Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twenty-Fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990 (Review)

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Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twenty-Fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990 (Review) Wright State University CORE Scholar History Faculty Publications History 1994 Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twenty-Fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990 (Review) Martin Arbagi Wright State University - Main Campus, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/history Part of the History Commons Repository Citation Arbagi, M. (1994). Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twenty-Fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990 (Review). Speculum: A Journal of Medieval Studies, 69 (4), 1272-1274. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/history/7 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1272 Reviews biographyof a medievalauthor withthe informationneeded for furtherresearch." At present,the seriescomprises two subseries,Historical and ReligiousWriters of the Latin West, edited by PatrickJ. Geary,and EnglishWriters of the Late Middle Ages, edited byM. C. Seymour.Among the authors to be treatedin the latter,the subseriesin question here, are WilliamLangland, John Gower, the Gawain poet, Thomas Hoccleve, and Sir Thomas Malory,several of whom make poor subjects for biographicalresearch strictly speaking. Regardless of one's view of recent death-of-the-authortheories, one has to wonderabout the value of referencebiographies devoted to virtuallyuntraceable figures like Langland or the Gawain poet as well as ask what furtherresearch anyone could possiblyundertake into theirlives. It is not clear, in fact,what scholarly need the English Writersseries fills,apart from that of updating the bibliographiescontained in such referenceworks as the Manual of the Writingsin Middle English,1050-1500 (gen. ed. AlbertE. Hartung)and MiddleEnglish Prose: A CriticalGuide to Major Authorsand Genres (ed. A. S. G. Edwards). There is perhaps a case to be made for the utilityof Seymour'sSir JohnMandeville, since the onlyrecent critical survey of the authorshipquestion is Rita Lejeune's valuable 1964 study,"Jean de Mandevilleet les Liegeois" (in Melanges... offertsa M. Maurice Delbouille;J. R. S. Phillips's 1993 essay, "The Quest for Sir John Mandeville," in The Cultureof Christendom, ed. Marc AntonyMeyer, contains a brieferoverview but otherwise consistsof underinformedspeculation). Unfortunately, Seymour adds almostnothing to Lejeune's study,offering little more than a rehashof the evidence and opinions already available in the introductionsand notes to his several editions of the Middle English redactions.Some of his newer information(e.g., regardingthe author's use of biblical citations)is borrowedfrom Christiane Deluz's Le Livrede jehan de Mandeville:Une "ge'o- graphie"au XIVe s. (Louvain-la-Neuve,1988), an erudite studywhose worth Seymour does not sufficientlyrecognize, while some of his bolder claims (e.g., the author was "a fluentreader of Latin," p. 23) are offeredwithout evidence and contradictDeluz's better- supportedconclusions (e.g., the author's Latin was "assez incertain,"p. 67). In addition, Seymour'splausible but unprovableassertion that the still-unlocatedauthor of TheBook ofJohn Mandeville was French-not English,as both Lejeune and Deluz believe-makes nonsense of the subseries's proclaimed focus on English writers.The bibliographyis inadequate,omitting among otherthings S. A. J. Bradley'saccounts of the Danish version and MaryB. Campbell's Witnessand theOther World. A detailedpresentation of TheBook's complex textualhistory would have been a much more valuable aid to furtherresearch. IAIN HIGGINS, Universityof BritishColumbia JONATHAN SHEPARD and SIMON FRANKLIN, eds., ByzantineDiplomacy. Papers from the Twenty-FourthSpring Symposium of ByzantineStudies, Cambridge, March 1990. (So- cietyfor the Promotionof ByzantineStudies, 1.) Aldershot,Hampshire: Variorum, 1992. Pp. xi, 333; 6 black-and-whiteillustrations. $69.95. The Society for the Promotion of ByzantineStudies has begun its publication series auspiciouslywith the present book. I have complained previouslyin the pages of this journal about pro forma editing,but Shepard and Franklinhave done theirjob well here. Usage, includingabbreviations in footnotes,is uniform.Authors are aware of each other's work,and theirarticles are laced withcross-references. The editors are a bit less successfulin dealing with another dilemma that plagues anthologies:the problemof theme.To be entirelyfair, the difficultymay be an insoluble one, especiallywith as stellar a cast of writersas this group (Ihor Sevcenko, Robin Cormack,John Haldon, JudithHerrin, Alexander Kazhdan, Hugh Kennedy,Ruth Ma- Reviews 1273 crides, and Nicolas Oikonomides,among others). In theoryByzantine Diplomacy has a narrowfocus: it is concerned with the techniquesof Byzantinediplomacy rather than the narrativehistory of individualmissions or of Byzantineforeign relations as a whole. But it is rarelypossible entirelyto eliminatenarrative; and some articles,notably in the section "Byzantiumand Others," are more chronologicalthan analyticalin scope. One problem thisbook touches only lightlyis how one can treatinternational diplomacy as a separate categorywhen Byzantium(like most statesbefore the Renaissance and most nonwesterngovernments until the nineteenthcentury) did not clearlydifferentiate be- tween foreignand domesticaffairs. Afteran introductionby Alexander Kazhdan, "The ByzantineNotion of Diplomacy," ByzantineDiplomacy is dividedinto five further sections: "Phases of ByzantineDiplomacy," "Byzantiumand Others," "Sources on Diplomacy," "Art in Diplomacy," "Social As- pects," and an afterword,"The Less Obvious Ends of ByzantineDiplomacy." My usual procedure-that of notingthose articlesthat most attractedmy attention-is admittedly idiosyncratic,but it has not elicited complaintsin previous reviewsand so I follow it again here. Evangelos Chrysos,Jonathan Shepard, and Nicolas Oiknomidesdelineate the problem of periodization.One possibility(especially appealing to westernmedievalists) is to do so in termsof Byzantinerelations with the Latin West.Until 800 theold empire'sdealings withthe Latins were those of a patron witha client.Between 800 and ca. 1200 the two were on an approximatelyequal footing.After 1204 Byzantiumincreasingly "appeared in the role of an impoverishedand feeble supplicant" (p. 5). But such a periodization is at times inappropriatefor Byzantinediplomacy with the Muslim world or with the peoples of the north.A professionaldiplomatic corps was in all periods frequentlysup- plementedby courtiersor civil servantswho, though experienced, were withoutspe- cialized trainingor knowledge. Especially in the late period, one even comes across outrightamateurs, such as membersof the nobility,medical doctors,clergy, or scholars, as diplomats. "Byzantiumand Others" deals withdiplomacy with (old) Rome, the Franks,Khazars, Arabs, the Russian church, and the Ottomans. Hugh Kennedy makes the surprising observationthat Byzantine diplomacy with the Arabs was largelyrestricted to negotiations for exchanges of prisonersof war, truces,and other short-termissues. There was little attemptat "creat[ing] the conditionsfor longer termsecurity" (p. 133). The section on sources contains two of the most interestingarticles in the book and one disappointment.Roger Scott's short piece, "Diplomacy in the Sixth Century:The Evidence ofJohn Malalas," is succinctand packed withinformation. Scott at least alludes to the questionof whetheror not premodernstates could adequatelydistinguish between internaland foreignpolicy, venturing the opinion that theywere indeed able to do so (p. 163). Ihor Sevcenko's learned and witty"Re-Reading ConstantinePorphyrogenitus" is actuallyan annotatedtranslation of a memorandumfrom Constantine himself, now a residentof "Ouranoupolis." The once shy and reclusivebasileus waxes merryover his apotheosisby modernscholars as a scholar-emperorwhose enlightenedpatronage of art and learningstarted the classical revivalof the Macedonian epoch. In fact,Constantine observes,he was not well educated. Althoughhe did do some writing,many of the works attributedto him were actuallyauthored by others. His classical allusions in some cases were merelycribbed fromsecondary sources, and in others exist only in the minds of modern scholars,eager to see humanisticerudition in textswhere thereis none. Adding insult to injury,the imperial author goes on to write that much of the Macedonian "renaissance" is itselfa fiction.Indeed, Byzantinecivilization does not compare favorably withroughly contemporary cultures further to the east-the Porphyrogenituscites India and Japan as comparisons.It seems to thisreviewer that Constantine has been sneaking 1274 Reviews out of Ouranoupolis to visitThe Other Place and conversingwith the likes of Gibbon and Voltaire.Medieval civilizationhad its collectivemind fixedon the next world (as the basileusshould well understandby now), not thisone, and thatis reflectedin its art and literature.Constanze Schummer'sbrief piece on Liudprand of Cremona makes the ob- vious point thatdespite his sophisticationand knowledgeof Greek,the Lombard bishop was not by temperamentfitted for diplomacy-somethingthat also could be said of Humbertof Silva Candida in the next century. Aftera sectionon the diplomaticuses of art,Byzantine Diplomacy concludes withP. T. Antonopoulos's essay,"The Less
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