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The Socialist Vote in the Municipal Elections of 1917

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The Socialist Vote in the Municipal Elections of 1917 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VII, No. 2 MARCH,1918 TOTALNo. 28 Ordinarily the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW should be in the hands of member8 and sub8n'bcrr uithin a wcek of the first day o/ the month8 o/ publication. to wit. January, March, May, Julu, September, and November. The eztraotdimry conditions ol the last siz months, howerer. haoe resulted in numerow delaus. I/ the magazine is not receined by the 15th of the month of issue. the Eddor will be greatly obliged i/ u postal to 4hal efed is aent lo his ofice. 709 Nort? American Buildinu. Philadelphia. THE SOCIALIST VOTE IN THE MUNIC- IPAL ELECTIONS OF 1917 BY PAUL H. DOUGLAS Reed College, Portland, Ore. ERHAPS the most remarkable feature of the municipal elections of last November was the large vote polled by the Socialist party. P Hitherto American socialism had found a strong foothold in but a few municipalities. Schnectady, Hamilton, Ohio, Milwaukee, and recently Minneapolis, were the only cities where the Socialist vote could be said to be of serious importance. Indeed, contrary to general opin- ion, the greatest relative strength of the Socialist party has been in agra- rian and mining states rather than in urban and manufacturing states. Oklahoma, Nevada, Idaho, Montana, and Washington have been the strongholds of the party while New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Massachusetts have been in the lower half.' The municipal elections of 1917 show a remarkable gain in the urban districts of the east and middle 1 The relative ranking of the states as regards the Socialist strength in the presidential elections of 1916, together with the percentage of the total vote polled by the Socialist electors in each state, is as follows: Oklahoma, 15.6, Nevada, 13.1, Florida, 6.6, Wiscon- sin, 6.2, Idaho, 6.0, Washington, 5.9, Arizona, 5.5, Montana, 5.4, Texas, 5.1, North Dakota, 4.9, Minnesota, 4.8, California, 4.3, Arkansas, 4.2, Kansas, 3.9, Oregon, 3.7, Colorado, 3.4, Indiana, 3.4, Ohio, 3.4, Pennsylvania, 3.3, Utah, 3.1, New Mexico, 3.0, South Dakota, 2.9, Illinois, 2.8, New York, 2.6, Wyoming, 2.6, Michigan, 2.5, Nebraska, 2.5, Connecticut, 2.4, Rhode Island, 2.2, Iowa, 2.1, Massachusetts, 2.1, New Jersey, 2.1, West Virginia, 2.1, Missouri, 1.9, Mississippi, 1.7, Maine, 1.6, Alabama, 1.5, New Hamp- shire, 1.5, Vermont, 1.2, Maryland, 1.0. The Socialist vote was less than 1 per cent in Delaware, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina and North Carolina. The order which the state6 occupied as regards the percentage of Socialist votes cast was approximately the same in 1912. 131 132 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March west. This gain is all the more remarkable when we consider that the Socialist vote for President declined from approximately 900,000 in 1912 to 590,000 in 1916, a loss of about 45 per cent,. Since the discussion of war policies played such a large part in all these municipal elections, it is worth while to determine just what the declared purpose of the Socialist party has been towards the war and its prosecu- tion. The Socialist party from 1914 on had opposed entrance by the United States into the war. An emergency convention, meeting in April, after war had actually been declared protested against the declara- tion and pledged the party to “continuous, active, and public opposition to the war through demonstrations, mass petitions, and all other means within our power.”z This was followed on June 10 by a proclamation of the executive committee asking for a referendum on conscription and a clear statement of the country’s war aims and purposes. During the summer and fall the People’s Council and the Socialist party co-operated in the campaign for a statement of our war aims and for a peace by negotiation. The attitude of the party was strongly opposed by a group of the “in- tellectuals.” Charles Edward Russell, A. M. Simons, John Spargo, J. G. Phelps-Stokes and others either withdrew or were expelled. The rank and file of the membership, however, increased. CITY ELECTIONS WAGED ON INTERNATIONAL ISSUES.* Since it was an odd year the municipal elections, with the exception of a few state elections, were the only ones held. They presented the unique spectacle of city elections waged not only on local but on international issues. It was soon discovered that the Socialist party would command more support than ever before. Consequently the old parties attacked the Socialists on the issue of patriotism, labelling them almost universally as traitors. The Socialists were charged with seeking to bring about a separate peace with Germany. This they denied, asserting that like the Russians they stood for a general and not a separate peace. The campaign for and against socialism was then waged both on the question of the socialization of industry and on the question of the war. It is the purpose of this article to study the Socialist vote in the various municipal elections and to interpret the results which the election statis- tics dhow. I. NEW YORK CITY Morris Hillquit, the Socialist mayoralty candidate, pledged himself to continue the efficiency methods of Mayor Mitchel and to extend the edu- See The American Socialists and the War edited by Alexander Trachtenberg, p. 42. a See NATIONALMUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vii, p. 42. 19181 SOCIALIST VOTE IN MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 133 cational facilities of the city. He strongly urged municipal ownership of public utilities and a general peace. A feature of the campaign played up by Hillquit’s opponents was his refusal to subscribe to liberty bonds. His opponents charged him with being unpatriotic and accused him of obstructing the progress of the war. When the votes were counted it was found that Hillquit had polled 90,000 more votes than Bennet, the Republican candidate, and was within a few thousand of Mitchel’s total.4 The great increase in the Socialist vote over the last election is seen by the following table: Per Cent Socialist Vote Total Mayoralty Vote Socialist of Total 1913 ........ 32,057 624,157 5.1 1917 ........ 145,895 671,334 21.7 The relative increase in strength was approximately 425 per cent. Nor was the Socialist strength confined to the vote for mayor. That cast for the other candidates was nearly as large. The Socialist candidate for controller and president of the board of aldermen polled 19.6 per cent and 19.4 per cent respectively of the total civilian vote, while Mr. Block polled 19.2 per cent of the city’s vote in the election of attorney-general for the state. The Socialists, moreover, elected ten assemblymen-a gain of eight-six aldermen when they had never before elected one, and a municipal court judge for the first time, in the person of Jacob Panken, a well-known labor attorney. The vote by boroughs for mayor was interesting: Per Cent Borough Socialist Vote Total Vote Socialist of Total Manhattan. ........ 51,185 244,605 20.9 Bronx. ............. 30,347 96,716 31.5 Brooklyn. .......... 49,434 246,124 20.1 Queens. ............. 13,445 68,585 19.6 Richmond. ......... 1,484 15,287 9.7 The figures in the last table show an even distribution of strength in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Queens, a comparatively small vote in little Richmond5 and a truly extraordinary vote in the Bronx. The Browns- ville district in Brooklyn and the East Side in Manhattan were Socialist strongholds. The high percentage in the Bronx is explained by the presence of a large immigrant and poverty-stricken population. Rich- mond, a borough inhabited by the middle class, would naturally be the least affected by Socialism. THE SOLDIER VOTE IN NEW YORK CITY Because of the war, many thousand voters were compelled to cast their ballots in camp. These votes were not counted until December 18. 4 This includes the soldier aa well 88 the civilian vote. 6 The Socialist vote in Richmond waa a big increase, however, over that of 1913. 134 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March A comparison of the soldier vote for mayor with that of the civilian popu- lation follows : Per cent Socialkt Vote Total Vote Socialist of Total Civilian vote. ........ 142,178 642,445 22.1 Soldier vote. ......... 3,717 28,889 12.9 These figures prove that the strength of the Socialist party was only 60 per cent as great among the soldiers as among the civilian population. The soldiers’ vote indeed deprived the Socialists of an assembly seat they would otherwise have possessed and broke an aldermanic tie against them. It should not be overlooked, however, that even in the army the party polled nearly three times as great a percentage of the vote as was cast in the entire city in 1913. On the other hand, 66.39 per cent of the soldiers voted for woman suffrage while only 58.4 per cent of the civilian popula- tion favored extending the ballot to women. The different attitude of the soldiers from that of the civilian popula- tion on these two questions may be due either to the fact that they were soldiers or to the fact that they were of a younger age group than the population as a whole. It is probable that the first factor was the chief cause for the less support given Hillquit and that the latter was the main reason for the greater support given woman suffrage. 11. OTHER EASTERN CITIES In Schenectady, New York, on the other hand, the Socialist vote fell off.
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