] [magnitude] [also] az tekkeh hai-e siman ast va hatta goldastehhai-e be an bolandi. [from] [pieces] [cement] [is] [and] [even] [minaret tops] [to] [that] [height].

TT: Excepting the foundations of the mosque, which are marble on the inside and granite on the outside, the exterior of the rest of this glorious mosque is all concrete slabs, even the minaret tops, which are so high. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 45)

goldasteh/ refers to a type of tower typically built adjacent to the mosques. The/ گﻝﺫﻉﺕ َ equivalent term used in English is minaret; a term borrowed from Arabic but is a common term in Iranian socio-linguistic context. They serve multiple purposes but basically they are used for the Muslim call to prayer.

In an afternoon, Al-e Ahmad visits Al-Ghamama Mosque and describes the exterior of the building and then, enters the mosque, and realizes that the evening prayer was just over and Imam was preaching to the Muslims inside the mosque. Imam is the one who

120 stands in front of the ranks of praying Muslims and leads the prayers. Among the

Sunnis, the term is used to refer to a man learned in the Islamic sciences.

Example 22. Religious Constructions

ًﻭﺍﺹ ػصﺵ ﺕﺍﺹ ٍ ﺕﺵچی ﺫٍ ؽذٍ تْد ّ ﺍ ﻩﺍﻡ ػّﻉ ﻩی کﺵﺩ ُﻭچ ٌﺍﻯ ؾًغﺕَ ﺩﺱ ﻩﺱﺵﺍﺏ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 31

Transliteration Namaz-e asr tazeh barchideh shodeh boud va emam vaz’ mikard and Gloss: [prayer] [evening] [just now] [finished] [Ø] [and] [Imam] [preach] [Ø] hamchenan neshasteh dar mehrab. [while] [sitting] [in] [mihrab].

TT: The afternoon prayer had just ended, and the imam was preaching, sitting on the mihrab. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 23)

mehrab/ literally translated as the prayer niche, equivalent to altar in English/ ﻩﺱﺵﺍﺏ is a place in the mosque that shows the direction of the ghebleh, and usually the imam followed by other Muslims, stays in prayer.

According to the Islamic laws, mosques are places where no one even the prophets are not allowed to be buried there. In this book, the author refers to a woman called

Hajar, wife of Prophet Abraham and mother of prophet Ismail. She is the only person who was buried next to the house of God. The author expresses his astonishment by reminding to the readers of the book the fact that a woman who was a maid in the past and who was in the lowest position, on the basis of classification of social positions, was buried in Masjid al-Haram and beside the house of God. It implies that she has the highest position and the closest person to God.

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Example 23. Religious Constructions

ؽگﻑﺕﺍ, ُیچ کﻍی ﺱﺍ - ﺯﺕی پیﺍﻩﺙﺵﺍﻯ ﺱﺍ - ًﺙﺍیﺫ ﺩﺱ ﻩﻍﺩﺫ ﺩﻑﻱ کﺵﺩ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 56

Transliteration Shegefta, hich kasi ra – hatta payambaran ra – nabayad dar masjed dafn kard. and Gloss: [unbelievable] [no one] [Ø] - [even] [prophets] [Ø] - [should not] [in] [mosque] [bury].

TT: What a surprise since no one, not even prophets, is supposed to be buried in mosques. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 24)

masjed/ an Islamic term, equivalent to mosque in English, is a place where/ ﻩﻍ ﺩﺫ

Muslims worship. Beside of being a place of worship, they are also used to teach about

Islam. Religious festivals and gatherings are held in mosques as well.

4.3.7 Religious Clothes

Randomly collected samples of religious clothes in the corpus are presented in the following.

The author writes in his travelogue about an afternoon that he goes out of their residence in Mecca with a different style on that particular day. All clothes that he wore on that day and were mentioned in his book; chafieh, rousari, and aba are considered as traditional Islamic clothes worn in Middle Eastern countries including Iran.

Example 24. Religious Clothes

ػصﺵی ُْﺍ کَ ﺥ ٌک ؽذ اﺹ ﺥﺍ ًَ ﺩﺱ ﺁﻩﺫﻡ ﺕَ گشدػ. چﻑی َ ﺍی ﺕَ ﻉﺵ ﺍ ًﺫﺍﺥﺕَ ػیﻱ ﺱّﻉﺵی ّ ػﺙﺍی ﺥ ْﺍﺩﺱﺍ ﺕَ :ST دXasi dar Mighāt, p: 97) .ػّ)

Transliteration Asri hava ke xonak shod az xaneh daramadam be gardesh. and Gloss: [evening] [weather] [that] [cool] [become] [from] [house] [come out] [to] [walk]. chafiehei be sar andaxteh ein-e rousari va abai-e Javad ra be doush. [head cloth] [on] [head] [Ø] [like] [scarf] [and] [mantle] [Javad] [Ø] [on] [shoulder].

TT: In the evening when it was cool I came out of the house to go for a walk. I had thrown an Arab head cloth over my head like a scarf, with Javad‘s mantle on my shoulders. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 71)

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chafieh/ or /Keffiyeh/, translated as a head scarf into English, is a traditional/ چﻑی َ

Middle Eastern, headdress worn in the Middle East. It is commonly found in arid

rousari/ is a/ ﺱّﻉﺵی .regions as it provides protection from sunburn, dust and sand

Persian term equivalent to headscarf or scarf in English. It is worn by women for variety of reasons. Muslim women wear it for cultural or religious purpose of having hijab.

ػثا .Burqa, chador, niqab, dupatta are some other types of Islamic dress for having hijab

/aba/ is a long outer garment worn over the shoulders to cover the back. It is common in

Arab countries and Iranian religious clerics and Sufi people wear it as well.

In an example taken from Lost in the Crowd (1966), Al-e Ahmad writes that he sits on the Ka'ba in the Masjid al-Haram and watches the tawaf ritual of the pilgrims and then describes the interaction and unity among a group of female pilgrims to protect each other not to get lost in the crowd. He saw them walking around the Ka‘ba while holding each others‘ dress.

Example 25. Religious Clothes

تواؽایﻍﺕ ّﻝﺕی ﺥﻭﺍػﺕی ﺕیﺵّﻯ ﺯﺵﻡ ... ﺩﻉﺕ ُﻭﺫیگﺵ یﺍ چﺍﺩﺱ ّ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ ُﻭﺫیگﺵ ﺱﺍ ﻩی چﻍﺙٌﺫ ّﺱﺍ ٍ ﻩی ﺍﻑﺕٌﺫ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 88)

Transliteration Tamashaeist vaghti jama’ati biroun-e haram … dast-e hamdigar and Gloss: [spectacle] [when] [crowd] [outside] [holy place] … [hand] [each other] ya chador va ehram-e hamdigar ra michasband va rah mioftand. [or] [chador] [and] [Ihram] [each other] [Ø] [hold] [and] [walk] [Ø].

TT: It‘s quite a spectacle when the people are poising themselves outside the Kaaba … holding onto one another‘s hands, chadors or ihrams … walking in place at first. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 65)

ehram/ refers to a special pilgrimage dress, ihram clothing includes men's and/ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ women's garments worn by Muslim people during Hajj and Umrah ritual performace.

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Men and women pilgrims‘ dress is different. Men's garments often consist of two white

ĉādor/ literally translated as/ چﺍﺩﺱ .un-hemmed sheets and are universal in appearance veil into English is a kind of garment worn by Muslim women, which is long, semi- circular and usually in black and white colors. It covers the whole body of women from head up to their legs. It is mostly used in religious ceremonies. Wearing chador is necessary for Muslim women in religious places such as mosques and shrines.

In part of the book, the author describes his observations on the situation in Mecca and writes about young people who came for Tawaf to Masjid Al-Haram. The author noticed, from their appearance in terms of special types of clothes they had worn and the way that the young men had protected their wives, that they had been recently-married couples.

Example 26. Religious Clothes

... ﺍﺹ ﺱّﺕٌﺫ ُﺍی ﺹیﺙﺍ ّ ﺱیﺽ ًمؼ ّ گﻝﺫﺍﺱ یﺍ ًﻡﺵ ٍ ﺩّﺹی ؽذ ٍ ؽاﻯ ﻩی گْیﻥ کَ ػ ﺵّﻁ ﺍًﺫ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 97)

Transliteration … az roubandhai-e ziba va riznaghsh va goldar ya and Gloss: … [from] [veils] [beautiful] [and] [intricately designed] [and] [rosy] [or] noghrehdouzi shodeh shan migouiam ke arousand. [silver embroidered] [Ø] [Ø] [I say] [that] [they are brides].

TT: I say they were brides because of their beautiful, intricately designed, flowered or silver embroidered veils. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 71)

rouband/, equivalent to veil in English, is an Islamic dress for Muslim women/ ﺱّﺕ ٌﺫ to cover their faces in public places. The religious reason behind wearing a veil by

Muslim women is that Islam considers men, except family memebrs; father, grandfather, brother, uncle, son, and father-in-law who are mahram to a woman and are permitted to see her unveiled but prohibited from marrying her, other men are namahram and women

124 are recommended to cover themselves from them. Although it is not compulsory according to Islamic tradition, it is a convention for women to cover their faces, in some parts of Iran, such as the north and northwest.

4.3.8 Supernatural Beings

The author states that he was sitting in the al-Nabi Mosque one day and thought that suddenly a middle-aged Arab, who could also speak in Farsi, came to him and, according to his perception of the author‘s appearance, wearing beard, asked him about his sect and when the author answered to him that he was not a follower of any religious sects, he showed a reaction in a way as if he did not expect to hear this answer, and then, he left there with annoyance. The author writes that the Arab man went on his nerve by his behaviour and wanted to make him realize that this kind of question is supposed to be asked by others in the next world, and this does not have anything to do with him. Al- e Ahmad refers to two supernatural beings; Nakir and Monkar.

Example 27. Supernatural Beings

ﺍگﺵ ﻩی ﻩﺍًﺫ ﺍیﻱ ﺱﺍ ُﻥ ﺯﺍﻝیؼ ﻩیکﺵﺩﻡ کَ ًکیﺵ ّ ﻩٌکﺵ ﻝﺵﺍس اعت ؽة اّل ﻝﺙﺵ ﺕیﺍی ٌﺫ ﻉﺵاؽ آدم. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 66)

Transliteration Agar mimand in ra ham haliash mikardam ke Nakir va Monkar and Gloss: [if] [stayed] [this] [Ø] [also] [remind] [Ø] [that] [Nakir] [and] [Monkar] gharar ast shab-e aval-e ghabr biaiand soragh-e adam. [it is supposed] [night] [first] [grave] [they come] [to] [man].

TT: If he had stayed I would have reminded him that Nakir and Monkar are to come after a man the first night he is in the grave. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 50)

nakir va monkar/ translated into English as inquisitors for the judgment/ ًکیﺵ ّ ﻩٌکﺵ bear religious connotative meaning. In Islamic eschatology, they are two angels who,

125 according to Shi‘ite popular belief, interrogate the dead people in their tombs on the first night after burial. The deceaseds will be asked questions about their belief in God, the

Prophet Mohammad, the first Imam and Shi‘ite doctrine. If unable to respond properly, the subject of the inquisition will be sent to hell.

At the end of the book, the writer explains about the hajj ritual that is in fact a symbolic ritual, and highlights especially tawaf performance. He writes that in the Hajj rituals, the angels of God are also witnessing the rituals that are being performed by Hajj pilgrims, and the angels are enthusiastically welcoming them.

Example 28. Supernatural Beings

... ّ ﻑشؽتگاﻯ ﺍﺹ کٌگﺵ ٍ ػشػ, ﺕﺵ ﺁًﺍﻯ ﺹﻑیﺵ ﻩی کؾٌذ (ST: (Hajj, p: 272

Transliteration … va fereshtegan az kongereh arsh, bar anan safir mikeshand. and Gloss: … [and] [angels] [from] [Ø] [sky], [on] [them] [shout] [Ø].

TT: … and angels calling upon them from the sky. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 153)

elaheh/ in Persian is a/ ﺍﻝ ِ َ houri/, and/ ﺯْﺱی fereshteh/, also synonym with/ فشؽﺕ َ religious term in this category. In Islam, angels are celestial beings created by God to perform certain tasks he has given them. Belief in angels is one of the six main beliefs in

Islam. There are many of them and each one is charged with a certain duty. For instance,

Malek al-Maot the angel of death, also called Ezraeil, comes to a man/woman at the moment of death to carry his/her soul away from the body.

Another example is taken from a part of Lost in the Crowd (1966). The Iranian pilgrims are scheduled to move to Arafat to perform another ritual, and Al-e Ahmad describes the preparation for ihram ritual and complains about the lack of enough water

126 to bathe before Ihram and go to the Arafat desert. He says ironically that the shortage of water in Arafat is similar to the immediately absence of jinn when the name of God is expressed by a Muslim.

Example 29. Supernatural Beings

ﺕَ ﻩﺱﻁ ﺍی ٌکَ ّﺥْﺩ آب الﺹﻡ ﻩی ؽْد اﺹ ﺁﺏ ﺥﺙﺵی ًیﻍﺕ. ػیﻱ ﺥﻱ ّ ﺕﻍﻥ هللا :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 104)

Transliteration Be mahz-e inkeh vojoud-e ab lazem mishavad az ab xabari nist. ein-e jen va besmellah. and Gloss: [as soon as] [water] [necessary] [Ø] [water] [is not], [like] [jinn] [and] [bismillah].

TT: Precisely when water is necessary, there is no sign of water. Just like the jinn and bismillah [in the name of God]. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 77)

jen/ translated as Jinn in English, are supernatural creatures and one of the highly/ ﺥﻱ cultural term. Islam clearly acknowledges the existence of jinn and in accordance with

Islamic teachings, the term jinn is refered to a specific type of supernatural creature. Jinn are not inevitably evil; they can be both evil and good. One type of jinn are malefic forces that have rebelled against God. Such jinn are the evil forces which by including the power of apprehension (wahm) and imagination (khayal) in its negative aspect lead man away from the truth which his intelligence perceives by virtue of the innate light that dwells within him. In this regard, Muslim communities strongly believe that Jinn and God are two entities that cannot be found together in the same place.

The pilgrims go to Masha‘r to do another ritual known as voquf and spend the night in Arafat to worship and to purify their souls. In other words, they attempt to overcome their sense of hatreds, hostility, regrets, fears, all the devastating sentiments and evil forces accumulated in them over the years. The author likened this process of

127 overcoming of sense of love, forgiveness, faithfulness, and liberty over the inner devils, to a battlefield by the author in which the enemy, Iblis, lurks behind it.

Example 30. Supernatural Beings

ﺩﺱ ﺥﺙَِ ﻩ ٌی ﺥ ٌﺍﻁ ﻩٌﺕﻅﺵ ﺍﻉﺕ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 119

Transliteration Dar jebhe mena xannas montazer ast. and Gloss: [in] [front] [Mina] [xannas] [waiting] [is].

TT: You theist seeker of justice! Satan (the xanas) is awaiting in the battlefield of Mina. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 108)

xannas/ is a devil concealed in human beings‘ heart and/ ﺥ ٌﺍﻁ ,In Islamic beliefs tempts human beings to achieve their ambitions by breaking religious and moral laws, and when they are guilty, they forget to remember God and to feel penitent for having done wrong.

4.3.9 Religious Events

Some examples of religious events are presented such as:

The allegiance to the caliph was an Arabic tradition in ancient times, and someone who did not swear was arrested and punished as a culprit. The author points out in a part of the book that the Third Imam of the Shiites did not swear allegiance with Yazid

Khalifa of the Umayyad dynasty and explains that Imam Hussein moves with his family from Madinah to Mecca at night to seek refuge in the shrine. But while he was staying in

Mecca near the house of God, he was informed that a group of Yazid people entered

Mecca in pilgrims clothing with a gun beneath their ihrams to kill him during the Hajj rituals.

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Example 31. Religious Events

ﺍﻝﺍﻩﺕ ﺍﻩﺍﻡ ﺯﻍیﻱ ػلی َ ﺍلغالم ﺩﺱ ﻩکَ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻩَ ﺩﺍؽت ﺕﺍ ﻩْﻉﻥ ﺯﺡ ﺱﻉیﺫ. (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 97

Transliteration Eghamat-e emam hosein alaihessalam dar makkeh edameh dasht ta mosem-e haj resid. and Gloss: [stay] [Emam] [Hussain] [PBUH] [in] [Mecca] [continued] [until] [Hajj time] [arrived]

TT: The stay of Imam Husayn in Mecca continued until the season for pilgrimage. (Shi’it Islām, p: 175)

Although pilgrims can go to Mecca to perform the rituals at any time of the year called

mosem-e haj/ translated into/ ﻩْﻉﻥ ﺯﺡ .Umreh, the main pilgrimage to Mecca called Hajj

English as the season for pilgrimage, occurs at a certain date that begins from the 8th to

12th of Dhu al-Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar.

In another example extracted from Lost in the Crowd (1966), the author explains

about Voquf which literally means standing is a ritual begins at noon and ends after

sunset on 9 Dhu al-Hijjah. In order to carry out this ritual in the desert of Arafat, the

Iranian pilgrims were settled in their tents, and Al-e Ahmad writes that he was

dissatisfied with the condition of their residence in Arafat and was also angry with a

group of Iranians with religious professions for the frequent holding of the rozeh

gathering in Medina and Mecca, and even in Arafat and inside the tents.

Example 32. Religious Events

ﺹﺙﺱﺍ ًَ چﺍی ﺕْﺩ ّ ًﺍﻯ ﺩﺱ ﺍﻝکﻝَ ... ّ االﻯ ﻩﺩﻝﻅ ﺱّ ﻅَ ﺩﺍﺱیﻥ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 108

Transliteration Sobhaneh chai boud va nan dar alkaleh … va alan majles-e rouzeh darim. and Gloss: [breakfast] [tea] [was] [and] [bread] [in] [Ø] … [and] [now] [rowzeh gathering] [we have].

TT: There was breakfast with twice-sifted bread … now we are having a rowzeh. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 79)

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majles-e rozeh/ is a Islamic religious term rooted in Persian language and/ ﻩﺩﻝﻅ ﺱّ ﻅ َ culture and refers to a ritual gathering held by the Shiites in commemoration of the

Shiite imams, in particular Imam Hussein, the third Imam of Shiites killed in the Battle of Karbala. Rouzeh xan is a man or a woman who reads poems and quotes about the

Battle of Karbala or the manner of killing Shiite elders loudly and mournfully to impress the mourning population. In Iran, majles-e rozeh are held more in the months of

Muharram. It consists of two parts: feminine and masculine assembly. The gathering may be set up in houses, or mosques, or hosseiniyehs.

Al-e Ahmad describes that he goes to a healthcare centre in Jeddah that was in charge of giving services to Iranian pilgrims but it gave medical services to pilgrims from other nationalities He explains about the Iranian medical staff who worked there for the whole year and they could only go to Mecca on the day of Eid al-Adha.

Example 33. Religious Events

... ّ ػیﺫ ﻝﺵﺕﺍﻯ ُﻭَ ﺥﻭﻍ ﻩی ؽًْذ ﻩکَ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 14

Transliteration … va eid-e ghorban hameh jam’ mishavand makkeh. and Gloss: … [and] [eyd al-Adha] [all] [gathered] [Ø] [Mecca].

TT: … and they will all assemble in Mecca on ―Ayd-e Qorban‖. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 12)

ػ /eid-e ghorban/, a religious term in Persian literally translated as the Festivalیﺫ ﻝﺵﺕﺍﻯ of the Sacrifice in English, is an important Islamic event celebrated worldwide annually including in Iran. The reason behind it goes back to Prophet Ebrahim who decided to sacrifice his son as an act of obedience to God's command. But, before he could sacrifice his son, God provided a lamb to sacrifice instead. In commemoration of this, an animal

130 is sacrificed by Muslims every year. It is a four-day festival beginning on the 10th day of the month of Dhu al-hijja, the 12th month of the Muslim lunar calendar, during which ritual animal sacrifices are made. It takes place at Mina for Hajj pilgrims.

4.3.10 Religious Artifacts

As for the religious artifacts the following examples are presented;

The first example is taken from Shi’ite Islam (1963). The author of the book explains that Batinyya is another name of Isma‘ilism a sub-branches of Shia Islam. They had special teachings that were contrary to the principles of Islam and the group that belonged to this sect did not value the lives and property of others and in various cities and countries of Islam, they murdered and plundered the properties of the people. Abu

Turaher Qarmati, one of the leaders of this group, when he entered Mecca during the hajj season, killed the pilgrims and plundered the properties in the Ka'bah. One of the properties plundered by this person was a precious stone known as Hajar al-aswad.

Example 34. Religious Artifacts

ﺍﺕْﻍﺍُﺵ ﻝﺵﻩﻁی ... زدشاالعْد ﺱﺍ ﺍﺹ ﺥﺍی ﺥْﺩ ﺩﺱﺁّﺱﺩ ﺕَ یﻭﻱ ﺕﺵﺩ. (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 35

Transliteration Abou Taher gharmati … hajarolasvad ra az jai-e xod daravard be yaman bord. and Gloss: [Abu Taher Gharamati] … [black stone] [Ø] [from] [place] [took] [to] [Yemen] [took].

TT: Abu Tahir al-Qaramati, … took the black stone from its place. (Shi’it Islām, p: 72)

hajar al-asvad/ in Persian. It is literally translated into Engish as/ ﺯﺩﺵﺍالعْد It is called the Black Stone. It is a rock set into the eastern corner of the Kaaba. It is revered by

Muslims as an Islamic relic which, according to Muslim tradition, dates back to the time of Adam and Eve.

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Al-e Ahmad narrates that he was at the al-Nabi Mosque along with Iranina pilgrims.

The mosque was crowded on that day and he was watching the pilgrims at the mosque while walking carelessly in the middle of those sat beside their prayer rugs waiting for a prayer. He suddenly turned back the corner of one of the prayer rugs and the owner of it showed a bad reaction to the author that made him feel ashamed of the pilgrim‘s behaviour.

Example 35. Religious Artifacts

... ّ پﺍیﻥ گؽَْ ﻉﺩﺍﺩ ٍ ﺍی ﺱﺍ ﺕﺵگﺵﺩ ﺍًﺫ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 54

Transliteration … va payam gousheh sajjadeh ra bargardand. and Gloss: … [and] [my foot] [corner] [prayer mat] [Ø] [turned back].

TT: … my foot turned back the corner of a prayer carpet. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 40)

,sajjādeh/ translated into English as prayer rug or prayer mat is a piece of fabric/ ﻉﺩﺍﺩٍ sometimes a pile carpet, used by Muslims, placed on the ground and the worshipper stands on it for ensuring the cleanliness of the area during the various positions of prayer which involve prostration and sitting on the ground.

Al-e Ahmad writes in his travelogue about the situation around the al-Nabi Mosque in Medina that was a market for few Muslims to sell various goods and join the prayers in the same place at the time of prayer. In fact, the author wants to point out that the al-

Nabi Mosque is not merely a holy place for Muslims to worship. It was, in reality, a place where trading and worshiping took place simultaneously. He calls the name of some of the goods including tasbih.

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Example 36. Religious Artifacts

یﺍﺱّ ﻉﺩﺍﺩ ٍ اػﺱﺍ ّﻉػ ﺥیﺍﺕﺍﻯ پ ِﻱ کﺵﺩ ٍّ ﺕﺵﺍی ﺹﻑ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﺥﺍ گﺵﻑﺕَ ... یک ﻩؾت ػمیﻙ یﺍ ﻑیﺵّﺹ ٍ یﺍ ﺕﻍﺙیﺭ یﺍ :ST ػﻁﺵ ... (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 26)

Transliteration Yaroo sajjadehash ra vasat-e xiaban pahn kardeh va barai-e saf-e namaz jagerefteh … and Gloss: [fellow] [its prayer may] [Ø] [middle] [street] [spread] [and] [for] [prayer] [situate] … yek mosht aghigh ya firouzeh ya tasbih ya atr … [one] [handful] [or] [agate] [or] [turquoise] [or] [prayer beads] [or] [perfume] …

TT: A fellow will spread his prayer rug out in the street to reserve a place to pray … a handful of agates, turquoise, prayer beads, perfume ... (Lost in the Crowd, p: 20)

tasbih/ is a Persian Islamic term. Saying zekr is a popular type of prayering in/ ﺕﻍﺙیﺭ

Muslim communities that involves the repetitive utterances of short sentences in the praise and glorification of God. Muslims repeat certain phrases 111 times after prayer and throughout a day. To keep track of counting, a tool made of string of beads made of wood, clay, or plastic in various colors is used. It is called tasbih in Persian, misbahah in

Arabic and prayer beads in English.

4.3.11 Eschatology Terms

The last type of IRCTs is eschatology terms. Some instances of this type selected randomly in the corpus of this study is elaborated below.

Al-e Ahmad narrates that he decided to go to the Al-Fath Mosque in Medina one day.

In fact, he wanted to go there to speak with people to learn Arabic. On the way and on the foothills of the Mount Sal‘, asked from a young Arab cyclist the address of the mosque and then they began to talk about the benefits of pilgrimage to Mecca. The young Arab was curious to know why Al-e Ahmad was walking on foot. Based on his

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Islamic religious teachings, the young Arab assumed that Al-e Ahmad walks on foot to the mosque in order to get a reward in the next world.

Example 37. Eschatology Terms

یک ﻉﺥٌﺵﺍ ًی ﺯﻍﺍﺕی ﺩﺱﺕﺍﺱ ٍ ﺯﺡ ّ ﺙْﺍتؼ ... التذ ﺕَ ﻝﺹﺫ ﺍﺥﺵی ﺩﺱ ﺁﺥﺵﺕ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 66

Transliteration yek soxanrani-e hesabi darbare-ie haj va savabash … labod be ghasd-e ajri dar axerat. and Gloss: [one] [speech] [perfect] [about] [hajj] [and] [its merits] … [Ø] [for] [reward] [hereafter].

TT: Then he began a long discourse about the Hajj and its merits … in order to secure a reward in the hereafter. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 49)

akherat/ a religious term, in Islamic terminology, means the afterlife. It is/ ﺁﺥﺵﺕ repeatedly referenced in chapters of the Quran concerning the Last Judgment, one of the most important parts of the Islamic eschatology. It is one of the six main beliefs of

Muslims.

In another example, the author explains that Muslims deeply believe in destiny, and according to this belief, the fate of each person is predetermined from his birth time and is related to God's will. And also, Muslims believe that they must be obedient to God's will and accept it as the will of God and they should be satisfied with their own

./mashiat-e elahi/ هؾیﺕ ﺍﻝ ِی condition. It is called

Example 38. Eschatology Terms

ُﺵ ﺍػﺕﺵ ﺍﻅی, ﺍػﺕﺵﺍﺽ ﺕﺵ هؾیﺕ ﺍﻝ ِی ﺍﻉﺕ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 226

Transliteration Har eterazi, eteraz bar mashiiat-e elahi ast. and Gloss: [every] [objection], [objection] [on] [providence] [Allah] [is].

TT: Every protest is a protest against the will of God. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 199)

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mashiat-e elahi/ is an Islamic term originally is Arabic but is used in/ هؾیﺕ ﺍﻝ ِی

Persian and literally is translated into English as the will of God. In theology, divine providence refers to God's intervention in the Universe. In Islamic teadings, God's continuous upholding of the existence with harmony and purpose known as general providence is distinguished from special providence which refers to God's intervention in the life of people extraordinarily. For instance, miracles generally fall in the second category.

The author explains that there is no controversy about believing in the Day of

Judgment between Shiite Muslims and Sunni Muslims. The belief in the existence of the

Day of Judgment is one of the main principles of Islam and is a prerequisite for becoming a Muslim. The author of the book explains about it in details in a section of the book.

Example 39. Eschatology Terms

ؽیؼَ ﻩؼﺕﻡﺫ ﺕْﺩ کَ ؽﺵیؼت ﺁﻉﻭﺍ ًی ﺍعالم ... ﺕﺍ ﺱّﺹ ﻝی ﺍﻩﺕ ﺕَ ﺍػﺕﺙﺍﺱ ﺥْﺩ ﺕﺍﻝی ّ ُﺵگﺽ ﻝﺍﺕﻝ ﺕﻍییﺵ ًیﻍﺕ. :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 18)

Transliteration Shie motaghed bood ke shari’at-e asemani-e eslam … ta rouz-e ghiamat and Gloss: [Shia] [believed] [that] [shari‘ah] [Ø] [Islam] … [until] [day of resurrection] be etebar-e xod baghi va hargez ghabel-e taghiir nist [to] [validity] [itself] [remain] [and] [never] [possible] [change] [is not].

TT: Shi‘ism believes that the Divine Law of Islam (Shari‘ah), … will remain valid to the Day of Judgment and can never … be altered. (Shi’it Islām, p: 38)

rouz-e ghiamat/ translated literally into English as the Day of Resurrection/ ﺱّﺹ ﻝیﺍﻩﺕ or the Day of Judgment is a religious term in Persian culture and language. In according with Islamic teachings, it is the God's final assessment of humanity. It is the time of the annihilation of all creatures, resurrection of the body, and the judgment of all sentient

135 creatures. It is a time where every human, Muslim and non-Muslim, would be shown his/her deeds and is judged by God accordingly.

The author of the book explains the inner and outer dimensions of the Holy Qur‘an and indicates that the religious teachings, doctrine and commands to mankind were given through the words of the Holy Qur‘an but the meanings of the messages in the holy book are not comprehensible to all Muslims. There are deeper levels of meaning that only special people with pure heart can comprehend them. He divides Muslims into two groups based on their capacity of comprehension of divine sciences. Some people believe in only physical existence and limit themselves to the material life and are attached to physical desires and are worried about nothing except loss of material benefits. They perform the practical commands of Islam merely with the hope of receiving rewards or fear of punishment in the other world.

Example 40. Eschatology Terms

... ّ تاالخﺵ ٍ ﺥﺫﺍی یگﺍ ًَ ﺱﺍ ﺕَ ﺍﻩیﺫ ﺙْﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی ّ یﺍ ﺍﺹ ﺕﺵﻁ ػماب اخﺵّی ﺕپﺵﻉﺕٌﺫ. :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 43)

Transliteration … va belaxareh xodai-e yeganeh ra be omid-e savab-e oxravi and Gloss: … [and] [finally] [God] [Ø] [to] [hope] [recompense] [hearafter] va ya az tars-e eghab-e oxravi beparastand [and] [or] [from] [fear] [punishment] [hearafter] [worship].

TT: … they worship God with the hope of recompense or fear of punishment in the next world. (Shi’it Islām, p: 85)

savab-e okhravi/ are two Islamic terms/ ﺙْﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی ػ /eghab-e okhravi/ andﻡﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی

ػ /eghab-e okhravi/ meansﻡﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی .that are commonly used in Iranian context

/savab-e okhravi/ ﺙْﺍﺏ ﺍﺥﺵّی punishments that unbelievers will get in the next world and

136 means merits given to a righteous person in the next world. In religions like Islam with a linear divine history, every human who committed sin and corruption in the world and is considered as guilty, his/her soul will be punished in the next world for each sin committed.

Al-e Ahmad mentions that along with other pilgrims went to Mecca in Ihram clothing to perform Hajj rituals in Masjid al-Haram, and in part of the book, he describes his inner feelings and his sense of tranquillity and writes that he viewed his life as a spiritual journey towards a greater understanding of his faith at those moments. The state that he refers to is called Miqat.

Example 41. Eschatology Terms

ﺍ ﻩﺍ "ﻩیﻡﺍﺕ" ﺹﻩﺍﻯ ُﻭﺍﻯ ﺩیﺫﺍﺱ ﺍﻉﺕ ّ ﺕ ٌ ِﺍ ﺕﺍ "ﺥْیؾﺕﻱ". (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 78

Transliteration Amma “Mighat” zaman-e haman didar ast va tanha ba “xishtan”. and Gloss: [but] ―[Mighat]‖ [time] [same] [meeting] [is] [and] [only] [with] ―[self]‖.

TT: … and that ―Miqat‖ exists always and every where, and with the self alone. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 58)

mighat/ in Hajj rituals, denotes a particular place where pilgrims of Hajj or/ ﻩیﻡﺍﺕ

Umrah wear their ihram clothes before moving towards Mecca and visiting Ka‘aba.

According to the Muslims, ihram begins from that place. Therefore, the term designates the entry stations surrounding the shrine areas where the purification rites are performed in order to enter into the required state of ihram. Moreover, the ritual of ihram will be started and then, completed over a certain point of time known as the time of Miqat.

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4.4 Recognition and Classification of Translation Procedures of IRCTs

In the second stage of descriptive analysis, the researcher aimed to identify the translation procedures used for transferring IRCTs from Persian into English. To this aim, a framework proposed by Vinay & Darbelnet (1995) and extended by Mansor

(2011) was applied. Translation procedures used for renderring each type of IRCTs from

Persian into English are explained separately and, for more elaboration, some examples related to each category of translation procedure are presented to show types of translation procedures employed for transferring original IRCTs into the TL.

4.4.1 Borrowing

The first translation procedure in the category of direct translation is borrowing. It is a way in which a language renews its lexicon. In other words, it is a way to overcome a gap or lacuna and to creat a flavor of the SL in the transference of an item from SL into

TL. This strategy was frequently employed in the translation of IRCTs in this study. In some items, borrowing from Persian into English has undergone some modifications at the level of phonology to conform to English cultural expectation.

In Lost in the Crowd (1985), Al-e Ahmad writes at the beginning of his travelogue about his past when he used to pray every day. In the Shia tradition, Muslims use mohr during the prayer. Although it is not a requirement of prayer and is not obligatory like pre-prayer ablution, it is customary. He says that those old days when he prayed, he did not use mohr at the end of that period, and in a humorous way he says that he started to become an unbeliever from that time on.

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Example 42. Borrowing ... گﺵچَ ﺁﻯ ﺁﺥﺵی ِﺍ ﻩ ِﺵ ﺹیﺵ پیؾا ًی ًﻭی گﺯاؽﺕﻥ. (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 6

Transliteration … agarche an axariha mohr zir-e pishani nemigozashtam. and Gloss: … [although] [Ø] [mohr] [under] [forehead] [I did not put].

TT: … of course, towards the end I didn‘t even put a mohr under my forehead. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 6)

As can be seen in the above table, borrowing without modification has been applied

mohr/ from the ST to the TT. Shiites, according to the/ ﻩِﺵ for transferring the IRCT

Households of the Prophet‘s teachings, believe that in normal and non-emergency situations, Muslims should lay their foreheads on the ground during prostration (sejdeh).

To make it feasible any where and any time, mohr as an alternative is used by Shiite

Muslims. Moreover, Shi‘ites respect two sacred places of Mecca and Karbala and prefer to use mohr, a small round or rectangle packed clay, made from the soil of Mecca or

Karbala. It is placed on the ground by Shi‘ites when they pray; the forehead touches this remembrance of sacred turf during the prostration. Due to the cultural differences between the Western culutres and the Eastern Islamic cultures, in the target context, there is no word equivalent to the item mentioned in the above example. Therefore, translator employed borrowing as a way to tackle with the lexcal gap in the process of translating. As a result, the use of this procedure by the translator in the above example highlights the foreignizing approach employed by the translator.

Shariati (1979) describes the philosophy of the time of ihram in miqat and the pilgrim of the House of God in terms of intellectual and spiritual transformation. Pilgrims in ihram are likened to flood; a group appeared in Masjid al-Haram with shroud and all of

139 them belonging to any race, class, education, gender and language, are present there with an equal appearance and anonymity, apart from all the worldly and material affiliations that remind them who they are and make them differentiate themselves from other pilgrims, they are assumed as a particle in the direction of qibla.

Example 43. Borrowing

ّ تؾﺵیﺕ ...ﺩﺍﺱﺍی یک ﻝﺙﻝَ ﺩﺱ ّﺥْﺩ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 37

Transliteration Va bashariat … darai-e yek ghebleh dar vojoud. and Gloss: [and] [humanity] … [has] [one] [Qiblah] [in] [existence].

TT: Everybody is nothing and only … having one qiblah in existence. (Hajj, Translated by Bakhtiari, p: 31)

ghebleh/ which is the/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ As can be observed in the above example, the term direction of Ka‘ba and is an important site for Muslims to face during their daily prayers and also during their pray at the corpse of a dead Muslim before burring him/her was retained with some adjustments at phonological level in the TT. Two types of changes are evident here. In the English translation of this word, due to lack of the letter /gh/ in the language system of English the letter /gh/ is adjusted to /q/ in this word. It is worth

is originally an Arabic word. It was adjusted to Persian ﻝﺙﻝ َ mentioning that the term language system through history and after the contribution of Arabic to the growth of

Persian langage in the advent of Islam. Hence, some modifications of the term had already occurred from Arabic to Persian. It is interesting to know that in the translation of this word from Persian into English, modifications made the term closer to Arabic pronunciation. Contrary to Persian, in the Arabic language system the letter /e/ is

in the SL is adjusted to ―qibla‖ in the TL. Although there ﻝﺙﻝ َ pronounced /i/. The term

140 are two separate pronunciations for the two morphemes in English, modification in this example was in the form of changing the letter /e/ in Persian to /i/ in English. It shows that translators attempt to borrow the term based on its original Arabic form rather than the Persian form of the term. This procdure highlights the trace of foreignness in the TT.

In Lost in the Crowd (1985), the writer criticizes lack of sanitation and cleanliness around the House of God, as well as shortage of water in Mecca which is the main reason for the dirt of the city and specially, around the House of God. To illustrate the significance of this case, he uses the term Qiblah of the Muslims in addressing the House of God, to remind the reader of the massive number of people in the world who pray towards this place and respect this sacred place, but in terms of the availability of hygienic facilities, it is in a bad condition.

Example 44. Borrowing

ّ ﺯیﻑ ﺍﺹ ﺍیﻱ ﻝﺙﻝَ ﻩﻍﻝﻭیﻱ کَ ُیچک ﻅ ﺕَ ﻑکﺵ ًﻅﺍﻑﺕ ﺍﻍﺵﺍفؼ ًیﻍﺕ. (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 148

Transliteration Va heif az in ghebleh moslemin ke hich kas be fekr-e and Gloss: [and] [that‘s a pity] [Ø] [Qiblah] [Muslim] [that] [nobody] [concerned about] nezafat-e atrafash nist. [cleaning] [its surroundings] [is not].

TT: The Muslim qebleh is a pitiful thing. No one cares about the sanitary conditions in the area around it. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 107)

The above example shows that compound borrowing was applied for transferring the

ghebleh moslemin/ from Persin into English. The two parts of the term/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ ﻩﻍﻝﻭیﻱ IRCT

moslemin/ was modified and/ ﻩﻍﻝﻭیﻱ have undergone slight modifications; the word

/ghebleh/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ rendered into the word Muslim in the TT and in the translation of the term letter /gh/ was replaced to letter /q/ in the TT. By using this procedure traces of

141 domestication were removed. In other words, this procedure highlights the foreignizing approach opted by the translator.

ػیﺫ ﻝﺵﺕﺍﻯ Another example of using this translation procedure can be traced in IRCT

/eyd-e ghorban/. It is also Eid al-Adha in majority of Muslim communities. Al-e Ahmad in Lost in the Crowd (1985) points out that there is no consensus among Sunni and Shia

Muslims about the certain time of this important religious event. The difference is about the time of observing the crescent of the moon which is different in Muslim countries.

The Iranian Shi‘ite scholars, on the basis of the solar calendar, calculate and announce the time of this event but Sunni Muslims use the lunar calendar.

Example 45. Borrowing

... ﺕﺵﺍی ﻉﺍﻝ ِﺍیی کَ ػیﺫ ﻝﺵﺕﺍﻯ ﺕَ ﺹﻩﻍﺕﺍﻯ ﺍﻉﺕ. (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 27

Transliteration … barai-e salhaei ke eyd-e ghorban be zemestan ast. and Gloss: … [for] [the years] [that] [Eid al-Adha] [to] [winter] [is].

TT: … to some years when Ayd-e Qorban occurred during the winter. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 21)

Similar to previous example, the translator retained the original term in the English translation which has resulted in a foreignizing translation strategy. To help the reader to better comprehend the name as the name of an Islamic religious event, the translator started the original term with a capital letter. Moreover, to indicate the Iranianness of the translation, the translator used a hyphen to connect first item to the second term to form an IRCT. The selection of this procedure reflects the translator‘s emphasis more on foreignization translation approach.

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4.4.2 Calque

This translation procedure, also known as loan translation, is defined as a phrase or compound word employed to translate a foreign expression part by part into another language. Sometimes, one part is a suffix and the other part is a single word. Instances of

IRCTs rendered into English through using this procedure identified in the corpus of this study will be elaborated in the following lines.

In part of the book, Hajj (1979), Shariati focuses on the nature of Satan and thousands of masks that has on its face. He mentions that Satan can appear in any shape and color anywhere to deceit Muslims to break religious or moral laws. Satan can appear even in religious clothing and can be present in religious places to tempt a man to commit a sin. He writes that Satan can appear every where; even if you find him at an idol-house and destroy the place because of its presence, Satan will appear in another place. It can appear even in the altar of the mosque to tempt the believers to commit a sin.

Example 46. Calque

... ﺕﺕﺥﺍ ًَ ﺱﺍ ﺕﺵ ﻉشػ ّیﺵﺍﻯ کٌی, ... (ST: (Hajj, p: 210

Transliteration … botxaneh ra bar sarash veiran koni … and Gloss: … [idol-house] [Ø] [on] [head] [his] [destroy] [Ø] …

TT: You may bury him in an idol-house … (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 116)

botxaneh/ is a compound noun which means a place where idols are held and/ ﺕﺕﺥﺍ ً َ worshiped. It is rendered into idol-house in English. The two constituent parts of the

ﺥﺍ ً َ bot/ means idol and/ ﺕﺕ .Persian IRCT are replaced with their English equivalents

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/khaneh/ means house in English. Translator connected the two parts by using a hyphen.

Although the use of this procedure facilitates the comprehension of the original Islamic term for the target reader, foreignness of the cultural term still remains by creating a word that lacks an equivalent in the TL. As a consequence, the use of this procedure led the translation of the ST to a foreignized translation approach.

In another example in Hajj (1979) written by Shariati, the pilgrims in the ihram are likened to an army that has all the power of monotheism in the world. Shariati depicts the pilgrims on the day of Arafat and on Eid al-Adha day as a monotheistic army that is on the brink of attacking the bases of the three rebels of history. He calls those who are ready to fight against devil and shirk as idol-destroyers.

Example 47. Calque

... ﻩی ﺁی ٌﺫﺕﺍ ﻑﺵﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﻭﻝَ تت ؽک ٌﺍﻯ ﺱﺍ ﺹﺍﺩﺱ ک ٌٌﺫ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 132

Transliteration … va miayand ta farman-e hamleh-ie botshekanan ra sader konand. and Gloss: [and] [come] [to] [order] [the attack] [idolators] [Ø] [issue] [Ø].

TT: … comes to issue the command of attack to the idol-destroyers. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 121)

In Islamic tradition, practicing idolatry or polytheism implies the deification or worship of anything besides God. Muslims are not allowed to accept other gods and divinities alongside the singular God. Hence, idolatry is assumed a great sin in Islam

ﺕﺕ ؽکٌاﻯ because it is opposed to the virtue of Tawhid (monotheism). The term

/botshekanan/ refers to a group who are responsible to destroy any artifacts made of stone, wood, glass worshipped by people. Although it is a common definition of idolatory, the real meaning of the term is not limited to worshiping the stone and

144 wooden idols. It has a broad concept that includes every kind of attention other than

God, in any form. Due to the lack of an equivalent in the TL, translator used the translation procedure of calque to retain the meaning of the IRCT in the TT. Therefore, the original Persian term was translated as idol-destroyer. The way that the translator tackled with the lexical gap in the TL resulted in a foreignizing strategy.

In the third example, in Hajj (1979), Shariati describes the pilgrim of Hajj, in the pure white dress of ihram and in the role of Abraham in the shrine of God, stands in the station of Abraham and steps in the footprint of Abraham and henceforth, similar to

Prophet Abraham, the founder of monotheism in the world whose mission was to guide the people and save humanity, this duty somehow is assigned to him and the pilgrim of

Hajj should be responsible in eliminating oppression and humiliation and establishing monotheism in the world.

Example 48. Calque

ﺍﺕﺵﺍ ُیﻥ - تت ؽکﻱ ﻍﺍیﻑَ تؾﺵیﺕ, ... ﺕﺕ ﺕﺵاػ ﻝﺙیﻝَ ﺥْیST: (Hajj, p: 70) !ؼ

Transliteration Ebrahim – botshekan-e tayefeh-ie bashariat, … bottarash-e ghabileh-ie khish ! and Gloss: [Ibrahim] - [idol-destroyer] [dynesty] [humanity], … [idol-carver] [tribe] [self]!

TT: Abraham – the idol destroyer of mankind‘s tribe … the idol-carver of his tribe! (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 65)

/bottarash/ ﺕﺕﺕﺵاbotshekan/ and ػ/ ﺕﺕ ؽکﻱ Similar to previous IRCT, in this example both are synonyms and mean the person who breaks idols, destroys places that idols are kept and consequently, terminates idolatry. In addition, in Islamic tradition, it is believed that the first person who was an annihilator of idols in the history is Prophet Abraham.

Metaphorically, the author asks contemporary Muslim pilgrims to follow Prophet

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Abraham in destroying whatever that led them towards neglecting God and engaging in

tarash/ are suffixes that formed the/ ﺕشاؽ /shekan/ and ػکﻱ .the worldly and material life two religious terms. Example 48 presents the two IRCTs that were translated through using loan translation procedure in the TT. The former item was translated as idol destroyer and the latter one was rendered into idol-carver. The word for word translation of its components entails the foreignization of the IRCT.

In the fourth and last example, Shariati (1979) in his book notes that Hajj is the tradition of Abraham idol-destroyer. Shariati goes on to criticize the masters of power and wealth who ignite the temptation of worldliness and profit-making among believers to distract the Hajj performers from real purpose of Hajj rituals. The author indicates that nowadays, the Hajj rituals have become a boring and useless task and does not promote any intellectual transformations among contemporary Muslims.

Example 49. Calque

... ّ ُﻭیﻱ ﺯﺡ گﺽﺍﺱﺍﻯ ﺍًﺫ کَ ... ﺍﻉﻭﺍػیﻝ ﺱﺍ ... ﺭﺕﺭ کﺵﺩ ٍ ﺍًﺫ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 273

Transliteration … va hamin haj gozaranand ke … esmail ra … zebh kardehand. and Gloss: … [and] [this] [Hajj makers] [that] … [Ismail] [Ø] [slaughtered].

TT: These are the same Hajj performers who sacrificed Ismail. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 154)

hajgozaran/ is a Persian Islamic term that refers to a group of Muslims/ ﺯﺡ گﺽﺍﺱﺍﻯ who go to Mecca for pilgrimage. The Hajj ritual belongs to Muslim societies and a highly cultural term that has no correspondence in the Western target context. The non- existence of the Islamic term in the TL has turned the translation of the term problematic for the translator to find an appropriate equivalent. To retain the meaning of the original

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Persian term, the translator chose calque as a translation procedure and translated the

gozaran/ is a suffix in Persian and was translated/ گﺽﺍﺱﺍﻯ .term Hajj performers performers in English. It shows that the translation was led to the foreignizing strategy.

4.4.3 Literal Translation

This is the third direct translation procedure in Vinay and Darbelnet‘s (1995) translating framework which refers to a procedure that can be applied when the SL and the TL share parallel structure and concepts. In other words, this procedure is used when it is possible to transfer a SL phrase or a compound term, element by element, into the

TL to obtain a text that is comprehensible for the target reader. Similarly, Newmark

(2003) notes that by using this procedure the original is represented word-for-word while the syntax structures of the target are respected.

In a section of the book, Shi’ite Islam (1975), Tabatabaei refers to the writing of the

Qur'an and the ban on the writing of hadith. After the battle of Yamama, in which a group of companions of the Prophet of Islam who were reciters of the Quran and knew it by heart were killed in the battle, a great deal of effort was made to assemble the

Quranic verses in a written form in one volume. Although the hadith of the Prophet of

Islam were in danger of being manipulated, no effort was made to the maintenance of the hadith until conflicting sayings appeared even about the fundamentals of Islam. The author claims that it is because most of the Muslims at that time did not pay attention to the religious sciences of the Household of the Prophet.

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Example 50. Literal Translation

ّ ﺩیگﺵ ػ ٌﺍیﺕی ﺕَ ػلْم ﺥﺍ ًﺫﺍﻯ ﺱﻉﺍﻝﺕ ... ؾًذ. .(ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 20

Transliteration Va digar enayati be oloum-e xandan-e resalat … nashod. and Gloss: [and] [anymore] [attention] [to] [sciences] [dynesty] [prophecy] … [not become].

TT: … few were willing to devote themselves to the cultivation of the sciences of the Household of the Prophet. (Shi’it Islām, p: 42)

xāndān-e resālat/ was translated the Household of the/ ﺥﺍ ًﺫﺍﻯﺱﻉﺍﻝﺕ The Persian IRCT

Prophet in the TT. Shia Muslims believe that the family of the Prophet of Islam is the true successors of him. The Islamic term is a compound term without an equivalent in the TL. Hence, translator, with regard to the syntax of the TL, translated and maintained the meaning in the English translation. By using this procedure, the trace of foreignness of the Persian culture and religion in the text is highlighted.

Another example of using this procedure is evident in Lost in the Crowd (1985). Al-e

Ahmad, writes about his memories with his fellow travellers. One of his fellow travelers was from Mazandaran province; a man with a sense of humour who tells him a funny story about a Shia pilgrim in Mecca. It is true that Shiites have a special respect for their third imam called Imam Hussein, and wherever they face a trouble, they will ask help from him. He said that few years ago a Mazandarani pilgrim, an old man, had come to

Mecca for the Hajj ritual. In the middle of performing the Hajj ritual, he had found that it had been too tough for him. So, he had desperately asked Imam Hussein to save him from God as he had been no longer able to continue to complete the Hajj ritual!

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Example 51. Literal Translation

ّ ﻩﻱ پﻅ ﺍﺹ ﺍیﻱ ؽْخی ﻑِﻭیﺫﻡ کَ چﺵﺍ ﺯﻉﺵﺍﺕ کٌﺍﺱ ﺥﺍ ًَ ﺥﺫﺍ ُﻥ پﺍی ﺱّ ﻅَ ﻉیﺫ ﺍلؾ ِﺫﺍ ﺍیﻱ ﺥْﺱ گﺵی َ ﻩی ک ٌٌﺫ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 144)

Transliteration va man pas az in shouxi fahmidam ke chera hazarat kenar-e xaneh xoda and Gloss: [and] [I] [after] [this] [joke] [understood] [that] [why] [crowds] [next to] [house] [God] ham pai-e rouzeh seyyedoshohada injour geryeh mikonand. [also] [Ø] [rouzeh] [lord of martyrs] [like this] [cry] [Ø].

TT: After this joke I understood why the people living near the House of God cry the way they do at rowzehs for Husayn, the Prince of the Martyr. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 104)

Seyed al-shohada/, literally translated as the master of all/ ﻉیﺫ الؾِذﺍ The IRCT martyrs, was primarily a nickname that the Prophet of Islam chose for his uncle, Hamza bin Abdulmutalleb, after his martyrdom in the battle of Ahad. This title is also one of the most famous titles of Imam Hussein, the third imam of Shia. The translator by employing literal translation and by maintaining the denotative load of meaning of the

Islamic term in the translation highlights the foreignizing approach in the TT.

In the third example taken from Shi’ite Islam (1975), Tabatabaei, concerning the interpretation of one of the verses of the Qur'an, refers to the two parts of the creation that were mentioned in the Qur'an, namely, a kind of creation that is connected with the material body, and the subsequent creation of spirit, consciousness and will. The author quotes from the Quran in response to skeptics who deny resurrection, and writes that the spirit after the death of a man comes out of his body by the angel of death and returns to

God and the human‘s body becomes disintegrated and its elements disappears among the components of the earth.

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Example 52. Literal Translation

ّﻝی ﺥْﺩﺕﺍﻯ )ﺍﺱّﺍ ﺫ( ﺕَ ﺩﻉﺕ ﻑﺵؽﺕَ ﻩﺵگ ﺍﺹ ﺕﺫ ً ِﺍیﺕﺍﻯ گﺵفتَ ؽﺫ ٍ ﺍیﺫ. .(ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 76

Transliteration vali xodetan (arvah) be dast-e fereshteh-ie marg az badanhaietan gerefteh shodehid. and Gloss: [but] [yourself] [spirit] [with] [hand] [angel] [death] [from] [your bodies] [taken] [Ø].

TT: But you yourselves, namely your spirits, have been taken from your bodies by the angel of death. (Shi’it Islām, p: 141)

As can be seen in the above example, literal translation has been opted for rendering

fereshteh-ie marg/ from the ST to the TT. In Islamic tradition, angels/ فشؽﺕ َ ﻩﺵگ the term are celestial beings created by God to perform certain tasks that has been given to them.

One of these angels is responsible for transporting the souls of the deceased after death.

Malek al-Maut/ and in both Arabic and/ ﻩﻝﻙ ﺍﻝ ﻭْﺕ In the Qur‘an, it is addressed as

ػ /ezra’il/ is used for addressing this angel. In the corpus of thisضﺱﺍﺉیﻝ Persian, the term study, the elements were literally translated into angel of death. The use of this procedure implys that translator transferred the meaning to the TT with regard to the syntactic structure of the TL. Accordingly, this procedure shows that the approach of the translation of the term is towards foreignization.

4.4.3(a) Combination of Literal Translation and Borrowing

There are cases of original cultural terms that the semantic loads of meanings of them are transferred through applying two translation procedures simultaneously. Translator by combining two procedures of borrowing and literal translation together attempts to both make the target reader familiar with the original term and facilitate understanding

150 of the ST cultural term for the reader. Two instances of applying this procedure are presented below.

In Shi’ite Islam (1975), the author explains about a kind of absence which began in

329 (Ah) and continues to this day, and continues until God's will. The author refers to a hadith from the Prophet saying that if only one day remains before the day of resurrection, God will extend the day until Mahdi, one of his sons, emerges and bring justice to the world as it has been filled with oppression.

Example 53. Combination of Literal Translation and Borrowing

... ّ پﻅ ﺍﺹ ﺁﻯ ﺩﺱ ًیﺍﺕﺕ ﺥﺍ ﺹَ ﺕﻍﺕ َ, ﻍیﺙﺕ کﺙﺵی ّﺍﻝﻍ ﺥْاُذ ؽذ ... (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 106

Transliteration … va pas az an dar-e naiabat-e xase basteh, and Gloss: … [and] [after] [that] [door] [subrogation] [special] [closed], gheibat-e kobra vaghe’ xahad shod … [absence] [major] [occur] [Ø] …

TT: Hencefore the special deputation of the Imam would come to an end and the major occulation (ghaybat-I kubra) would begin ... (Shi’it Islām, p: 186)

gheibat-e kobra/ is an Islamic term. In Shia branch of Islam, there is a/ ﻍیﺙﺕ کﺙﺵی strong belief that Imam Mahdi, who in Shi'i thought is an infallible male descendant of the Prophet of Islam, was born but disappeared but will one day return to fill the world with justice and peace. As the above table illustrates, translator used the combination of two procedures of borrowing and literal translation to transfer the IRCT into the TT.

Sinc there is a lack of this element in the Western culture, translator by applying the two procedures minimally succeeded in transferring the ST religious term which resulted in a neutralized translation.

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In another example of this procedure taken from Hajj (1979), Shariati explains about an important concept in the Islamic philosophy; it is a subcategory of jihad known as commanding for doing whatever permitted and denying against whatever is prohibited.

The author explains about the atmosphere of society in his time period and criticizes the teaching method of religious thinkers and gnostics in teaching Islamic principles to individuals. He believes that the real meaning of the Islamic phrase was manipulated and this phrase, instead of being used to guide the enemies, had been used to suppress and threaten Muslims.

Example 54. Combination of Literal Translation and Borrowing

... ﺍﻩﺵ ﺕَ ﻩؼﺵّﻑ ّ ً ِی ﺍﺹ ﻩٌکﺵ کَ ﻑﻝﻍﻑَ ﺥ ِﺍﺩ ﺍﻉﺕ, چﻭﺍﻕ ﺕکﻑیﺵی, ًَ ﺕﺵ ﻉش دؽﻭﻱ, کَ ﺕﺵ ﻉﺵ ﺩّﻉﺕ! :ST (Hajj, p: 5)

Transliteration … amr be ma’rouf va nahi az monkar ke falsafeh jahad ast, and Gloss: … [order] [to] [permited] [and] [prohibition] [from] [denied] [philosophy] [jihad] [is], chomagh takfiri, na barsar doshman, ke barsar doust! [stick] [commination], [not] [over] [enemy], [that] [over] [friend]!

TT: … commanding to good or virtue and preventing evil or vice, amr bil ma’ruf wa nahy an al-munkar, which is the philosophy of jihad, has become a bludgeon for excommunication, and not over the head of the enemy, at that, but over the head of a friend! (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 4)

amr-e be ma’rouf va nahi-e az monkar/ means commanding/ ﺍﻩﺵ ﺕ َ ﻩؼشّف ّ ً ِی ﺍﺹ ﻩٌکﺵ the right and forbidding the wrong acts. As a Qur‘anic term, it refers to the collective duty of the Muslim people to encourage righteous behavior and discourage immorality, based on reason and the Islamic moral as well as legal system. Moreover, the concept is applied to various aspects of life such as moral, social, political, and economic facets. It aims to remove oppression from people of a society and instead establish justice among them. The translator attempted to transfer the original phrase to the TT along with literal

152 translation of the phrase into the TT to facilitate the comprehension of its highly religious as well as cultural concept for a Western reader whose perception is far from the implied meaning of the original phrase. The use of two procedures entails the neutralization of the IRCT in the TT.

4.4.4 Equivalence

It implies the existence of a specific linguistic unit in one language that carries the same intended meaning in another language. It is one of the translation procedures that a translator employs to maintain the meaning of the original term with minimum loss of meaning in the TL. Finding an equivalent term in the TL requires a deep understanding and knowledge about the two cultures which is the most challenging stage of translation.

Moreover, by employing this procedure translators eliminate traces of foreignization in the TT.

The application of this procedure can be elaborated in an example. Shariati in Hajj

(1979) refers to the true magnificence of human being which, in fact, is God's successor to the earth, and is praised by the angels but because of his ambition and worldliness, he has gone far away from that position and his dignity has been reduced to an extent that is out of thought and humanity.

Example 55. Equivalence

ﺍی ﻩﻍﺩْﺩ هالﺉک ﺍّ ؟ ﺍی ﺥﺍؾًیﻱ هللا ﺩﺱ ﺹﻩیﻱ! (ST: (Hajj, p: 26

Transliteration Ey masjoud-e malaek-e oo? ey janeshin-e Allah dar zamin! and Gloss: [o] [prostrated] [angels] [he]? [o] [successor] [God] [in] [earth]!

TT: O who the angels prostrated before! O vice-gerent of Allah upon the earth! (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 21)

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As it is illustrated in the above table, equivalence was used for translating the IRCT

malaek/ from the ST to the TT. The term refers to a group of supernatural/ هالﺉک creatures each one with a specific duty in the world. The word is originally Arabic but it has frequently been used by Iranian. By employing the equivalence procedure through replacing it with an equivalent in the TT, the translator maintained the meaning of the item in the process of transferring the cultural load of meaning of the Islamic term to the

TT. It implies that a domesticating strategy was used by the translator.

The second example of equivalence is extracted from the book Hajj (1979). In a part of the book, Shariati explaines that, with the passage of time, mankind has become entangled in a situation that instead of worshiping a single god, started following masters of their communities; those who, according to him, comprises of three groups; the first group consists of the rulers and the owners of the military power, the second group includes the merchants of the goods and the third group belongs to those who, in clerical fashion, by expressing immaterial issues encourage people to face the difficulties of the worldly life at the expense of obtaining paradise in the other world.

Example 56. Equivalence

ﺍگﺵ ﺍی ٌﺍﻯ ﺕﺫﺍ ًٌﺫ کَ ﺩﺱ ﺁﺥﺵﺕ پﺍﺩاػ کﻍﺍ ًی کَ ﺩﺱ ﺍیﻱ ﺩًیﺍ ﺕﺵ ﻅﻝﻥ ّ ﻑﻡﺵ ﺹﺙﺵ ﻩی ک ٌٌﺫ چیﻍﺕ. :ST (Hajj, p: 225)

Transliteration Agr inan bedanand ke dar akherat padash-e kesani ke and Gloss: [if] [they] [know] [that] [in] [the other world] [reward] [those people] [that] dar in donia bar zolm va faghr sabr mikonand chist. [in] [this] [world] [on] [oppression] [and] [poverty] [patience] [Ø] [what is].

TT: Forebear the hell of life for the rewards of paradise in the Hereafter. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiari, p: 199)

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This procedure is usually used when cultural gap between the ST and TT is zero and, as a result, translators can easily find an equivalent for the source item in the target

axerat/ which implies life after/ ﺁﺥﺵﺕ culture. An example of equivalence is the use of death. Belief in the day of resurrection is common among the Eastern Muslims and the

Western Christians. Because of the existence of a familiar word to the target reader in the target context that corresponds to the source IRCT, the source term was transferred into the target culture without loss of meaning. Hence, the use of this procedure indicates that translator opted for the most domesticated translation in transferring the

Persian IRCT into the TT.

4.4.4(a) Combination of Borrowing and Equivalence

Combination of two procedures in the translation process is similar to what Newmark calls ‗couplet‘. According to him, it occurs when the translator combines two different procedures (Newmark, 2003, p. 91). Depending on the type of procedures opted in the combination, overal strategy of translating is determined whether it is more towards domesticating strategy or foreignizing.

An example of this mixed procedure is extracted from the book Hajj (1979). Shariati writes in a metaphorical statement about Hajj philosophy and indicates the status of

Prophet Abraham who was at the highest point of human perfection that is called mi‘raj and explains that in the battle against Satan's temptation, he even decided to sacrifice the dearest person in his life to prove his obedience to God. All the hardships he endured were only a way to prove his faith in God and the belief in monotheism. He also built a

155 house to be a shelter for Muslim nations who have suffered and were tortured by their tyrannical rulers.

Example 57. Combination of Borrowing and Equivalence

... ﺍﺕﺵﺍ ُیﻥ ... ﺩﺱ ﺥ ِﺍﺩ ﺕﺍ ّﻉْﻉَ ﺍﺕﻝی ﻅ, ﺕﺍ ﺥ ٌﺍﻁ کَ ﺩﺱ ﺩﺱّﻯ ﺥﻝﻙ ّﻉْﻉَ ﻩی ﺍﻑکٌﺫ ... :ST (Hajj, p: 72) Transliteration … Ebrahim … dar jahad ba vasvase-ie Eblis, ba xannas ke dar and Gloss: … [Ibrahim] … [in] [war] [with] [temptation] [Iblis], [with] [xannas] [that] [in] daroun-e xalgh vasvaseh miafkanad … [inside] [crowd] [temptation] [Ø] …

TT: … Ibrahim escaped the temptations of Satan and the Khannas (whisperer). (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 37)

xannas/ is a Qura‘nic term mentioned in surah An-nas. It is an attribute of Satan/ ﺥ ٌﺍﻁ which means a hidden entity. According to the Islamic tradition, this is a tempting force within the minds of those who are ignorant of worshiping God and fascinated by the material world. This is a highly cultural term that has no equivalent in the target culture and language. Hence, translator by applying two procedures of borrowing which is along with loss of cultural meaning in the TT and equivalence that retains the original meaning in the translation process directed the translation towards a neutral ground in terms of translation strategy.

In an example in Hajj (1979), Shariati describes the pilgrim‘s situation in ihram dress in a part of her book and writes that the pilgrim is in a sacred dress and in a sacred place while he is free, and is also responsible for a number of important issues from then until the end of his life. He means that the pilgrim of the house of God after performing the

Hajj rituals should follow a series of points mentioned in the Islamic law (Sharia).

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Example 58. Combination of Equivalence and Borrowing

ّ ﺍکٌْﻯ, ... ﺩﺱﺍﺯﺵﺍﻩی, ﺩﺱ ﺯﺵیﻭی ,ﺱﺍ ُی ﺯﺵﻩی ... (ST: (Hajj, p: 43

Transliteration Va aknoun, … dar ehrami, dar harimi, rahi-e harami … and Gloss: [and] [now], … [in] [ihram], [in] [sanctuary], [going] [to] [holy place] …

TT: You are in ihram, in a sacred place; you are upon the way to the shrine (haram). (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 37)

haram/ originally rooted in Arabic but is also used in Persian means a site of/ ﺯﺵﻡ high sanctity. It has two implied meanings in the Iranian socio-linguistic context. In Shia tradition, this meaning is used for the area around the tomb of twelve Shia Imams. In a more specific meaning, it refers to two sites whose Islamic sanctity are the highest of all; al-Haram Mosque in Mecca and the Prophet of Islam‘s Mosque (al-Nabi Mosque) in

Medina. The translator opted for the combination of two procedures; borrowing which entails the foreignization of the Islamic term and equivalence that maintains the cultural load of meaning of the original IRCT in the TT, led it towards a neutralizated translation.

In another example in Hajj (1979), Shariati uses figurative language to describe the image of Mecca on the day of the Hajj ritual. He says that pilgrims in the circumambulation are like flood moving around the Ka‘ba. Flood is a metaphor of the nation that like a vortex circle around the house of God and the house of God is likened to the Sun and each of the pilgrims is likened to a star in the sky that circles around the

Sun.

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Example 59. Combination of Equivalence and Borrowing

ﺍی ٌک کؼﺙَ ﺍﻉﺕ, ﺩﺱ ﻩیﺍ ًَ گﺵﺩﺍﺕی, گﺵﺩﺍﺕی ﺥشؽّاﻯ کَ چﺵﺵ ﻩی ﺥْﺱﺩ ّ کؼ ﺙَﺱﺍ ﻍْﺍﻑ ﻩی کٌﺫ. :ST (Hajj, p: 58) Transliteration Inak Ka’be ast, darmianeh gerdabi, gerdabi khoroushan ke charkh mikhorad and Gloss: [now] [Ka‘ba] [is], [in the middle of] [vortex], [vortex] [voracious] [that] [swirling] va Ka’be ra tavaf mikonad. [and] [Ka‘ba] [Ø] [circumambulate].

TT: Now, this is the Ka‘ba, in the midst of a whirlpool, a roaring whirlpool which whirls around and circumambulates (tawaf) the Ka‘ba. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 53)

tavaf/ is one of the Islamic rituals of pilgrimage. It is symbolic act of moving/ ﻍْﺍﻑ around the Kaaba seven times during the Hajj and Umreh. In this way, Muslim pilgrims demonstrate their unity in obedience to a single God. It is equivalent to the term circumambulation in English. As can be observed in the above table, the combination of borrowing and equivalence opted by the translator led the translation process towards unclear direction. In other words, the use of this type of combination indicates that it has no contribution to the determination of the translation strategy in the TT.

In the last example taken from the book Hajj (1979), Shariati addresses a verse of the

Qur'an in which it is said that those who are killed for the sake of God will never die, but will live and receive their reward from the God. In part of his book, which deals with tawaf philosophy around the house of God, Shariati states that negation of self and sacrificing yourself to others, to the Islamic nation is a way of achieving your true self and in order to obtain a true self-discovery and to save people from misguidance and tyranny and in the struggle against Iblis, it is necessary to die and to reach the stage of martyrdom so that you can achieve an eternal existence.

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Example 60. Combination of Equivalence and Borrowing

ؽِادت یؼٌی ﺯﻉْﺱ, یؼٌی ﺯیﺍﺕ, یؼٌی ﺁ ًچَ, ﺁًکَ ُﻭﺍﺱ ٍ پیؼ ًﻅﺵ ﺍﻉﺕ, ﻩﺱﻍْﻁ ﺍﻉﺕ ... :ST (Hajj, p: 60)

Transliteration Shahadat ya’ni hozour, ya’ni hayat, ya’ni anche, and Gloss: [martyrdom] [means] [presence], [means] [life], [means] [whatever], anke hamareh pish-e nazar ast, mahsous ast … [whoever] [always] [near] [sight] [is], [perceptible] [is] ...

TT: Martyrdom (shahadat) means presence, means life, means whatever or whoever is perpetually present, is perceptible ... (Hajj, p: 55)

ؽ /shahadat/ is a highly cultural term in Iranian context. It implies a situation in ِﺍﺩﺕ which a person is killed because of his/her religious or political beliefs or is killed by the enemy in defense of his/her country. Martyrdom is the equivalent of the Persian IRCT in

English language and culture. As the above table shows, the translator applied combination of borrowing and equivalence that consequently made ambiguous the translation approach.

4.4.5 Transposition

Transposition is the other procedure observed in the corpus of the current study.

Through this procedure, cultural terms in the ST are transferred into the target culture with slight grammatical replacements. This is likely due to grammatical limitations in the TL (obligatory translation) or stylistic preference of the translator in terms of arranging words in a more effective way (optional transposition). Therefore, this procedure can be applied in different forms such as transposition of countable noun to uncountable noun, singular noun to plural noun, concrete noun to abstract noun, noun to verb, adjective to adverb and vice versa. Samples of IRCTs in the corpus in which this procedure was applied are elaborated in the following paragraphs. The use of this

159 procedure is, to a lesser extent, an indication of domesticating approach to translation of

IRCTs.

The first example of transposition as a procedure is taken from the book Lost in the

Crowd (1985), Al-e Ahmad criticizes the telegraph services for sending telegraphs from

Saudi Arabia to Iran. He writes that the cost of sending is high and the time of delivery of the telegraph is too long; a long journey should be taken place so that hajjis‘ telegraphs can reach to the destination. The use of the term, hajjis of the Islamic world, is an indication of the importance of providing more suitable facilities for such a huge number of Muslims.

Example 61. Transposition

ﺕﻝگﺵﺍﻑ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ػالن اعالم ﺕﺍیﺫ ﺍﺹ ﺥﺫ ٍ ﺕﺵّﺩ پﺍﺱی ﻅ یﺍ ﻝ ٌﺫﻯ یﺍ ژًْ ّ ﺍﺹ ﺁًﺩﺍ پخؽ ؼْد. :ST (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 59) Transliteration Telegraf-e hojaj-e alam-e eslam bayad az Jadde beravad Paris ya Landan and Gloss: [Telegraph] [hajjis] [Islam] [world] [must] [from] [Jedda] [go] [Paris] [or] [London] ya Zhenev va az anja pakhsh shaved. [or] [Geneva] [and] [from] [there] [distribute] [Ø].

TT: Telegrams from hajjis of the Muslim world must go to Jedda from Medina and then to Paris, London or Geneva, and be distributed from there. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 45)

hojaj-e alam-e eslam/ is a phrase composed of three Islamic words that/ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ػﺍﻝﻥ اعالﻡ is a widely applied phrase in Persian language. It refers to pilgrims who go to Hajj. In the translation of this phrase, translator replaced noun to adjective. That is to say, the original term ‗Islam‘ a noun in the original text was changed to ‗Muslim‘ an adjective in the TT. Due to syntactic differences between the two languages, Persian and English, translator was obliged to change the original parts of speech in the category of noun.

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Hence, an obligatory transposition procedure was chosen in the translation of this IRCT which led the translation towards a more domesticating strategy.

In another example in Shi’ite Islam (1975), the author mentions that during the first third of the second/eighth century, Umayyad Caliphate was overthrown by the Abbasids because of the injustice, repressions, and wrongdoings of the Umayyads and their wrong behaviour with people in all Islamic countries. At the beginning of their caliphate, the

Abbasids showed some kindness to people in general and to descendants of the Prophet of Islam in particular and even in the name of avenging the martyrdom of the family of the Prophet, they slaughtered the Umayyad survivors. Their cruelty went on to the extent that they opened their graves and burnt whatever that they found in them and soon they followed the same cruel behaviour of the Umayyads.

Example 62. Transposition

ﺯﺕی ﺕَ ًﺍﻡ ﺍًﺕﻡﺍﻡ ؽ ِﺫﺍی ػلْی, ﺕ ٌی ﺍﻩی َ ﺱﺍ ﻝﺕﻝ ػام کﺵﺩ ًﺫ . :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 28) .

Transliteration Hatta be nam-e entegham-e shohada-ie Alaviein, Bani Omayyeh and Gloss: [even] [in the name] [revenge] [martyrs] [Alavies], [Bani Omayyeh] ra ghatl-e aam kardand. [Ø] [massacre] [Ø].

TT: In the name of avenging the martyrdom of the family of the prophet, they massacred the Umayyads. (Shi’it Islām, p: 53)

ؽ /shohada-ie alavi/ is a Persian term refers to the the third imam of shi‘ites ِﺫﺍی ػلْییﻱ who was killed along with some of his family members by the ruling power of his time.

The Persian IRCT, ‗shohada‘ is equivalent to ‗martyr‘ in the English language which has a cultural and connotative meaning; it refers to a person who is killed because of their religious or political beliefs, and is often admired because of it. The Persian IRCT is a

161 concrete noun replaced with an abstract noun ‗martyrdom‘ in the translation process in order to convey the connotative meaning of the original Islamic phrase in a way that is more comprehensible for the target reader. To retain the meaning of the original term, the translator chose optional transposition procedure and as a result, it can be concluded that a domesticating strategy was applied.

In the third example extracted from the book Lost in the Crowd (1985), Al-e Ahmad criticizes the desolate and abandoned situation of the grave of Eve surrounded by a thick and long wall and differentiated with a narrow and short entrance door. The author addresses her as the mother of humankind to indicate her importance but feels pity for her that is not respected by the Muslims and in order to show the condition of her grave he likens her grave to the poor condition of anonymous emamzadehs (descendants of an imam of Shia) in the most remote and forgotten regions in Iran.

Example 63. Transposition

... ﺕﺫﺕﺵ ﺍﺹ ﺕی ًﺍﻡ ّ ؾًاﻯ ﺕﺵیﻱ ﺍﻩﺍﻩﺽﺍﺩ ٍ ُﺍ هثال ﺩﺱ ﺍﺕﺵﻝْ. :ST (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 11) Transliteration … badtar az binam va neshan-tarin emamzadeh-ha and Gloss: … [worse] [than] [obscure] [and] [unknown] [the least] [Emamzade] [Ø] masalan dar Abarghou. [for example] [in] [Abarghou].

TT: It … looked worse than the most obscure and forgotten shrine of an Imam‘s descendant in Abarqu. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 10)

.emamzadeh/ is a term used for a shrine dedicated to a descendant of an Imam/ ﺍﻩﺍﻩﺽ ﺍﺩٍ

Literally, born of an Imam, the term also applies to relatives and descendants of the twelve Imams. The term is a Persian religious term and has no counterpart in the TL and culture and to transfer the meaning, the translator attempted to translate it literally. A

162 plural noun in the ST is changed to a singular form in the TT. In other words, the translator opted for the procedure of an optional transposition. Hence, it highlights that the translation is more towards a domesticating strategy.

4.4.6 Modulation

Modulation is a procedure that changes the semantics and point of view of the SL

(Munday 2010, p. 57). This procedure is categorized into different types such as abstract for concrete, cause-effect, part-whole, part-another part, reversal of terms, negation of opposite, active to passive (and vice versa), space for time, rethinking of intervals and limits (in space and time), and change of symbol (ibid).

The first example of using modulation is taken from the book Lost in the Crowd

(1985), Al-e Ahmad writes about one of his fellow travelers, a man from a city in Iran called Boroujerd, was very interested in hold a congregational prayer, and in Madinah he regularly held congregational prayers with Iranian pilgrims, and expected the writer to join the other worshipers. The author refers to some pilgrims known as preacher, rowzehxan and akhund in the Iranian pilgrims‘ assembly.

Example 64. Modulation

ّ ﺍ ﻩﺍ ﺥﺽّ ﺁﻯ چ ِﺍﺱ پٌﺡ ًﻑﺵ ّﺍػﻉ ّ ﺱّﻅَ ﺥْﺍﻯ ّ ﺁﺥًْﺫ ﺩﻉﺕَ ﻩﺍ یک ﺁﻝﺍ ﻉیﺫی ُﻥ ُﻍﺕ ﺍ ُﻝ ﺕﺵّﺥﺵﺩ. :ST (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 45) Transliteration Va amma jozv-e aan chahar panj nafar vaez va rouzehkhan va and Gloss: [and] [but] [among] [that] [four] [five] [persons] [preacher] [and] [rouzehkhan] [and] akhound-e dasteh ma yek agha seyyed-i ham hast ahl-e Borujerd. [akhound] [group] [our] [a] [man] [Ø] [also] [is] [from] [Borujerd].

TT: Among those 4 or 5 preachers, rowzeh khans, and mullas, there is a sayyid in our group from Borujerd. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 35)

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axound/, in the socio-linguistic context of Iran is a title for lesser members of/ ﺁﺥ ًْﺫ the Shi‘ite religious leadership. They have specific religious duties; for example, leading the prayers in the smaller mosques or preaching to Muslims present at the mosques. The term is synonymous with mulla. It is equivalent to clergyman in English. The translator

with the other title name ‗mulla‘ which is ﺁﺥ ًْﺫ replaced the Iranian religious term another title used for calling such a person. Both terms do not exist in the TL and by choosing this procedure, a great amount of loss of meaning occurred in the translation.

As a result, comprehension of the eastern Islamic term becomes more challenging for a western target reader. Hence, the translator through this procedure led the translation towards a foreignizing approach.

The second example is taken from Hajj (1979) by Shariati. In part of the book, he urges the Pilgrim of the Hajj, in Mina and in the night of Arafat and in the ihram dress, a dress that is likened to dress of death, in the fight against the devil, on to be vigilant and ready to destroy the devils who dominated the land of faith. He also asks the pilgrims that in this loneliness and stillness of the night to let their souls fly in a calm atmosphere surrounded that area and to leave aside this material world for a while.

Example 65. Modulation

... ﺥﺍﻩَ ﻩﺵگ ﺕﺵ ﺕﻱ ّعال ﺫ ﺥ ٌگ ﺩﺱ ﺩﻉﺕ. :ST (Hajj, p: 119) Transliteration … jameh-ie marg bar tan va selah-e jang dar dast. and Gloss: … [dress] [death] [on] [body] [and] [weapon] [fighting] [in] [hand].

TT: Wear your kafan and hold your stones (arms) in your hands. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 67)

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jameh-ie marg/ is a metaphoric term that refers to the term ‗kafan‘ which/ ﺥﺍﻩ َ ﻩﺵگ bears a highly cultural load of meaning in the source culture and language. It is a white unhemmed piece of clothes worn on a Muslim descend. The original term does not have an equivalent with exact meaning in the target language. Therefore, by opting for this procedure, translator did not succeed to transfer the cultural meaning of the IRCT to the

TT. In other words, the trace of domestication was eliminated by using this procedure in the translation and therefore, translation is towards a foreignizing strategy.

In another example in Shi’ite Islam (1975), the author explains the importance of education in Islam which is obligatory and refers to the knowledge of the three Islamic principles of monotheism, prophecy and resurrection. He emphasises that knowing the

Islamic laws and principles are as necessary to each individual as he/she needs. A part of the study of the Islamic principles, which is a special knowledge and is only obtained through intuition, is difficult for ordinary people to do.So, Muslims must ask mujtahids to explain to them in details about Islamic laws and principles.

Example 66. Modulation

... ّ ﺍی ٌ ِﺍ ﻩﺵﺍﺥﻍ ﺕﻡﻝیﺫ ًﺍﻩی ﺫٍ ﻩی ؽ ًْﺫ. :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 47) Transliteration … va inha maraje’ taghlid namideh mishavand. and Gloss: … [and] [thses] [sources] [imitation] [called] [Ø].

TT: … who are called mujtahids. (Shi’it Islām, p: 91)

maraje’ taghlid/ is a term rooted in Arabic but is a commonly-used term in/ ﻩﺵﺍﺥﻍ ﺕﻡﻝیﺫ

Persian language. It refers to a group of experts in Islamic studies with the ability to interpret the Islamic laws and individuals must refer to them for understanding these

165 principles. Such specilists in Islamic studies are also called ‗mujtahed‘ in Muslim communities. It is a highly cultural term and due to gap between the two cultures, one

Middle Eastern and the other Western culture, there is no term equivalent to this term in the target culture. Translator through using this procedure, replaced the term with a synonym term in the SL which resulted in a foreignized translation as the replaced term is unknown to the target reader.

The last example of using this procedure is extracted from the book Hajj (1979),

Shariati writes about the tempting power of Iblis, which appears to be an assumed religious cleric, a fake scientist or a traitorous intellectual. He identifies them as agents of division, discord, discrimination and oppression in human history. These people consider themselves to be responsible for transferring the religious knowledge to ordinary people and assume themselves as the executers of Islamic laws (sharia).

Example 67. Modulation

ﺩﺱ ﺥ ِﺍﺩ ﺕﺍ ّﻉْﻉَ ﺍﺕﻝی ﻅ ... :ST (Hajj, p: 191)

Transliteration Dar jahad ba vasvaseh-ie Eblis … and Gloss: [in] [fighting] [with] [temptation] [Iblis] …

TT: Ibrahim escaped the temptations of Satan. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 104).

eblis/ is a Qur‘anic term; it is a figure in the Qur‘an and is frequently addressed/ ﺍﺕﻝی ﻅ in relation to the creation of Adam and God‘s command to Eblis to prostrate himself before Adam. After Eblis refused, he was cast out of heaven. Sheitan, known as Satan in

English culture and language, is regarded as the offspring of Eblis in Muslim

166 communities. The IRCT in the ST Eblis was replaced with Satan in the TT. The reason for this replacement could be attributed to the more familiar status of the name Satan in comparison with the name Eblis in the world. The selected term in the TT bears quite the same cultural load of meaning and translator by using this procedure could maintain the cultural load of meaning in the translation process. Therefore, by removing the traces of foreignness of the text and Persian culture, translation is directed towards domesticating strategy.

4.4.7 Generalization

Generalization is a translation procedure proposed by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995). It is a procedure for translating a term or a phrase in the ST into a more general term in the

TT. Loss of meaning to some extent is the consequnce of using this procedure. Three examples of applying this procedure by translators are given below.

The first example is taken from the book Hajj (1979). The writer points out the unfavourable situation of the descendents of Imam Ali, the first imam of Shi‘ites, during the time of the tenth Imam of Shi‘ite. He lived during the reign of Mutawakkil, one of the Abbasid caliphs, who was hostile to the Household of the Prophet. At that time, the tenth Shi'ite Imam settled in Hejaz, and his family reached to a pitiful state that there were no basic living conditions for them. In order to illustrate the extent of the poverty, the writer mentions that many of the women had no veil with which to cover themselves during daily prayers. They had to share one veil with themselves to pray in turn.

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Example 68. Generalization

... ّ ػذ ٍ ﺍی ﺍﺹ ﺍیؾاﻯ یک چﺍﺩﺱ ک ِ ٌَ ﺩاؽﺕٌﺫ کَ ﺩﺱ ّﻝﺕ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﺁﻯ ﺱﺍ ﺕَ ًْﺕَ پؽْی ﺫٍ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﻩی ﺥْﺍ ًﺫًﺫ. :ST (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 104)

Transliteration … va eddehei az ishan yek chador-e kohneh dashtand ke dar vaght-e namaz and Gloss: … [and] [some of them] [one] [chador] [old] [had] [that] [time] [prayer] An ra be nobeh poushideh namaz mixandand. [that] [Ø] [in turn] [wear] [prayer] [Ø].

TT: Many of them had only one old veil which they wore at the time of the daily prayers. (Shi’it Islām, p: 184)

ĉādor/ is the most popular type of clothes used in the Iranina Muslim/ چﺍﺩﺱ The term context by Muslim women. It is in dark and ligh coulours but it is widely worn in black color when traditional Muslim religious women appear in public places outside their houses where men are present and the white colour chador is worn usually when they are home and men called namahram in Islamic tradition are present. The IRCT chador was translated into English term of veils which is a general term in target culture and language. Although the English term selected by translators do not transfer the exact meaning of the religious term in the category of clothes in the Iranian socio-linguistic context to the target language and culture, it retained the meaning, to some extent, by replacing the word with ‗veils‘ which is a familiar term to the target reader. As a result, the procedure opted for the translation of the IRCT led to the domesticating strategy.

In the next example in Lost in the Crowd (1985), Al-e Ahmad narrates the story of a conversation between Mohaddes, his sister's husband and a mullah on a syntactic point in Arabic grammar. He desribes that after arguing seriously for a long time to convince each other, their manner of speaking to each other was in a way that he was worried about the possibility of physical conflict between them. In describing the excessive

168 simplicity and curiosity of his sister's husband, whose personality had not changed over the years, Al-e Ahmad likened him to a young and naïve student of Islamic studies.

Example 69. Generalization

ُﻭﺍﻯ ﻍﻝﺙَ ﻩﺙﺍﺯﺙَ ک ٌٌﺫ ٍ ﺕیﻍﺕ ّ پ ٌﺡ ﻉﺍﻝ پیST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 93) .ؼ

Transliteration Haman talabeh-ie mobahese konande-ie bist o panj sal pish. and Gloss: [the same] [student] [argumentative] [twenty five] [year] [ago].

TT: He is the same argumentative student he was 25 years ago. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 69)

talabeh/ refers to a student of Islamic studies; a person who goes to Islamic/ ﻍﻝﺙ َ schools known as ‗Hoze Elmieh‘ to learn. The original word was replaced with a general term in the target context. Semantically the word ‗student‘ is attributed to any type of student in the target culture. The replaced term is close and familiar to the target reader but the word in the TT does not transfer completely the connotative load of meaning of the Persian IRCT in the ST to the TT. Through applying this procedure, translation was directed slightly twoards domesticating approach.

In another example in Lost in the Crowd (1985), in the last days of staying in Mecca,

Al-e Ahmad gives a brief description of the facilities of the city of Mecca, people‘s lifestyle, urban transportation vehicles, and street vendors. Also, he states that when crossing Sulaimaniyah district in Mecca, several Hajiis who were originally Turk, following an Islamic tradition, were praying in front of a dead man who was shrouded and placed on a bench.

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Example 70. Generalization

ّ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﻩی ﺥْﺍ ًﺫًﺫ ﺕَ ﻩﺵﺩ ٍ ﺍی کَ کﻑﻱ پػْ ﺱّی ًیﻭکﺕی ﺕ ْﺩ (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 146

Transliteration Va namaz mikhandand be mordehei ke kafan poush roui-e nimkati bood. and Gloss: [and] [say prayer] [to] [a dead person] [that] [shroud] [worn] [on] [a bench] [was].

TT: They were praying towards a corpse that lay on the bench before them under a shroud. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 105)

kafan/ is a highly cultural term in the Iranian religious context. Literally it is/ کﻑﻱ translated as burial shroud in English. As can be seen in the above table, the translators replaced the original term ‗kafan‘ with ‗shroud‘ in the TT. This is to say that, to render the meaning of the cultural term, the translators preferred to use a term from a more general semantic field in the target context. Although the former term ‗kafan‘ indicates a sort of dress worn on Muslim descends, the latter word ‗shroud‘ is a general term in the target context; it is used to cover something not necessarily descends. Hence, translation of ST IRCT was along with considerable loss of conotative meaning in the TT which resulted in a very slightly domesticated translation.

4.4.8 Lexical Specification

Lexical specification is a procedure in the category of addition and specification. It occurs when a word or phrase in the ST is transferred into a more specific term in the

TT. As a result, translators by using this procedure retain the original meaning, to a great extent, in the TT. Some exaples of this procedure will be shown below.

An example of lexical specification is taken from Lost in the Crowd (1985). Al-e

Ahmad describes one of the scenes in the shrine that he enjoyed watching it in his book.

He describes that he was watching the crowds who were around the House of God in

170 tawaf, and the thing that took the writer‘s attention was how carefully the pilgrim were listening to their leader‘s orders and then, they explained his words to each other, so that everyone becomes well aware of his intention and how well they were moving side by side and hand in hand.

Example 71. Lexical specification

تواؽاییﻍﺕ ّﻝﺕی ﺥﻭﺍػﺕی ﺕیﺵّﻯ ﺯﺵﻡ ... ﺩّﺱﺥیﺽ ﻩی ک ٌٌﺫ ﺕﺵﺍی ﻍْﺍﻑ (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 88

Transliteration Tamashaeist vaghti jama’ati biroun-e haram … dourxiz mikonand baraie tavaf and Gloss: [watchful] [when] [crowd] [outside] [haram] … [Ø] [for] [circumambulation].

TT: It is quite a spectacle when the people are poising themselves outside the Kaaba … for the circumambulation. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 65)

haram/ a term that is originally rooted in Arabic, is a widely used term in Iranian/ ﺯﺵﻡ socio-linguistic context as well. The original IRCT is equivalent to ‗shrine‘ in English language. In Persian context, it refer to inside of any shrine whether it belongs to a Shia imam or a highly prestigious religious figure as well as two of the most important sites,

Masji al-Haram and the House of God. In the second site, the circumambulation ritual

(tawaf) is performed. Although the author chose an Islamic term that its implied meaning is comprehensible to an original reader, the implied meaning of the term is not understandable to the target reader unknown to Persian culture and language. The translator through using lexical specification procedure attempted to fill the gap and appropriately transfer the original IRCT to the TT. As a result of using this procedure, translation was led towards a more domesticating strategy.

The second example of this procedure is chosen from the book Hajj (1979). Shariati writes that it is necessary for the people to follow those rules neither were appointed by

171 the Shari'a and nor mentioned in the Quran, according to their conditions, in terms of time, place and their facilities. The verdict of jihad in the Qur'an exemplifies such a rule.

The form of jihad can be determined based on circumstances and necessities, and it is obligatory for every faithful person to follow religious rules even in the last minutes of his life, such as pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj).

Example 72. Lexical specification

ّ ﺕﺵ ُﺵ ﻩْﻩ ٌی ﻍﻝﺓ ػلن فﺵی ﻉَ ﺍﻉﺕ. (ST: (Hajj, p: 162

Transliteration Va bar har momeni talab-e elm farizeh ast. and Gloss: [and] [for] [every] [believer] [gaining knowledge] [necessary] [is].

TT: Another example is the Hajj which is the duty of every Muslim. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia and Denny, p: 90)

mo’men/ an Islamic term equivalent to/ ﻩْﻩﻱ ,As can be seen in the above table

‗believer‘ in English generally refers to a person who has a religious belief. In other words, it is a general term attributed to any person affiliated to any religion or any such system of belief and worship in English. In the corpus of this study, the author addresses

Muslim people by using the term mo‘men. It is familiar to an Eastern reader who understands that, by using the word ‗mo’men‘, the author addresses Muslim believers but it is unclear to a Western reader. Through replacing the word mo‘ment to ‗Muslim‘ in the English text, translators maintained the implied meaning of the original Islamic term perfectly. That is to say, by using lexical specification, translation is more towards domesticating approach.

In another example in Lost in the Crowd (1985), the writer explains the incidents happened inside the plane when he along with other pilgrims were heading to Jeddah in

172 part of his book. He writes that one of his fellow travellers, an elderly retired man, sat beside him on the plane. He writes about the conversation between them during the flight and about his fear of flying. It was their first experience of travelling by airplane.

Example 73. Lexical specification

گﻑﺕﻥ ﻩﻱ ُﻥ ﺕﺍﺱ ﺍّﻝ ﺍﻉﺕ کَ ﺕَ ﺍیﻱ ﻉﻑﺵ ﻩی ﺱّﻡ. (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 8

Transliteration Goftam man ham bar-e avval ast ke be in safar miravam. and Gloss: [I said] [I] [also] [first time] [is] [that] [to] [this] [trip] [go].

TT: I told him it was my first pilgrimage too. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 7)

safar/ is a term in Persian language religious without carring a religious load of/ ﻉﻑﺵ meaning in the Iranian cultural context and is equivalent to ‗travel‘ in English. The translators replace the original term ―safar‖ with a more specific term ‗pilgrimage‘ relevant to the content of the Persian text; the term ‗pilgrimage‘ religious meaning in the target culture and language. That is to say, the translators by choosing this procedure were able to replace the original IRCT with a suitable term in the TT that carries the religious implied meaning of the original term. Hence, the selection of this procedure resulted in a domesticated translation.

4.4.9 Explicitation

This procedure is applied where an original term is highly cultural and due to gap between two different cultures, such terms are unfamiliar to a target reader. In order to make an original text understandable, more information is added to the translated text to help the target reader to understand the original text. Hence, explicitation as a translation procedure is used by translators. This procedure occurs in different forms. In the corpus

173 of this study, it was identified in the form of addition, footnote, endnote, and gloss.

Some examples of this procedure will be elaborated in details below.

4.4.9(a) Addition and specification

In this procedure, translator by adding a word to the original cultural term prevents the loss of meaning in the TT. In this way, translators increase the semantic load of meaning of the term in the TT.

An example of explicitation in the form of addition was identified in the book Hajj

(1979). Shariati refers to the Hajj ritual, which begins in the white dress of ihram, along with a series of regulations called forbidden (moharramat) in Islam. The ritual also continues with repeating the word ‗labbaik‘ which means obedience to the commandments and decrees of God.

Example 74. Addition and specification

ﺯﺡ ﺁﻍﺍص ؽذ ٍ, ﺯﺵکﺕ ﺕَ ﻉْی کؼﺙَ, ﺩﺱ ﺥﺍﻩَﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ ... (ST: (Hajj, p: 46

Transliteration Hajj aghaz shodeh, harekat be souie Ka’be, dar jameh ehram … and Gloss: [Hajj] [started], [movement] [towards] [Ka‘bah], [in] [dress] [ihram] …

TT: Hajj has commenced; move towards the Ka‘bah in the sacred clothes of ihram. (Hajj, translated by Bakhtiary, p: 62).

jame-ie ehram/ is a Persian IRCT that means a special dress Muslim/ ﺥﺍﻩ َ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ pilgrims must wear during the Hajj rituals and it is in white colour and is slightly different for female and male Muslim pilgrims. As can be seen in the above example, explicitation in the form of addition has been used by the translator to transfer the honorific clothes ‗ihram‘ in the English translation. The addition of word ‗sacred‘ made

174 the implied meaning of the IRCT transparent to the target reader who is unaware of the importance of ihram dress among Muslims. Hence, retaining the meaning in the TT, through this procedure, resulted in translation domestication.

In the next example taken from Lost in the Crowd (1985), the author describes the time when Hajj rites ended and Iranian Hajj pilgrims were on the way to Jeddah airport to fly back to Iran. Al-e Ahmad explains that the pilgrims moved to Jeddah with some mid-night buses. Early in the morning, before the time of azan, the bus stopped for morning prayers, and the author points out that he was forced to buy two pots of water for ablution.

Example 75. Addition and specification

ﺩّ ﺕﺍ ﺁﻑﺕﺍﺕَ ﺁﺏ ﺥﺵیﺫﻡ … ﺕَ یک لایر ﺕﺵﺍی ّﻅْیی کَ ﺕﺍیﺫ ﻩی گﺵﻑﺕیﻥ. (ST: (Xasi dar Miqat, p: 162

Transliteration Do ta aftabeh ab xaridam … be yek rial barai-e vozouei ke bayad migereftim. and Gloss: [two] [container] [water] [I bought] … [for one rial] [for] [ablution] [that] [should] [Ø].

TT: I bought two aftabehs of water … for 1 rial. We needed them for pre-prayer ablutions. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 116)

vozou/ is a widely used Islamic term among Irannians and rest of Muslim/ ّﻅْ communities. The word ‗ablution‘ in English corresponds to the IRCT ‗vozou‘ in the original text. In a general sense, it refers to the act of washing our bodies but in a more specific sense, it is a part of religious performance. The way it is performed is different in each religion and even it is done differently by Shia and Sunni Muslims. By additing the word ‗pre-prayer‘ the translators gave more information to the target reader about the time of performing this act by Muslims. Providing extra information about the ST IRCT

175 contributes to a better comprehension of this activity by target readers. The application of this procedure demonstrates that a domesticating strategy was applied.

The last example of this procedure was traced in Lost in the Crowd (1985). Al-e

Ahmad writes about his first memoirs of the pilgrimage to Mecca. At the airport in

Tehran, he was waiting for the flight time and watching the behavior of his fellow pilgrims. Among them, he narrates the behaviour of a passenger who was looking for the direction of the qiblah with a tool to find the direction of qiblah to read the evening prayers.

Example 76. Addition and specification

... ّ ﻝﺙﻝَ اػ ﺱﺍ ﺍﺹ ﺱّی ﻩﺱﺵﺍتؼ ﻩی ؽذ ﺥْ ﺍًﺫ. (ST: (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 7

Transliteration … va gheblehash ra az roui-e mehrabash mishod xand. and Gloss: … [and] [its Qebleh] [Ø] [from] [Ø] [its prayer niche] [could] [read].

TT: … where one could read the direction to Mecca written above the prayer niche … . (Lost in the Crowd, p: 7)

ghebleh/ is an IRCT in the source culture. The word qiblah is widely used in all/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ

ghebleh/ is the orientation for the Muslim prayers because/ ﻝﺙﻝ َ .Muslim communities they always should stand in the direction of the Kaaba in Mecca during daily prayers.

The word is unknown to the Western readers as there is no equivalent for this word in the TL. In order to provide the latent meaning of the original IRCT, the translators applied the explicitation in the text procedure. The flow of reading was not interrupted and the translators could bring out the hidden meaning of the IRCT ‗Qibleh‘ in the TT and facilitate the comprehension of the IRCT for the target reader. Therefore, the use of this procedure by the translators resulted in a domesticated translation.

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4.4.9(b) Explicative Gloss

Explicative gloss is a translation procedure that translators apply to add extra information to the text related to certain cultural terms that, due to non-existence of these terms in the target culture and language, are unfamiliar and unknown to the target reader and their meanings are not retained completely in the translation process. So, translators explicate the term through using this procedure.

The author explains the hardships that the Shi'ites and the Household of the Prophet faced during the period of Yazid caliphate. However, the asceticism and purity of the leaders of the Household of the Prophet made the Shi‘ites resist the cruelty and injustice and held on to their beliefs and and especially, the tragic death of the third Imam of the

Shi‘ites played a major role in the spread of Shi‘ism to remote areas of the Umayyad

Caliphate. The author refers to Sadat-e Alavi.

Example 77. Explicative Gloss

ﺕﺍﺱ ُﺍ ﺩﺱ ﺍﺙﺵ کﺙﺵﺕ فؾاﺱ ﻉﺍﺩﺍﺕ ػلْی ﺕﺵ ﻅﺫ ﺕیﺫﺍﺩگﺵی ِﺍی ﺯکْﻩﺕ ﻝیﺍﻡ کﺵ ﺩًﺫ. (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 27

Transliteration Barha dar asar-e kesrat-e feshar-e sadat-e Alavi bar zedde bidadgarihai-e and Gloss: [many times] [because of] [intensity] [pressure] [sadat-e Alavi] [against] [cruelty] hokoumat ghiam kardand. [government] [arised].

TT: Several times the descendants of the Prophet (who are called in Persian Sadati alawi) rebelled against the injustice of the government. (Shi’it Islām, p: 52).

sadat-e alavi/ is a honorific title in Shia branch of Islam. According to/ ﻉﺍﺩﺍﺕ ػلْی

Shia scholars, ‗Sadat-e Alavi‘ is referred to people who are from the generation of the

Prophet of Islam through Fatima, daughter of Muhammad and Ali, son of Abu Talib, the first Imam of the followers of the Shia and the fourth caliph of Sunni. The translator

177 tried to clarify the text through applying this procedure. Although it made the original

IRCT more understandable to the target reader, the flow of reading was interrupted. As a result of it, the translator eliminated trace of domestication in the text and translation was led towards a foreignizing strategy.

4.4.9(c) Combination of Explicitation and Borrowing

Combination of two prcedures of explicitation and borrowing is a mixed procedure that is used by translators who prefer to makes the target reader familiar to the original term while bring out the hidden meaning through explicating the original cultural term.

An instance of this mixed procedure identified in the corpus of this study is described below.

In an example taken from the book Shi’ite Islam (1975), Tabatabaei explains about

Shiites‘ belief that a religious government should be able to maintain and reinforce the true Islamic order in society, and also people can enjoy complete freedom and social justice in such a society. These two goals must be attained by someone who has infallibility and God's immunity, and the only person who deserved to do so was Ali.

The followers of the Household of the Prophet expected that Quraysh would have dealt with Ali's opponents seriously as they did not ignore any violations of religious rules such as non-payment of zakat.

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Example 78. Combination of Explicitation and Borrowing

... ﻝﺵیؼ ... ﺕﺍ ﺥﻭﺍػﺕی کَ ﺩﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺹکﺍﺕ ﺍﻩﺕ ٌﺍﻉ ﺩاؽﺕٌﺫ, ﺥٌگی ﺫًﺫ ... (ST: (ŝieh dar eslām, p: 18

Transliteration … Ghoraish … ba jama’ati ke dar dadan-e zakat emtena’ dashtand, jangidand … and Gloss: … [Quraish] … [with] [crowd] [that] [in] [giving] [zakat] [refused] [Ø], [fought] ...

TT: … The Quraysh … fought against the group who refused to pay the religious tax (zakat). (Shi’it Islām, p: 37)

zakat/ is an Islamic term rooted in Arabic but is widely used in Iranian Islamic/ ﺹکﺍﺕ context. Zakat is defined as a purification tax paid by Muslims to help the poor. It is translated as alms In English. The payment of zakat is normally a voluntary religious duty nowadays, but it was collected by the government in the days of the early caliphate.

As the above table shows, explained the meaning of IRCT into English and added the original term with two parentheses in the TT. It implies that the translator preferred to facilitate the comprehension of the IRCT in the TT and through transferring the original term to the TT, add the original term in the target culture and language system. As it was mentioned earlier, combination of two procedures located on two opposite limits of the scale of domestication and foreignization, led the translation towards a neutral ground in terms of determining the translation approach.

4.4.10 Deletion

4.4.10(a) Partial Deletion

Partial omission is a procedure in which part of a cultural term is ignored. There are instances in the TT that shows translators intentionally do not translate part of a compound term in the sentence. In other words, partial omission is a procedure applied

179 in the translation of IRCTs in the Persian corpus. Some examples are shown in the following paragraphs.

An example of this procedure is taken from Lost in the Crowd (1985). Al-e Ahmad writes that he used to visit various places during his stay in Mecca and one day, visited two public libraries. He explains about their locations, the view of the buildings from outside, the layout of the books on the shelves inside the libraries, and facilities of the two libraries. By comparing the two libraries, he concludes that the second library which was older than the other library was much better. It had a delightsome courtyard and hajjis in ihram dresses used to sit on its benches for a short rest.

Example 79. Partial Deletion

ّ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ﺩﺱ ﻝﺙﺍﻁ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ ﺱّی ًیﻭکﺕ ُﺍی کٌﺍﺱ ﺯیﺍﻍ ﻝﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ٍ ﺕ ْﺩ ًﺫ. :ST )Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 69( Transliteration Va hojjāj dar lebās-e ehrām rooi-e nimkathāie kenār-e hayāt lamdādeh boodand. and Gloss: [and] [pilgrims] [in] [ehram dress], [on], [benches] [next to] [yard] [were lounging].

TT: Hajjis in ihrams were lounging on benches at the edge of the courtyard. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 52)

lebas-e ehram/, as it was mentioned earlier, is a special type of clothing/ ﻝﺙﺍﻁ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ worn by Muslim pilgrim during the Hajj rituals. Ihram is a Persian term borrowed from

Arabic. The original author added the word dress along with the Islamic term,‘Ihram‘ in the ST. Part of the term, ‗ihram dress‘ was deleted by the translator. Addition of the word ‗dress‘ to the IRCT in the TT, could facilitate comprehension of the original

Islamic term for the Western readers in the reading process. The elimination of the

Persian word ‗dress‘ reduced the cultural load of the IRCT in the TT. As a result,

180 translation leans towards the source culture and it entails that translation is led towards a foreignizing strategy.

In the second example taken from Hajj (1979), Shariati calls the pilgrims of Hajj as his religious brothers. The implicit meaning of this term is that we are follower of the same religion and were brought up by the same religious beliefs and we are members of an extended family, the great Islamic family. Hence, we are brothers and sisters.

Example 80. Partial Deletion

ﺹﺙﺵ کﻱ ﺕﺵﺍﺩﺱ ﺩی ٌی ﺍﻡ, ﺩ ًیﺍ ﺱﺍ ﺕَ ﺍ ُلؼ ّﺍگﺯﺍﺱ. :ST (Hajj, p: 225) Transliteration Sabr kon baradar-e dini-am, donia ra be ahlash vagozar. and Gloss: [wait] [brother] [religious]-[my], [the world] [Ø] [to] [its people] [yield].

TT: Oh my brother, be patient! leave this world to the worldly people. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia & Denny, p: 126)

baradar-e dini/, literally translated as ‗my religious brother‘, is a Qur‘anic/ ﺕﺵﺍﺩﺱ ﺩی ٌی concept and contains a highly cultural load of meaning in Islamic contexts. It was mentioned in the tenth verse of the Quranic chapter ‗Al-Hujurat‘ known as ‗the verse of brotherhood‘. According to this verse, believers are brothers and in the event of a conflict between them, other Muslims have a duty to reconcile them. The Prophet of

Islam initiated brotherhood between the emigrants and helpers (ansar) and he chose Ali as his own brother. According to Shia scholars, this event occurred after the revelation of the verse of brotherhood. The Islamic phrase ‗my religious brother‘ is turned to ‗my brother‘ in the TT. Elimination of the first component of the phrase entails loss of the religious load of the original phrase in the TT. In spite of it, it is concluded that

181 translation procedure opted by the translator led the translation towards a domesticating strategy.

In another example extracted from Lost in the Crowd (1985), Al-e Ahmad writes about the memories of his trip to Mecca where he goes to the Masjid al-Haram on the last day of their trip to Mecca and looks at the environment inside the mosque with more attention to the details. He writes that the extraordinary construction of the stone of

Isma‘el with a bow-shaped retainer around it, where the pilgrims should stand beyond the stone for prayer that gave a circular shape to the prayer rank, filled him with wonder.

Example 81. partial Deletion

چْﻯ ﺩﺍﺥﻝ "ﺯﺩﺵ ٍ" ًﻭی گﺯﺍﺱًﺫکﻍی ﺕَ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﺥواػت ﺕﺍیﻍﺕﺫ. :ST (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 158) Transliteration Chon dakhel “hojreh” nemigozarand kesi be namaz-e jama’at beistad. and Gloss: [because] [inside] [shop] [they don‘t let] [anyone] [to] [congregatioal prayer] [stand].

TT: They don‘t allow anyone to stand on the stone for prayer. (Lost in the Crowd, p: 113)

namaz-e jama’at/ literally translated as a congregational prayer or prayer/ ًﻭﺍﺹ ﺥﻭﺍػﺕ in congregation is a kind of ritual prayer in Muslim communities. It is performed by

Muslims on various occasions such as Friday prayer at mosques or in al-Haram Mosque during the Hajj or Umreh. Translator replaced the original Persian phrase ‗namaz-e jama‘t‘ with ‗prayer‘ in the TT. Although ‗prayer‘ contains religious meaning, it does not convey the meaning of IRCT in the ST completely. The term prayer is a general term that refers to any types of prayer, while namaz-e jama‘t is a specific type of prayer in

Muslim communities such as Iran. Althought loss of part of the meaning occurs in the translation process, it is towards a domesticated translation.

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4.4.10(b) Complete Deletion

It is a translation procedure that the cultural term is deleted for a reason. For example, due to the non-existence of the original term in the TL, translators prefer to exclude it in the translation process. Sometimes, the source item is highly cultural and as a result, it is incomprehensible for a target reader who is unfamiliar with the original culture, tradition and people‘s belief system. Finally, in order to prevent repeatition of the same cultural term in the TT, translators use this procedure.

An example of this procedure is taken from Hajj (1979). Shariati explains philosophy of performing Hajj rituals and responsibility of pilgrims in ihram clothes. In a metaphorical language, Shariati indicates that pilgrims in the ihram dress in Miqat must turn to an Abraham, a prophet, to change a society full of shirks into monotheism.

Example 82. Deletion

ّ تاالخﺵ ٍ, پؾت تَ ؽﺵک ّ ﺱّ ﺕَ ﺕْﺯیﺫ, ﺕَ ﻩیﻡﺍﺕ ﺱﻉی ﺫٍ ﺍیﺫ, ﺥﺍﻩَﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ پؽْی ﺫٍ ﺍیﺫ. :ST (Hajj, p: 39) Transliteration Va belaxare, poŝt be ŝerk va roo be tohid, be mighāt resideid, and Gloss: [and] [finally], [back] [to] [polytheism] [and] [forward] [to] jāmeh ehrām pooŝideheid. [monotheism], [to] [mighat] [reach], [ihram dress] [put on].

TT: You have rejected polytheism and adopted monotheism. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia & Denny, p: 12)

jame-ie ehram/ literally translated as ihram clothing is a religious term in/ ﺥﺍﻩ َ ﺍﺯﺵﺍﻡ the Iranian context. It includes a type of garment worn by Muslim people during the Hajj pilgrimage. As it is demonstrated above, example 82, translators deleted the term from the TT. Elimination of the original term reduces the risk of incomprehensibility of the

TT for the target reader. Hence, translation is more towards a domesticating strategy.

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The second example of this procedure is extracted from Lost in the Crowd (1985).

During his stay in Mecca, Al-e Ahmad goes to Uhud cemetery one day and explains about the place, about the strange behavior of the people of the area who robbed soil from the graves, and about money and coins that he found in a large pit in the burial place of the martyrs of Uhud. Meanwhile, he writes about two groups of Iranian pilgrims who came to Uhud cemetery. He describes that some men were reading elegy while the rest of Iranian pilgrims were wailing and mourning.

Example 83. Deletion ّ ﺩ ّ ﺩﻉﺕَ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ ﺍیﺵﺍ ًی ﺍیﻱ ﺕﺵ ّ ﺍﻯ ﺕﺵ ؾًغﺕَ ّ ًْﺯَ ﺥْاًِاؽاﻯ ﺩﺱ ﻩٌﺕ ِﺍی ُی ﺩﺍﻯ ّ ﺩﺱ ﺩﻉﺕگﺍ ٍ ؽْﺱ ً ْﺯَ ﺍی :ST ﻩی ﺥْﺍ ًﺫًﺫ کَ ﺩﻝ ﻉ ٌگ ﺁﺏ ﻩی ؽذ ّ ﺯﺩﺍﺝ گﺵی َ ک ٌﺍﻯ ّ ﺕَ ﻉﺵ ّ ﻉی ٌَ کْﺕﺍﻯ. (Xasi dar Mighāt, p: 38)

Transliteration Va do dasteh hojāj Irāni in bar va an bar neŝasteh va noheh xānhāshān dar and Gloss: [and] [two] [group] [pilgrims] [Iranian] [sit] [and] [eulogists] montahāi-e haiejān va dar dastgāh-e ŝoor nohei mixāndand ke del-e sang āb miŝod [in] [extreme] [excitement] [and] [in] [set] [Shur] [mourn] [that] [heart] [stone] [melt] va hojāj gerieh konān va be sar va sineh koobān. [and] [pilgrims] [crying] [and] [on] [head] [and] [chest] [beating].

TT: Two groups of Iranian hajjis sat on either side, wailing mournfully with great excitement in the Shur mode, in a way that would have melted the hardest heart, crying and beating themselves about the head and chest (Lost in the Crowd, p: 30).

nohe xan/ is a highly cultural term in the Iranian religious context. It refers/ ًْﺯ َ ﺥْﺍﻯ to a man or a woman who reads a poem on lamenting a person‘s death. In other words, in the Iranian context, ‗noheh xan’ is a title given to a person who, loudly and mournfully, reads an elegy among the mourners; it is a kind of mourning whether for an ordinary Muslim who is dead or for the death of Shi‘ite Imams. Due to lack of an equivalent in the target language and culture, translators deleted the term in the TT.

Therefore, use of this procedure by translators led the translation towards a domesticating strategy.

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The last example of this procedure was taken from Hajj (1979). Shariati describes the pilgrim of the Hajj ritual and reconsiders the philosophy of the pilgrimage and all the steps that a pilgrim has undergone, and ultimately the important responsibility that he has since he has completed Hajj rituals. One of the rites of Hajj, which should be done at the last stage, is tawaf al-nisa. Of course this kind of Tawaf is only necessary for the

Shiites.

Example 84. Deletion

ّ ﺕْ ﺍی " ُﻥ پی "ﻭﺍﻯ ﺕﺍ ﺥﺫﺍ, ﺍی " ُﻭگﺍﻡ" ﺕﺍ ﺍﺕﺵﺍ ُیﻥ, ﺍی کَ ﺍﺹ ﻍْﺍﻑ ﻩی ﺁیی ّ کﺍﺱ ﺯﺩﺕﺱﺍ ﺕﺍ ﻍْﺍﻑ ًﻍﺍ ﺕَ :ST پﺍیﺍﻯ ﺁّﺱﺩ ٍ ﺍی ... (Hajj, p: 267) Transliteration Va to ei “ham peyman-e” ba khoda, ei “hamgam” ba ebrahim, and Gloss: [and] [you] [oh you] [allegiant] [to God], [oh you] [get along with Abraham], ei ke az tavaf miai va kar-e hojjat ra ba tavaf-e nesa be payan avardehei … [oh you] [from] [circumbulation] [come] [and] [Ø] [circumbulation] [woman] [finish] … TT: After entering Tawaf, denying selfishness and purifying yourself to adopt the characteristics of Ibrahim, …. (Hajj, translated by Behzadnia & Denny, p: 151).

tavaf-e nesa’/ is a highly cultural term in the Iranian religious context. It is a/ ﻍْﺍﻑ ًﻍﺍ compulsory ritual for Shia Muslims to perform during Hajj and Umreh. It is performed in the last step of the Hajj ritual. On the basis of Islamic laws in Shia, pilgrims of the

House of God in ihram dress including Muslim men, women; young or old, married or single, and even children in ihram dress must perform this ritual. To do so, Shia pilgrims must circumambulate round the Ka‘ba, with the intention of ‗tawaf al-nisa‘, and then, perform two rak‘at prayer with the intention of prayer of tawaf al-nisa‘ behind Maqam of Ibrahim. As the above table shows, it was ignored by the translator due to nonexistence of the source term in the target context. It led translation towards a more domesticated approach.

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4.5 Summary

This chapter presented the findings of the comparative and descriptive analysis of translation of IRCTs from Persian into English. The analysis included recognition of different types of IRCTs in the corpus. IRCTs in each category were contextualized first and then, the implied meanings of the original terms were explained. In the next section, it dealt with the analysis of the procedures employed by translators in rendering Persian

IRCTs into English. Types of translation procedures applied in the translation process were recognized. Examples of each category of IRCTs along with their translation procedures were presented. A detailed discussion of findings will be presented in chapter six.

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CHAPTER 5

ANALYSIS OF TARGET READERS’ PREFERENCE

5.1 Overview

This chapter presents the second phase of the analysis which reports the result of a survey administered among native speakers of English and non-Muslim participants. At this phase of analysis, two stages were taken to analyze readers of Persian literature‘s preference for the English translation of IRCTs. At the first stage of this phase of the study, readers‘ preferences of the translated IRCTs along with procedures behind them were quantitatively examined for each category in section 5.2. In the second stage, by using both qualitative and quantitative methods, the impact of familiarity as an effective factor for the readers‘ preferred translation of IRCTs was evaluated. Demographic information in the questionnaire will not be considered as a variable in the analysis of

TT readers‘ responses. In the questionnaire, 10 samples of original IRCTs along with their categories and translation procedures were used. They are shown in the table below:

Table 5.1 IRCTs in the Questionnaire Type of IRCTs Number of Translation Procedure The Name in Analaysis Examples Religious one example borrowing, addition and specification, RCa, RCb, RCc Clothes combination Religious one example borrowing, equivalence, generalization, RAa, RAb, RAc, Rad Artifacts lexical specification

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Religious sites one examples borrowing, equivalence, lexical RSa, RSb, RSc, RSd, RSe, specification, generalization, RSf, combination, addition and specification

Supernatural One example borrowing, equivalence, generalization, SBa, SBb, SBc, SBd beings combination Specialized 1st example borrowing, addition and specification, SRA1a, SRA1b, SRA1c religious combination activities 2nd example borrowing, addition and specification SRA2a, SRA2b Religious 1st example borrowing, addition and specification RG1a, RG1b groups 2nd example borrowing, combination, equivalence RG2a, RG2b, RG2c Eschatology One example borrowing,combination, generalization, ETa, ETb, ETc, ETd terms equivalence Miscellaneous one example borrowing, equivalence MRTa, MRTb religious terms

For the analysis of the questionnaire, each item is represented with a code (cf. section

3.3.1). Specific names have been selected for IRCT such as ―RG1a‖ in which ―RG‖ stands for religious groups. The first letter of each category is used to represent the type of IRCT. The number ―1‖ represents the first example and the small letter of ―a‖ represents the first translation in each example. Therefore, religious item of ―RG1b‖ belongs to the same category and to the first example but with a different translation procedure.

In the next section, participants‘ preference for the translation of IRCTs in the selected samples of IRCT is presented. The results of the quantitative and qualitative analyses of the effect of familiarity as a factor in the preference of the respondents for the choice of the translated IRCTs are presented in the next section as well.

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5.2 Analysis of Target Readers’ Preference for the Translation of IRCTs

In the questionnaire, the readers‘ preferences for 33 IRCTs translated into English were examined. For this purpose, the 6-point Likert scale was used. Responses were divided into agree and disagree. The first three numbers in the Likert scale were considered as disagree and the second three numbers were considered as agree. The participants‘ preference for each IRCT reveals indirectly their preference for the type of translation procedure applied in the translation of IRCTs. The mean value of each procedure used for the translation of IRCTs shows participants‘ preference. The types of procedures along with the mean of each procedure are presented in the following table.

Table 5.2 Descriptive Statistics for Translation Procedures

Procedure N Minimum Maximum Mean Number of Use Borrowing 201 1 6 2.44 10 Addition and specification 201 1 6 3.29 5 Compound procedures 201 3 6 4.26 6 Generalization 201 1 4 2.66 5 Equivalence 201 2 6 4.19 6 Lexical specification 201 1 6 2.27 2

Table 5.2, reveals that borrowing as a translation procedure was used in the questionnaire more than other procedures. It was used 10 times among 33 IRCTs. The mean value of this procedure is 2.44. It shows that respondents disagree with this procedure in the translation of IRCTs. As the table shows, combination of two procedures is repeated 6 times among 33 IRCTs in the questionnaire. The mean value of combination of two procedures, as the second most frequent translation procedure used

189 in the translation of IRCTs in the questionnaire, is 4.26. It implies that respondents partially agree with this procedure to be employed for the translation of IRCTs.

In the case of addition and specification, it was presented 5 times in the questionnaire. The mean value of respondents‘ preference based on the data obtained from the questionnaire is 3.29. It reveals that respondents slightly disagree with this procedure in the translation of IRCTs. Equivalence as a translation procedure was used 6 times among 33 procedures in the questionnaire. The mean value of respondents‘ preference for this procedure is 4.19. It means that respondents partially agree with this type of procedure for the translation of IRCTs.

As the table 5.2 shows, generalization was used 4 times in the questionnaire. The mean value of participants‘ preference for the use of generalization is 2.66. It means that participants disagree with this procedure to be used for the translation of IRCTs. As for translation procedure of lexical specification, it was repeated 2 times in the questionnaire. The mean value of respondents‘ preference was 2.27. It shows that respondents disagree with this procedure.

In this section participants‘ preference for the different types of translation of religious terms in some categories are presented. Mean rank of each item and level of familiarity of participants and the effectiveness of familiarity and the choice of translated item are evaluated.

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5.2.1 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Clothes: Ihram

Table 5.3 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RC: Ihram

Fam_RC N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks RCa YES 27 165.33 4464.00 NO 174 91.02 15837.00 Total 201 RCb YES 27 112.94 3049.50 NO 174 99.15 17251.50 Total 201 RCc YES 27 72.76 1964.50 NO 174 105.38 18336.50 Total 201

Table 5.4 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RC: Ihram

RCa RCb RCc Mann-Whitney U 612.000 2026.500 1586.500 Wilcoxon W 15837.000 17251.500 1964.500 Z -6.903 -1.183 -2.901 Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .237 .004

Respondents‘ preferences for the selected translated IRCTs in the category of religious clothes presented as RCa, RCb, and RCc in table 5.3 were examined. The translation procedures used in this category were respectively, ―borrowing‖ and

―addition and specification‖, and ―combination of explicitation and borrowing‖. As table

5.4 represents, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=27, Mean Rank = 165.33) and those who had no familiarity (n=174,

Mean Rank = 91.02) with original IRCT in the category of religious clothes in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated item (RCa). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious clothes preferred

191 borrowing (U = 612.000, z = -6.903, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the second type of translated term in this category (RCb), there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=27, Mean Rank = 112.94) and those who had no familiarity (n=174, Mean Rank = 99.15) with original IRCT in the category of religious clothes in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated religious term. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious clothes preferred addition and specification (U

=2026.500, z = -1.183, p = .237) similarly.

As for the last type of translated term in the category of religious clothes (RCc), there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=27,

Mean Rank = 72.76) and those who had no familiarity (n=174, Mean Rank = 105.38 with original IRCT in the category of religious clothes in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated religious term. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious clothes preferred combination of explicitation and borrowing (U =1586.000, z = -2.901, p = .004) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

5.2.2 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Artifact: Tasbih

Table 5.5 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RA: Tasbih

Fam_RA N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

RAa YES 28 145.91 4085.50

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NO 173 93.73 16215.50

Total 201

RAb YES 28 77.89 2409.50

NO 173 121.63 24156.50

Total 201

RAc YES 28 92.88 2600.50

NO 173 101.32 17700.50

Total 201

Rad YES 28 143.11 4007.00

NO 173 94.18 16294.00

Total 201

Table 5.6 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RA: Tasbih

RAa RAb RAc Rad

Mann-Whitney U 1164.500 1913.000 2194.500 1243.000

Wilcoxon W 16215.500 2409.500 2600.500 16294.000

Z -4.860 -3.642 -.812 -4.586

Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .417 .000

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_RA

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCTs in the category of religious artifacts presented as RAa, RAb, RAc, and RAd in table 5.5, were examined. The

193 translation procedures used in this category were respectively, ―borrowing‖,

―equivalence‖, ―generalization‖, and ―lexical specification‖.

In the case of RAa, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=28, Mean Rank = 145.91 and those who had no familiarity (n=173, Mean Rank = 93.73) with original IRCT in the category of religious artifacts in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious term. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious artifacts preferred borrowing (U = 1164.500, z = -4.860, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

As for type of translated term in this category (RAb), there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=28, Mean Rank =

77.89) and those who had no familiarity (n=173, Mean Rank = 121.63) with original

IRCT in the category of religious artifacts in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious item. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious artifacts preferred equivalence (U = 1913.000, z = -3.642, p =

.000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of RAc, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=28, Mean Rank = 92.88) and those who had no familiarity (n=173, Mean

Rank = 101.32) with original IRCT in the category of religious artifacts in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated item. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious artifacts preferred generalization (U = 2194.500, z = -.812, p = .417) similarly.

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In the last type of translated term (RA2d), there was a statistical significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=28, Mean Rank = 143.11) and those who had no familiarity (n=173, Mean Rank = 94.18) with original IRCT in the category of religious artifacts in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the item. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious artifacts preferred lexical specification (U = 1243.000, z = -4.586, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

5.2.3 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Site: Haram

Table 5.7 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RS: Haram

Fam_RS N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

RSa YES 63 161.21 10156.00

NO 138 73.51 10145.00

Total 201

RSb YES 63 104.25 6567.50

NO 138 99.52 13733.50

Total 201

RSc YES 63 133.85 8432.50

NO 138 86.00 11868.50

Total 201

RSd YES 63 117.56 7406.00

NO 138 93.44 12895.00

Total 201

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RSe YES 63 153.29 9657.00

NO 138 77.13 10644.00

Total 201

RSf YES 63 103.99 6551.50

NO 138 99.63 13749.50

Total 201

Table 5.8 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RS: Haram

RSa RSb RSc RSd RSe RSf

Mann-Whitney 544.000 4142.500 2277.500 3304.000 1053.000 4158.500 U

Wilcoxon W 10145.000 13733.500 11868.500 12895.000 15644.000 13749.500

Z -10.351 -.554 -5.647 -2.973 -9.059 -0.506

Asymp. Sig. (2- .000 .580 .000 .003 .000 .613 tailed)

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_RS

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCTs in the category of religious sites presented as RSa, RSb, RSc, RSd, RSe, and RSf in table 5.7, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the first example were respectively,

―borrowing‖, ―equivalence‖, ―lexical specification‖, ―generalization‖, ―combination of equivalence and borrowing‖, and finally ―addition and specification‖.

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As the table 5.8 shows, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 161.21) and those who had no familiarity (n=138, Mean Rank = 73.51) with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious item (RSa). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred borrowing (U = 544.000, z = -10.351, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

As for the second translated term (RSb), there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 104.25) and those who had no familiarity (n=138, Mean Rank = 99.52) with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious term. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred equivalence (U = 4142.500, z = -.554, p = .580) similarly.

In the case of RSc, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 133.85) and those who had no familiarity

(n=138, Mean Rank = 86.00 with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious term. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred lexical specification (U = 2277.500, z = -5.647, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of the fourth translated term (RSd), there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 117.56 and

197 those who had no familiarity (n=138, Mean Rank = 93.44) with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the religious term. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred generalization (U = 3304.000, z = -2.973, p = .003) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

As for RSe, there was a statistical significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 153.29 and those who had no familiarity (n=138,

Mean Rank = 77.13) with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the item. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred combination of two translation procedures of equivalence and borrowing (U = 1053.000, z = -9.059, p =

.000) significantly more than those having no familiarity

Finally, in the case of translated term in this category (RSf), there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=63, Mean Rank = 103.99) and those who had no familiarity (n=138, Mean Rank = 99.63) with original IRCT in the category of religious sites in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated item. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious sites preferred addition and specification (U = 4158.500, z = -

0.506, p = .613) similarly.

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5.2.4 Respondents’ Preference for the Supernatural Being: Khannas

Table 5.9 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SB: Khannas

Fam_SB N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks SBa YES 14 159.36 2231.00 NO 187 96.63 18070.00 Total 201 SBb YES 14 120.57 1688.00 NO 187 99.53 18613.00 Total 201 SBc YES 14 107.39 1503.50 NO 187 100.52 18797.50 Total 201 SBd YES 14 53.68 751.50 NO 187 104.54 19549.50 Total 201

Table 5.10 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SB: Khannas

SBa SBb SBc SBd

Mann-Whitney U 492.000 1035.000 1219.500 646.500 Wilcoxon W 18070.000 18613.000 18797.500 751.500 Z -4.836 -1.333 -.434 -3.229 Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .182 .664 .001

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_SB

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of supernatural beings presented as SBa, SBb, SBc, and SBd in table 5.9, were examined.

The translation procedures used in this category were ―borrowing‖, ―equivalence‖,

―generalization‖, and ―combination of borrowing and equivalence‖ respectively. As table 5.9 shows, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who

199 had familiarity (n=14, Mean Rank = 159.36) and those who had no familiarity (n=187,

Mean Rank = 96.63) with original IRCT in the category of supernatural beings in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the term (SBa). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of supernatural beings preferred borrowing (U = 492.000, z = -4.836, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of SBb, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=14, Mean Rank = 120.57) and those who had no familiarity (n=187, Mean

Rank = 99.53) with original IRCT in the category of supernatural beings in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated item. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of supernatural beings preferred equivalence (U = 1035.000, z = -1.333, p = .182) similarly.

As for SBc, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=14, Mean Rank = 107.39) and those who had no familiarity (n=187, Mean

Rank = 100.52 with original IRCT in the category of supernatural beings in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the word. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of supernatural beings preferred generalization (U = 1219.500, z = -.434, p = .664) similarly.

In the case of the fourth and the last type of translation the term (SBd), there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=14, Mean

Rank = 53.68) and those who had no familiarity (n=187, Mean Rank = 104.54 with original IRCT in the category of supernatural beings in terms of their level of preference

200 for the selection of the translated religious term. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of supernatural beings preferred combination of two translation procedures of borrowing and equivalence (U = 646.500, z = -3.229, p = .001) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

5.2.5 Respondents’ Preference for the Specialized Religious Activity: Jihad

Table 5.11 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SRA1: Jihad

Fam_SRA1 N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

SRA1a YES 168 114.21 19187.00 NO 33 33.76 1114.00 Total 201 SRA1b YES 168 100.75 16926.50 NO 33 102.26 3374.50 Total 201 SRA1c YES 168 97.40 16364.00 NO 33 119.30 3937.00 Total 201

Table 5.12 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SRA1: Jihad

SRA1a SRA1b SRA1c

Mann-Whitney U 553.000 2730.500 2168.000

Wilcoxon W 1114.000 16926.500 16364.000

Z -7.436 -.140 -2.150

Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .889 .032

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_SRA1

201

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCTs in the category of specialized religious activities presented as SRA1a, SRA1b, and SRA1c in table 5.11, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the first example were ―borrowing‖, ―addition and specification‖, and ―combination of equivalence and borrowing‖ respectively. As table 5.12 represents, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=168, Mean Rank =114.21) and those who had no familiarity (n=33, Mean Rank = 33.76) with original IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities in terms of their level of preference for the selection of the translated religious term (SRA1a). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of specialized religious activities preferred borrowing

(U = 553.000, z = -7.436, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of the second type of translation (RSA1b), there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=168, Mean Rank = 100.75) and those who had no familiarity (n=33, Mean Rank = 102.26 with original IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated term. In other word, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of specialized religious activities preferred addition and specification (U = 2730.500, z = -.140, p = .889) similarly.

As for the last type of translation of the term (SRA1c), there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=168, Mean Rank =

97.40) and those who had no familiarity (n=33 Mean Rank = 119.30) with original IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities in terms of their level of preference for

202 the selection of translated item. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of specialized religious activities preferred combination of borrowing and equivalence (U = 2168.000, z = -2.150, p = .032) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

5.2.6 Respondents’ Preference for the Specialized Religious Activity: Azan

Table 5.13 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with SRA2: Azan

Fam_SRA2 N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

SRA2a YES 50 157.71 7885.50

NO 151 82.22 12415.50

Total 201

SRA2b YES 50 100.78 5039.00

NO 151 101.07 15262.00

Total 201

Table 5.14 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with SRA2: Azan

SRA2a SRA2b

Mann-Whitney U 939.500 3764.000

Wilcoxon W 12415.500 5039.000

Z -8.264 -.033

Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .973

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_SRA2

203

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities presented as SRA2a and SRA2b in table 5.13, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the second example were

―borrowing‖ and ―addition and specification‖ respectively. As table 5.14 shows, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=50,

Mean Rank = 157.71) and those who had no familiarity (n=151, Mean Rank = 82.22) with original IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious term (SRA2a). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of specialized religious activities preferred borrowing (U = 939.500, z = -8.264, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

As for SRA2b, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=50, Mean Rank = 100.78) and those who had no familiarity (n=151, Mean

Rank = 101.07) with original IRCT in the category of specialized religious activities in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious element. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of specialized religious activities preferred addition and specification (U = 3764.000, z = -

.033, p = .973) similarly.

5.2.7 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Groups: Imams

Table 5.15 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RG1: Imams

Fam_RG1 N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

204

RG1a YES 126 124.80 15725.00

NO 75 61.01 4576.00

Total 201

RG1b YES 126 100.06 12607.00

NO 75 102.59 7694.00

Total 201

Table 5.16 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RG1: Imams

RG1a RG1b

Mann-Whitney U 1726.000 4606.000

Wilcoxon W 4576.000 12607.000

Z -7.709 -0.311

Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .756

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_RG1

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of religious groups presented as RG1a and RG1b in table 5.15, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the first example were ―borrowing‖ and ―addition and specification‖ respectively.

As table 5.16 shows, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=126, Mean Rank = 124.80 and those who had no familiarity (n=75, Mean Rank = 61.01) with original RCT in the category of religious groups in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious item

205

(RG1a). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious groups preferred borrowing (U = 1726.000, z = -7.709, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of RG1b, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=126, Mean Rank = 100.06) and those who had no familiarity (n=75, Mean

Rank = 102.59) with original IRCT in the category of religious groups in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious element. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious groups preferred explicitation in the text (U = 4606.000, z = -0.311, p = .756) similarly.

5.2.8 Respondents’ Preference for the Religious Groups: Hajjis

Table 5.17 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with RG2: Hajjis

Fam_RG2 N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

RG2a YES 82 144.09 11815.00

NO 119 71.31 8486.00 Total 201 RG2b YES 82 99.21 8135.00

NO 119 102.24 12166.00 Total 201 RG2c YES 82 112.80 9249.50

NO 119 92.87 11051.50 Total 201

206

Table 5.18 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with RG2: Hajjis

RG2a RG2b RG2c Mann-Whitney U 1346.000 4732.000 3911.500 Wilcoxon W 8486.000 8135.000 11051.500 Z -8.940 -.392 -2.459 Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .695 .014

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_RG2

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of religious groups presented as RG2a, RG2b, and RG2c in table 5.17, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the second example were ―borrowing‖,

―combination of equivalence and borrowing‖, and ―equivalence‖ respectively.

As table 5.17 demonstrates, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=82, Mean Rank = 144.09 and those who had no familiarity (n=119, Mean Rank = 71.31) with original IRCT in the category of religious groups in the second example in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated term (RG2a). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious groups preferred borrowing (U = 1346.000, z = -8.940, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of RG2b, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=82, Mean Rank = 99.21) and those who had no familiarity (n=119, Mean

Rank = 102.24) with original IRCT in the category of religious groups in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious item. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of religious

207 groups preferred combination of equivalence and borrowing (U = 4732.000, z = -.392, p

= .695) similarly. As for RG2c, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=82 Mean Rank = 112.80) and those who had no familiarity (n=119, Mean Rank = 92.87) with original IRCT in the category of religious groups in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious element. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of religious groups preferred equivalence (U = 3911.500, z = -2.459, p = .014) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

5.2.9 Respondents’ Preference for the Eschatology Term: Tawheed

Table 5.19 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with ET: Tawheed

Fam_ET N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks

Eta YES 17 172.18 2927.00 NO 184 94.42 17374.00 Total 201 ETb YES 17 91.85 1829.50 NO 184 103.69 19079.50 Total 201 ETc YES 17 91.85 1829.50 NO 184 103.69 19079.50 Total 201 ETd YES 17 133.68 2272.500 NO 184 97.98 18028.500 Total 201

208

Table 5.20 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with ET: Tawheed

Eta ETb ETc ETd Mann-Whitney U 354.000 1619.500 1619.500 1008.500 Wilcoxon W 17374.000 19079.500 19079.500 18028.500 Z -5.849 -1.724 -1.724 -2.463 Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .088 .088 .014

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_ET

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of eschatology terms presented as ETa, ETb, ETc, ETd, and ETe in table 5.19, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category were ―borrowing‖,

―combination of equivalence and borrowing‖, ―generalization‖, and ―equivalence‖ respectively.

As table 5.19 shows, in the case of ETa, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=17, Mean Rank = 172.18) and those who had no familiarity (n=184, Mean Rank = 94.42) with original IRCT in the category of eschatology terms in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious item. In other word, participants familiar with original term in the category of eschatology terms preferred borrowing (U = 354.000, z = -5.849, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

In the case of ETb, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=17, Mean Rank = 91.85) and those who had no familiarity (n=184, Mean

Rank = 103.69) with original IRCT in the category of eschatology terms in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated term. In other words, participants

209 familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of eschatology terms preferred combination of equivalence and borrowing (U = 1619.500, z = -1.724, p = .088) similarly.

In the case of ETc, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=17, Mean Rank = 91.85) and those who had no familiarity (n=184, Mean

Rank = 103.69) with original IRCT in the category of eschatology terms in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious item. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of eschatology terms preferred generalization (U = 1619.500, z = -1.724, p = .088) similarly.

As for ETd, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=17, Mean Rank = 133.68) and those who had no familiarity (n=184,

Mean Rank = 97.98) with original IRCT in the category of eschatology terms in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious element. In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of eschatology terms preferred equivalence (U = 1008.500, z = -2.463, p = .014) significantly more than those unfamiliar with the term.

5.2.10 Respondents’ Preference for the Miscellaneous Religious Term: Shirk

Table 5.21 Mean Rank of TT Respondents Familiarity with MRT: Shirk

Fam_MRT1 N Mean Rank Sum of Ranks MRTa YES 15 175.47 2632.00 NO 186 94.99 17669.00 Total 201 MRTb YES 15 74.53 1118.00

210

NO 186 103.13 19183.00 Total 201

Table 5.22 Evaluating Significance of Respondents Familiarity with MRT: Shirk

MRT1a MRT1b Mann-Whitney U 278.000 998.000 Wilcoxon W 17669.000 1118.000 Z -5.578 -1.882 Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .060

a. Grouping Variable: Fam_MRT

Respondents‘ preference for the selected translated IRCT in the category of miscellaneous religious terms presented as MRTa and MRTb in table 5.21, were examined. The translation procedures used in this category in the first example were

―borrowing‖ and ―equivalence‖ respectively.

As table 5.21 shows, there was a statistically significant difference between participants who had familiarity (n=15, Mean Rank = 175.47) and those who had no familiarity (n=186, Mean Rank = 94.99) with original IRCT in the category of miscellaneous religious terms in terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated term (MRTa). In other words, participants familiar with original term in the category of miscellaneous religious terms preferred borrowing (U = 278.000, z = -5.578, p = .000) significantly more than those having no familiarity.

As for MRTb, there was no statistical difference between participants who had familiarity (n=15, Mean Rank = 74.53) and those who had no familiarity (n=186, Mean

Rank = 103.13) with original IRCT in the category of miscellaneous religious terms in

211 terms of their level of preference for the selection of translated religious element. In other words, participants familiar and unfamiliar with original term in the category of miscellaneous religious terms preferred equivalence (U = 998.000, z = -1.882, p = .060) similarly.

5.3 Summary of the Chapter

In this chapter, the analysis of a questionnaire designed for evaluating respondents‘ preference for the translation of IRCTs was described. All of the items of the questionnaire were evaluated statistically to show respondents‘ preference for the different types of translating in each category. The analyzed IRCTs include: 1) religious clothes ―Ihram‖, 2) religious artifacts ―tasbih‖, 3) religious site ―haram‖, 4) supernatural beings ―khannas‖, 5) religious activity ―jihad‖, 6) second example of religious activitiy

―azan‖, 7) religious groups ―imams‖, 8) another example of religious group, ―hajjis‖, 9) eschatology terms ―tawheed‖, 10) miscellaneous religious term ―shirk‖. The analysis of each IRCT included an examination of the extent to which the respondents are familiar with each of the IRCT. The respondents‘ preferences for the translation of IRCT were analyzed. A detailed analysis of the findings of this chapter will be presented in the next chapter.

212

CHAPTER 6

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Overview

In this chapter, possible explanations and justifications for the findings of the study in two previous chapters; chapter 4 and 5, will be given in the framework of translation, cultural studies and norm theory. In section 6.1 an overview of the research method will be presented and then, the research questions of the current study are answered. In section 6.2 the result of the type of IRCTs and their frequency in each category in the

STs and TTs will be analyzed. The result shows the category contains the most and the least religious terms. In section 6.3 different ways that translators dealt with IRCTs and procedures they employed in the translation process for transferring cultural load of meaning of religious terms from STs into TTs will be discussed in terms of the effect of each procedure in transferring meaning of IRCTs and its effect on overall translation strategies. As a result of the analysis of translation procedures, norms concerning translating Persian IRCTs into English will be extracted. In section 6.4 results of the analysis of TT respondents‘ preference for translated IRCTs will be presented and discussed. In section 6.5, a summary of the research findings and the discussion are given with reference to the research problems, gaps and objectives and finally, some contributions of the study are explained and recommendations for further researches will be made at the end of the chapter.

213

6.2 Summary of the Research Method

This research is based on the study of the classification of cultural-religious elements, their translations into English and the target reader's opinion on the translations with regard to theory of norm, as well as two concepts of domestication and foreignization.

The position of modern Persian literature in the socio-cultural context of translation in the target context over the past three decades were examined in order to address the issues that have affected translation in general, and in particular, translation of Farsi books. For this purpose, Toury‘s (1995) DTS paradigm was chosen. In the next step,

Islamic religious cultural terms (IRCTs) in the selected corpus were identified in this research and then classified based on a model of categorization of Religious terms proposed by AlGhamdi (2016). However, the study of religious terms was not limited to this model, and based on the selected corpus in this research and identification of some new terms that were not defined in AlGhamdi‘s model, this model was expanded. Vinay and Darbelnet‘s (1995) translation method was applied in this study to examine translators‘ performance. Similar to AlGhamdi‘s model, their model was extended and modified based on the new translation procedures that were not included in Vinay and

Darbelnet‘s (1995) suggested model. According to Toury‘s (1995) Norm theory, translation must be carried out in accordance with target‘s socio-cultural context; the policies for the publication of translated books and position of translation in the target context and target reader's preference. Therefore, the norm theory in this research drew on Toury‘s (1995) proposed model. Also, in order to show orientation of translation procedures, and overall strategies of the translation, two concepts of domestication and foreignization suggested by Venuti (2004) were applied in this research. Through

214 analyzing the translation procedures used by translators based on these two concepts, norm of translating IRCTs was determined. Subsequently, preference of the English- speaking readers for the translation of Islamic terms from Persian into English was examined and compared with translators‘ performance.

6.3 Research Questions

In this section, the researcher attempts to synthesize the findings of both quantitative and qualitative analyses in order to answer the three research questions.

First Research Question: The first question ‗What are the Islamic religious cultural terms and how they be classified in Lost in the Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam translated from Persian into English?‘ was answered when the researcher follows previous studies on different categorizations of religious terms. As it was mentioned in chapter two (cf. section 2.6), cultural terms were divided into different categories. One of these categories is religious culture. Accordingly, IRCTs in the corpus of this study were divided into 13 categories. The categorization was based on the analysis of 1160 IRCTs extracted from three source texts namely Xasi dar Miqat (1966), Hajj (1978), and Shie dar Eslam (1963).

Findings of the study reveal that previous models for the categorization of religious cultural terms do not match appropriately to the current study. The selection of religious terms in each research can vary, depending on the chosen corpus, and can be specific to a single research. In previous research, only one text was chosen as the corpus of the study and the framework was adjusted based on the findings of that research. The

215 findings of a new research might show new items. Through following a taxonomy and ignoring new items with religious cultural load of meaning can led to the loss of meaning of the ST in the TT. Therefore, AlGhamdi‘s (2016) framework was applied in this study as a guide but this framework could not cover comprehensively all IRCTs identified in the selected corpus. In this study 13 categories of IRCTs were found. The following figure illustrates the suggested categories in the present study.

Figure 6.1 An Improved Taxonomy for Collecting IRCTs in the Persian Corpus

As it is shown in figure 6.1, IRCTs were divided into 13 categories in this study.

Compared to previous categorizations in chapter two, this categorization is along with more details. These types of IRCTs were extracted from a quite larger corpus compared to previous corpus discussed in the literature. The corpus of the current study includes three Persian books with religious content. The analysis shows that a total of 1160

IRCTs were identified in the Persian corpus of this study. A general picture of types of

IRCTs in the Persian corpus along with frequency of occurrence of Islamic terms in each category was taken into consideration in the following chart:

216

Figure 6.2 Frequency of types of IRCTs identified in the Persian corpus

As the figure 6.2 shows, a total of 1160 IRCTs were found in the corpus. The most frequent category of religious terms belongs to specialized religious activities. 216 items were found, in the corpus that belong to this category. The second most frequent category of religious terms is generic nouns of religious terms. It covers 203 items and the least frequent category of religious terms, eschatology terms, covers only 41 items out of 1160 RCTs.

The suggested taxonomy by AlGhamdi (2016) was modified based on the purpose of this study. Two categories were at the conceptual level; at this level the whole sentence holds a religious meaning (cf. section 2.8.3). Therefore, two categories in the previous taxonomy were excluded from the taxonomy applied in the current research. These two categories of IRCTs are moral and ethical criteria and terms of revelation. Moreover, two categories were added to the previous model because somes new features of religious items found in the corpus had not been addressed in AlGhamdi‘s (2016)

217 taxonomy. The identified items were listed under the categories of religious clothes and miscellaneous religious terms.

AlGhamdi‘s (2016) classification lacks category of religious clothes as a separate type with a series of terms that bear religious meaning. Category of clothes is one of the distinguishing features in each religion and religious people depending on their religion wear a particular type of clothes. It is different even in Muslim communities and Muslim people wear different types of clothes and in different colors to be distinguished from other religions. This item exists in Newmark‘s (2003) model but it was referred as a general term that includes all types of dresses.

The category of miscellaneous religious terms covers various terms containing religious load of meaning that were not listed in AlGhamdi‘s taxonomy. They include, for instance, abstract nouns with highly religious meaning such as ‗halal’ (permitted),

‗haram‘ (forbidden), ‗tabarrok‘, special religious food, ‗halva‘, ‗sacrificial meat‘,

Islamic religious obligations such as ‗khums‘, ‗zakat‘, optional religious acts such as

‗fatihah‘, ‗hijab‘, ‗sadagheh‘(alms). They were collected in one category.

These results and findings imply that Persian texts are rich in Islamic religious terms that may not exist in books that belongs to other Islamic languages and in books that belong to other religious cultures. It is due to differences between Middle Eastern

Islamic cultures and other cultures and religions. The analysis of the IRCTs shows that although AlGhamdi‘s (2016) taxonomy was once applied to identify Islamic religious items in an Arabic text, it was modified once more in the Persian corpus. It implies that cultural gap exists even between two Muslim Middle Eastern societies that believe in

218 two different branches of Islam. It is also rooted in the differences between Arabic and

Persian in terms of cultural background and language. Hence, the taxonomy presented in this study is the result of these differences.

Second Research Question: To answer the second question ‗What are the procedures used in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms in Lost in the

Crowd, Hajj, and Shi’ite Islam translated from Persian into English?‘ a comparative analysis of IRCTs in the STs and TTs was performed in chapter four. In the analysis of procedures applied in the translation of IRCTs from Persian into English 17 procedures were recognized. The procedures were categorized in accordance with two general notions of domestication and foreignization proposed by Venuti (2004). The framework for the recognition of translation procedures was taken from Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) and Mansor (2011) framework (cf. section 2.8.4 & 2.8.5). Vinay and Darbelent‘s proposed set of translation procedures pertain to two overall strategies of domestication and foreignization. In this study, frequency rate of translation procedures was calculated and procedures were evaluated based on the scale of domestication and foreignization.

Procedures found in this study that determine the orientation of translation towards foreignization were ‗borrowing‘, ‗calque‘, and ‗literal translation‘, ‗combination of borrowing and literal translation‘, ‗chapter-end notes‘, ‗end-of-volume glossary‘,

‗explicative gloss‘. Rest of translation procedures including ‗transposition‘,

‗equivalence‘, ‗addition and specification‘, ‗generalization‘, ‗lexical specification‘ and

‗deletion‘ are procedures that turn the translation orientation towards domestication.

Two procedures such as ‗modulation‘ and ‗partial deletion‘ can direct orientation to both

219 sides. Moreover, there are cases of IRCTs translated through combination of two procedures that provide a neutral ground. Since they contribute to the naturalness and transparency of a translation, based on Venuti‘s (1995) claim, they are located in the domestication group. The frequency rate of procedures is illustrated below.

Figure 6.3 Frequencies of Translation Procedures in Rendering Persian IRCTs into English

Results of the analysis of data in the present study show norm of translating religious term in the corpus of the present study. It shows that equivalence is the most widely used procedure in the translation process which occurred in 211 cases (18%). This procedure leads translation towards domestication strategy. The high frequency rate of this procedure indicates that translators by applying this procedure replaced the original term with the most ethno-centric term in the TT. As a result, the flavor of original Persian term is not transferred to the target reader. The second most frequently used procedure is literal translation adopted by translators 173 times (15%). It can be claimed that translators by applying this procedure assume that they are translating a text for a readership that has a lesser knowledge of Eastern Muslim cultures and consequently,

Islamic terms and concepts. The use of this procedure increases foreignness of the text to

220 a lesser extent compared to other procedures. Addition and specification is the third most frequent procedure 150 Persian IRCTs (13%) were rendered into English through this procedure. Similar to equivalence, this procedure contributes to the naturalness and removal of any traces of foreignness from the TT. The high rate of this procedure shows that translators considerably followed the ethnocentric norm dominant in the target context.

The procedure of borrowing as the fourth most frequent procedure was traced in 117 cases (10%). This procedure is applied because of lack of IRCT in the target language. It reflects the gap between the ST and the TT cultures. As a result, original term is rendered into the most ethno-deviant term in the TT. Foreignness of the original Islamic term is maintained, to a great extent, in the translation. Translators, by employing this procedure, sometimes deviated from the norm in the target context. In addition, the analysis of data shows that 108 cases (9%) were identified belonging to transposition. It occupied the fifth place among all procedures applied by translators in this study. By applying this procedure, translation was led towards domestication strategy.

The English translation of Persian IRCTs shows a quite considerable number of undertranslation. In other words, Islamic terms were excluded in the translation process; it can be deleted partially or completely. 62 cases (5%) were deleted through using procedure of deletion and 32 cases (3%) identified in the corpus that were removed partially. That is to say, part of a compound word is ignored in the translation process.

Procedure of complete deletion is applied by translators for some reasons. If a text is too complicated to be comprehended without explanation, translators usually make the text

221 easier for the target reader by removing some technical terms. Another reason that can be mentioned for undertranslation is the non-existence of a cultural term in the TL correspondent to the source item. As for partial deletion, translators assume that, when a term is repeated continuously throughout the text, the target reader knows about the meaning of the word, therefore, they ignore the complementary part of the word in the process of translating. These procedures led translation towards domestication strategy.

Cases of overtranslation were also identified in the analysis of data. It indicates that translators combine two procedures to bridge the referential gap in transferring the meaning from the SL into the TL. Results of the analysis of data uncover that this procedure was employed by translators to a quite large degree. Finally, procedures were located on the scale of domestication and foreignization in order to be evaluated.

Frequency and percentage of these procedures for transferring IRCTs from Persian into

English are presented in the following table:

Table 6.1 Frequency and Percentage of Translation procedures for Transferring Persian IRCTs into English Category of Translation Translation Procedure Frequency Percentage

strategy

Foreignization Borrowing 117 10%

Calque 29 3%

Literal Translation 173 15%

Borrowing + Literal Translation 24 2%

Modulation 12 1%

Partial deletion 5 1%

Chapter- end notes 21 2%

222

End-of-volume glossary 26 2%

Explicative Gloss 19 2%

Domestication Transposition 108 9%

Modulation 4 1%

Equivalence 211 18%

Addition and Specification 150 13%

Generalization 65 6%

Lexical Specification 36 3%

Deletion 62 5%

Partial deletion 27 2%

Neutral Explicitation + Borrowing 14 1%

Borrowing + Equivalence 57 5%

As figure 6.3 shows, results of the analysis of data, based on the scale of domestication and foreignization, revealed that 426 items out of 1160 IRCTs in the

Persian corpus were translated into English through using foreignization strategy. In other words, foreignization was used 37% of cases, while 663 cases out of 1160 IRCTs were rendered into English through domestication strategy. In other words, domestication was employed in 57% of cases. Moreover, 71 items out of 1160 IRCTs were rendered into English through employing combination of two procedures. That is to say, compound procedures were adopted by translators only in 6% of cases; one procedure is oriented towards a foreignizing strategy and the other one towards a domesticating strategy. Hence, because of creating neutral ground, they keep naturalness of the text and contribute to a domesticating translation. To sum up, distribution of

223 procedures between two strategies of domestication and foreignization led the process of transferring meaning to the TT towards a domesticated translation.

Figure 6.4 Distribution of Categories of Translation Strategies used in Rendering Persian IRCTs into English

The findings of the study reveal that degree of foreignization of translation is quite considerable. It indicates that translators by applying procedures belong to direct method in the translation of IRCTs intended to highlight Iranianness of the translated texts and accordingly, to decentrize the dominant monolingual Western culture and language through introducing the original Eastern Islamic terms to the Western readers.

Foreignizing translation is not in accordance with the norms of target language and culture. In spite of it, the results of the study prove that translation of Persian Islamic cultural terms is in accordance with the norms of target context. As figure 6.4 shows, translators followed the norms of the US context and domesticated the terms in order to create a fluent and transparent text for the target readers. The problem is that, according to Venuti (1995, p. 327), ―the dominance of fluent strategies and the transparency‖ undoubtedly limits ―the recognition of translation as a significant cultural practice‖ and consequently, ―translation is led to marginalization‖. He goes on to assert that foreignization, on the other hand, brings out ―a greater respect for cultural difference, a

224 new American openness towards foreign languages and literatures that will give translation more authority‖ (ibid).

Third Research Question: To answer the third question ‗What is the readers‘ preference in the translation of Islamic religious cultural terms from Persian into

English?‘ a questionnaire was adapted. The analysis of data shows that among the procedures presented in the questionnaire, the most preferred translation procedure is equivalence. As for familiarity with the Islamic term included as a variable in the questionnaire, it was aimed to see whether certain differences in respondents‘ preference for translation procedures exist between those familiar and unfamiliar with the terms.

The analysis of the data revealed that there is a significant difference between familiarity or unfamiliarity with the term and respondents‘ preferences. In other words, in 20 cases of IRCTs out of 33 cases there was a meaningful relationship for the choice of translation procedure between those familiar with the term and those unfamiliar.

Translation procedures were illustrated in the following table:

Table 6.2 The Most Preferred Procedures in the Translation of IRCTs

Procedure Mean Borrowing 2.44 Addition and specification 3.29 Compound procedures 4.26 Generalization 2.66 Equivalence 4.19 Lexical Specification 2.27

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As the scholars in the field of translation studies have mentioned (Leppihalmeh 1997,

Nord 2005, Davies 2003), the procedures that translators choose to translate a text should be in accordance with the reader's expectation. It means that the western English- speaking readers of Persian books prefer to read fluent English translations of Persian books. Target readers also expect that translated books to be in line with norms of translation into the ethnocentric language in the world, that is to say, English language and culture. The translators should not maintain strangeness of the text in the TL and interrupt the flow of reading of the text for the reader by putting strange and unknown terms in the TT. Thus, target readers seek a domesticated translation that conforms to the norms of Western cultures and English language.

6.4 Summary of the Main Findings

The present study began with addressing some problems and gaps extracted from the literature. The first problem was about identifying and categorizing types of IRCTs. The selected corpus is composed of three books that form modern Persian literature. It represents Iranian socio-linguistic context and, therefore, it contains religious terms commonly used only in the Middle Eastern Islamic context. The problem in the analysis of translation of culture-specific terms is the lack of a framework to help the researcher include all types of, in this study; IRCTs that exist in the corpus. Classifications proposed in the previous studies did not accommodate types of IRCTs identified in the corpus of this study. Islamic terms identified in the present corpus are the result of the existing gap not only between an Islamic Eastern culture and a Western culture but also between two different Islamic Middle Eastern cultures. It is the result of the differences

226 in terms of cultural background and language systems between Persian and English as well as Persian and Arabic. The proposed model, in this study, for identifying and then categorizing cultural religious terms is valuable as it reveals the intricacies of Persian language and culture compared to English and Arabic.

The findings regarding the significant role of translation procedures in order to attract target readers and publishers to form a literary canon, translators must follow the target cultural norms. In other words, it must be a text that the foreignness is reduced. In the current study, Islamic terms in the translation process have undergone changes to reduce the foreignness of the TT terms and bring them closer to target culture norms of the target context. The findings revealed the norms of translating Persian IRCTs into

English. It highlights the dominance of fluency and transparency reflected in the types of procedures translators opted for the translation of Persian IRCTs. The procedures are more in line with English cultural norms which is a domesticating strategy.

Target readers‘ preference for English translation of Persian IRCTs revealed that their preference is dominated by the norms of translating into English as the most ethnocentric language in the world. Moreover, the effectiveness of the factor of familiarity with the source culture on their preference for the type of translated IRCTs was investigated. Result of the analysis showed that familiarity was an effective factor on the respondents‘ preference for certain types of translated IRCTs.

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6.5 Contributions of the Study

In this research, Persian Islamic religious terms translated into English in non-fiction literature were investigated with a theoretical approach to the concept of norm and the concepts of foreignization and domestication. Based on the results of the study, both theoretical and methodological contributions are listed below.

This research examined the socio-cultural context of translation in the modern era. It also explored the political, cultural, and financial factors which have affected the marginalization of modern Persian literature. It provides a ground for the analysis of translation of modern Persian literature written in various genres translated into Western languages from a socio-cultural perspective.

This research modified previous taxonomy proposed by AlGhamdi (2016) for the identification of religious elements and provided a more precise categorization of religious terms based on Shiite Islamic culture of Iran. In this study, more attention was paid to identifying cultural-religious elements and their categorization. The study also showed that, despite similarity between Arab and Iranian cultures, there is still a cultural gap, and this cultural and linguistic gap between these two cultures has had an impact on the diversity of religious elements. In other words, some words that do not bear religious load of meaning in other Islamic communities contain religious meanings in the Iranian

Shiite cultural context. In this way, the current classification can provide researchers with a more precise classification of religious elements.

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The third contribution is that it specified the model of translation procedures proposed by Vinay and Darbelnet (1995) and extended by Mansor (2011) and suggests a more accurate model of translation procedures to cover nuances of translating religious terms. This study reveals that cultural gap between two heterogeneous cultures; one

Middle Eastern and the other one Western culture, may affect translators‘ translatorial behavior and the way they tackle with the transfer of meaning of original religious- cultural terms. The modified model can assist researchers to analyze translation of cultural terms in the future studies with more details.

Another contribution of this research is that it extracted norms of translating IRCTs from Persian into English. A list of the most frequent used translation procedures in the translation of Persian IRCTs into English was provided. These procedures can help translators in the translation of cultural terms in the future.

This research is a preliminary step to involve target readers in an investigation of a translated text to examine their translation preference. Translators have repeatedly explained in the preface of their books about how texts were translated so as to be accepted by the target readers and experts in the field of translation studies have pointed to the need for the readers to be involved in the examination of translations, but in the translation of the religious terms, a research did not take place to directly examine the preference of the target readers.

Finally, some parts of the findings, like the list of procedures illustrated in table 6.2 can be useful as a guideline for amateur translators to translate religious terms based on readers‘ preference.

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6.6 Recommendation for Further Researches

This study was limited to the investigation of norms in the translation of Islamic terms in non-fiction literature translated and published in the US and target readers preference for its translation. A further research can be undertaken with a wider outlook to investigate reception of translated books considered as best-selling books by examining the feedbacks given by various groups of people such as researchers who publish articles on such books in scholarly journals, reviewers who comment on them in magazines, and readers who publish comment on websites about popular translated book to highlight the influential linguistic and extra-linguistic factors in the success of a translation.

Nuances of translating religious cultural terms can be investigated in literary genres and between two other languages. The scope of this study was limited to the translation of Islamic terms in non-fiction texts but religious terms can be traced in many genres. It is an interesting topic to investigate translators‘ behavior in terms of translating religious cultural terms related to other religions from an original language to a target language.

As for the elements of culture, the realm of culture is extended to cover various aspects (Nida 1947, pp. 94-103). One of these aspects of culture is linguistic culture.

Translation of syntactic aspect of linguistic culture can be a topic for another study in order to see how translators deal with them.

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6.7 Conclusion

Language is the carrier of culture and in a cross-cultural context as in translation, religious culture constraints are more intense. In the present study, attention was especially paid to the rendering of religious cultural terms from a Middle Eatern Islamic culture and language (Persian) into a Western culture and language (English) with regard to the cultural gap between them.

The analysis of the procedures of translation used in their rendition uncovers the norm that regulates the task of translators. It shows that translation is dominated by the norm of the most ethnocentric culture and language in the world. As a result, translators are invisible to the reader. Meanwhile, translation is done for the target reader, the investigation of target readers‘ preference for the translation of highly religiously loaded terms was carried out with no intention to criticize but rather to describe and investigate.

Accordingly, the present study has taken research on Persian literature a step further. It promoted corpus-based investigation in the field of TS and brought to the spot light the non-fiction modern literature, a genre that has rarely intrigged the curiosity of researchers in literary translation. All the same, the field of TS remains under-researched and further efforts are encouraged to enrich the literature and improve the practice of literary translation.

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APPENDIX A

Samples of Data Cells

Sample of Data Cells

Samples of Data Cells

APPENDIX B

Islamic Religious Cultural Terms in Translation Questionnaire

Introduction and Basic Information for Participants

This questionnaire relates to the translation of religious texts from Persian into English. The instrument is intended to collect data based on your level of preference of the bold italic underlined „words‟ or „phrases‟ in the various English translations of selected excerpts taken from religious texts. I would be very grateful if you could help me by finding the time (15 to 20 minutes) to complete the survey as carefully and completely as you can. There are no “right” or “wrong” answers. The contents of this questionnaire are absolutely confidential. Information identifying the respondent will not be disclosed under any circumstances. I hope you will find the survey interesting and I look forward to receiving your response. Thank you very much in advance for your valuable support!

Mehri Ebrahimi, PhD candidate, USM, Penang, Malaysia

Please indicate your preferences on the six-point rating scale by marking one of the scores: 1= Strongly Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3= Slightly Disagree, 4= Partially Agree, 5 = Agree, 6 = Strongly Agree

a) Demographic Information: 1. Gender: Male Female 2. Age: 18-25 26-36 37-47 48 and above 3. Religion: Christian Jewish Buddhist Others (please specify) ………………. 4. Native Language: ………………………………… 5. Current level of education: Diploma Bachelor Master PhD b)In case you are a student or graduated from university answer question 7: 6. Field of Study: Arts Sciences Others (please specify) …..… 7. What kind of books do you usually like to read? (Please specify): Fiction Nonfiction such as: Biography and memoir Philosophy Culture and religion Science Politics Economy

ISTRUCTION: Please read the statements given below and circle ONLY ONE of the numbers (from 1 to 6) at the end of each statement which best describes your preference.“1= Strongly Disagree; 2 = Disagree; 3 = Slightly Disagree; 4 = Partially Agree; 5 = Agree; 6 = Strongly Agree”

Religious Clothes

Hajjis in ihrams1 were lounging on benches at the edge of the courtyard.

1. It includes men's and women's garments worn by Muslim people during the pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj). Men's garments often consist of two white un-hemmed sheets.