Emergency Convention of Socialist Party [Aug
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SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
The Death of the Socialist Party. by J
Engdahl: The Death of the Socialist Party [Oct. 1924] 1 The Death of the Socialist Party. by J. Louis Engdahl Published in The Liberator, v. 7, no. 10, whole no. 78 (October 1924), pp. 11-14. This year, 1924, will be notable in American It was at that time that I had a talk with Berger, political history. It will record the rise and the fall of enjoying his first term as the lone Socialist Congress- political parties. There is no doubt that there will be a man. He pushed the Roosevelt wave gently aside, as if realignment of forces under the banners of the two it were unworthy of attention. old parties, Republican and Democratic. The Demo- “In order to live, a political party must have an cratic Party is being ground into dust in this year’s economic basis,” he said. “The Roosevelt Progressive presidential struggle. Wall Street, more than ever, sup- Party has no economic basis. It cannot live.” That ports the Republican Party as its own. Middle class settled Roosevelt in Berger’s usual brusque style. elements, with their bourgeois following in the labor It is the same Berger who this year follows movement, again fondly aspire to a third party, a so- unhesitatingly the LaFollette candidacy, the “Roose- called liberal or progressive party, under the leader- velt wave” of 1924. To be sure, the officialdom of or- ship of Senator LaFollette. This is all in the capitalist ganized labor is a little more solid in support of LaFol- camp. lette in 1924 than it was in crawling aboard the Bull For the first time, this year, the Communists are Moose bandwagon in 1912. -
VILLA I TAT TI Via Di Vincigliata 26, 50135 Florence, Italy
The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies VILLA I TAT TI Via di Vincigliata 26, 50135 Florence, Italy Volume 30 E-mail: [email protected] / Web: http://www.itatti.it Tel: +39 055 603 251 / Fax: +39 055 603 383 Autumn 2010 or the eighth and last time, I fi nd Letter from Florence to see art and science as sorelle gemelle. Fmyself sitting on the Berenson gar- The deepening shadows enshroud- den bench in the twilight, awaiting the ing the Berenson bench are conducive fi reworks for San Giovanni. to refl ections on eight years of custodi- In this D.O.C.G. year, the Fellows anship of this special place. Of course, bonded quickly. Three mothers and two continuities are strong. The community fathers brought eight children. The fall is still built around the twin principles trip took us to Rome to explore the scavi of liberty and lunch. The year still be- of St. Peter’s along with some medieval gins with the vendemmia and the fi ve- basilicas and baroque libraries. In the minute presentation of Fellows’ projects, spring, a group of Fellows accepted the and ends with a nostalgia-drenched invitation of Gábor Buzási (VIT’09) dinner under the Tuscan stars. It is still a and Zsombor Jékeley (VIT’10) to visit community where research and conver- Hungary, and there were numerous visits sation intertwine. to churches, museums, and archives in It is, however, a larger community. Florence and Siena. There were 19 appointees in my fi rst In October 2009, we dedicated the mastery of the issues of Mediterranean year but 39 in my last; there will be 31 Craig and Barbara Smyth wing of the encounter. -
The Administrative Origins of Modern Civil Liberties Law
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2014 The Administrative Origins of Modern Civil Liberties Law Jeremy K. Kessler Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeremy K. Kessler, The Administrative Origins of Modern Civil Liberties Law, 114 COLUM. L. REV. 1083 (2014). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/109 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW VOL. 114 JUNE 2014 NO. 5 ARTICLE THE ADMINISTRATIVE ORIGINS OF MODERN CIVIL LIBERTIES LAW Jeremy K. Kessler* This Article offers a new explanation for the puzzling origin of modern civil liberties law. Legal scholars have long sought to explain how Progressive lawyers and intellectuals skeptical of individual rights and committed to a strong, activist state came to advocate for robust First Amendment protections after World War I. Most attempts to solve this puzzle focus on the executive branch's suppression of dissent during World War I and the Red Scare. Once Progressives realized that a powerful administrative state risked stifling debate and deliberation within civil society, the story goes, they turned to civil liberties law in order to limit the reach of that state. Drawing on a wealth of unexplored archival material, this Article inverts the conventional story: It argues that lawyers within the executive branch took the lead in forging a new civil-libertarian consensus and that they did so to strengthen rather * David Berg Foundation Scholar, NYU School of Law; Ph.D. -
Some Aspects of Life and Politics in the United States of America in 19321)
M. S. VENKATARAMANI SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN 19321) To the present generation of young Americans the so-called two party system appears to be an almost unshakeable and permanent feature of the nation's polity. Several well-known American liberals (as, for instance, Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois and Walter Reuther, head of the powerful United Automobile Workers), who, in earlier years had reposed little faith in the Republican and Democratic parties, have gradually veered round to the view that the quest for reform must be pursued within the framework of the two major political parties. "Third parties" on the American scene have become virtually skele- tonized for various reasons and their plans and platforms receive scant notice at the hands of the media of mass communication. With the advent of good times during the war and post-war years, organizations advocating a radical reconstruction of the social and economic order have found a progressively shrinking audience. Radicalism among the intelligentsia has become a factor of minor significance. Will there be any important changes in such a state of affairs if the current business "recession" continues much longer or intensifies? Do "bad times" favor the growth of militant parties of protest and dissent? Few students of the American scene expect that in the foreseeable future there will be any widespread move away from the two traditional parties. It is interesting in this connection to examine the developments in the United States a quarter of a century ago when the nation was plunged into one of the most serious economic crises in its annals. -
Why an Independent Labor Party? [Jan
Snow: Why an Independent Labor Party? [Jan. 5, 1923] 1 Why An Independent Labor Party? by W.R. Snow State Secretary, Socialist Party of Illinois Published in the Miami Valley Socialist [Dayton, OH], v. 10, whole no. 565 (Jan. 5, 1923), pg. 2 There have been many splits, re-splits, counter- a screech in the December [1922] Liberator for a la- splits, duplicate splits, and other splits in the Socialist bor party and Seymour Stedman seems to be strongly Movement of America in the past 5 years, or in the in favor of a labor party. Well, anyway, there is going various factions that once made up the Socialist Move- to be peace and harmony on earth and goodwill among ment. There seems to have been as many ideas how men when these two estimable comrades can meet on not to do things as the middle-age exponents of reli- the same political platform. gion had of haw to get to heaven or hell. These ideas What is the excuse or necessity for organizing were all products of conflicting opinions, and the stress an Independent Labor Party? This question I am di- of emotionalism growing out of the world war; regret- recting at the Socialists, and especially those of the table but inevitable at the present stage of human un- Socialist Party who have been in favor of this move. derstanding. This article is not being written for the There seems to be a lurking suspicion in the mind of purpose of holding a postmortem over our past mis- many that we can make ourselves more respectable by takes, but to point out what seems to the writer to be changing our name, to get away from that dreadful an immediate danger ahead. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Third parties in twentieth century American politics Sumner, C. K. How to cite: Sumner, C. K. (1969) Third parties in twentieth century American politics, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9989/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk "THIRD PARTIES IN TWENTIETH CENTURY AMERICAN POLITICS" THESIS PGR AS M. A. DEGREE PRESENTED EOT CK. SOMBER (ST.CUTHBERT«S) • JTJLT, 1969. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. INTRODUCTION. PART 1 - THE PROGRESSIVE PARTIES. 1. THE "BOLL MOOSE" PROQRESSIVES. 2. THE CANDIDACY CP ROBERT M. L& FQLLETTE. * 3. THE PEOPLE'S PROGRESSIVE PARTI. PART 2 - THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF AMERICA* PART 3 * PARTIES OF LIMITED GEOGRAPHICAL APPEAL. -
To All Enrolled Socialist Voters: a Statement on the Primaries [Election of April 2, 1936] by Jack Altman, Et Al
To All Enrolled Socialist Voters: A Statement on the Primaries [Election of April 2, 1936] by Jack Altman, et al. Published in The Socialist Call [New York], New York Edition, v. 2, whole no. 54 (March 28, 1936), pg. 1. You have a difficult task, but as Socialists you must be equal to your responsibility. On April 2 you will decide the immediate fu- ture of the Socialist Party in New York State. With two slates listed on the ballot, you must choose. We are sure that your choice will be made on the basis of which slate will be better able to build the Socialist Party. On the one hand, you have the Old Guard ticket set forth by Louis Waldman, which backs him in the attacks he has been mak- ing on the Socialist Party. Because he was defeated in the national convention [Detroit: June 1-3, 1934] he has waged a bitter fight for two years against the Party. On the other hand, you have the ticket supported by Norman Thomas, who today leads the Party in its most aggressive strug- gles. The Old Guard has tried to make it seem that we are Commu- nists. This is not true. We are Socialists who want the Party and its leaders to participate in a militant fight for the principles of Social- ism. We do not deny that some of the Old Guard have served So- cialism in the past. But they have since lived through a period of decline, with the party growing weaker, and they have never re- covered from it. -
What -Is Fusion? by JAM ES CASEY
CAPiTALIS ' . What -Is Fusion? By JAM ES CASEY 11 -d t Price IIc S. Radical Pampblet Colletion Coutesy Bloomsburg State CoUege Library TRIUMPH AND DISASTER: THE READING SOCIALISTS IN POWER AND DECLINE, 1932-1939-PART II BY KrNNErm E. HENDmcKsoN, JR.' D EFEAT by the fusionists in 1931 did little internal damage to the structure of the Reading socialist movement. As a matter of fact, just the reverse was true. Enthusiasm seemed to intensify and the organization grew.' The party maintained a high profile during this period and was very active in the political and economic affairs of the community, all the while looking forward to the election of 1935 when they would have an op- portunity to regain control of city hall. An examination of these activities, which were conducted for the most part at the branch level, will reveal clearly how the Socialists maintained their organization while they were out of power. In the early 1930s the Reading local was divided into five branches within the city. In the county there were additional branches as well, the number of which increased from four in 1931 to nineteen in 1934. All of these groups brought the rank and file together each week. Party business was conducted, of_ course, but the branch meetings served a broader purpose. Fre- quently, there were lectures and discussions on topics of current interest, along with card parties, dinners, and dances. The basic party unit, therefore, served a very significant social function in the lives of its members, especially important during a period of economic decline when few could afford more than the basic es- sentials of daily life. -
1916 Preparedness Day Bombing Anarchy and Terrorism in Progressive Era America
The 1916 Preparedness Day Bombing Anarchy and Terrorism in Progressive Era America Jeffrey A. Johnson 2018 Contents Preface 4 Acknowledgments 5 Timeline 6 Introduction 7 CHAPTER 1. “Perpetuated Hatred and Suspicion”: Labor and Capital at Odds 9 Edward Bellamy ....................................... 15 Marx and Engels ....................................... 18 CHAPTER 2. “The Wrath of Man”: Anarchism Comes to the United States 23 Shusui Kotuku ........................................ 28 CHAPTER 3. “Assassins, Murderers, Conspirators”: The March of Progressive Era Radicalism and Violence 34 Caldwell, Idaho, in 1905 ................................... 37 CHAPTER 4. “The Road to Universal Slaughter” and “This Dastardly Act”:The Preparedness Debate and Bombing 48 Arsenic as a Weapon ..................................... 51 CHAPTER 5. “The Fanatic Demon”: The Manhunt 62 Anarchism and Socialism .................................. 71 CHAPTER 6. “The Act of One Is the Act of All”: The Trials 73 Mysterious Suitcases ..................................... 76 The Mooney Case Abroad .................................. 85 CHAPTER 7. “Fighting Anarchists of America”: The Attacks of 1919 and 1920, and the Mooney Defense Onward 93 The Dreyfus Affair ...................................... 112 Famous Supporters ..................................... 114 Epilogue 115 Documents 119 DOCUMENT 1. The “Pittsburgh Proclamation” . 119 DOCUMENT 2. Preparedness Parades . 122 2 DOCUMENT 3. “Preparedness, the Road to Universal Slaughter,” by Emma Goldman . 123 DOCUMENT -
INDIANA MAGAZINE of HISTORY Volume LIV SEPTEMBER 1958 NUMBER3
INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY Volume LIV SEPTEMBER 1958 NUMBER3 U..... U..... ...................................................................................... “Red Special”: Eugene V. Debs and the Campaign of 1908 H. Wayne Morgan* The days when American socialists counted their sym- pathizers in hundreds of thousands are gone, and many stu- dents and historians are unaware that fifty years ago the Socialist Party of America was a power to be reckoned with in presidential elections. The history books that extol the campaign exploits of William Jennings Bryan, Theodore Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson often fail to record that the most famous American socialist, Eugene Victor Debs, waged five presidential campaigns between 1900 and 1920. None of these campaigns was more colorful than that of 1908, the year of the “Red Special.” Preserved in song and poem, as well as in the fading memories of participants and bystanders, the Socialist party’s campaign of that year illustrated the vigor of the organization and the amount of effort which Socialists could pour into a national campaign. By 1908, the Socialist Party of America had made con- siderable progress toward fulfilling the promise it had shown in the presidential election of 1904. It could now claim its place as the third party of American politics, a position it had taken from the Prohibitionists in 1904. Politically, the Socialists were gaining strength on local levels. In Milwaukee, one of their strongholds, they had come close to capturing the mayor’s office in 1906 and had used their influence with * H. Wayne Morgan is John Randolph and Dora E. Haynes Fellow for 1958-1959 at the University of California at Los Angeles, where he has served as teaching assistant in the Department of History. -
Debate on Seating the Minnesota Delegation [Aug
Debate on Seating the Minnesota Delegation [Aug. 31, 1919] 1 Debate on Seating the Minnesota Delegation at the Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party of America: Chicago, IL — August 31, 1919. From the uncorrected Proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist Party at Machinists’ Hall, 113 S. Ashland Blvd., Chicago, IL. State Historical Society of Wisconsin, micro 2094, reel 1, pp. 163-226. * * * locals who were known to oppose the contesting del- egations. He further stated that, even if your [creden- Comrade [Jacob] Panken [NY]: As I reported tials] committee recommends the seating of the del- this afternoon, there are 2 delegations from the state egation represented by him, and for whom he spoke, of Minnesota. The situation in Minnesota is a rather such delegation would not accept a seat in this con- involved one. The State Executive Committee of the vention. Your committee— state and the State Secretary [Charles Dirba] evidently Comrade [William] Kruse [IL]: A point of or- did not work in agreement and accord, and the del- der. Would that really come under a report on a con- egation was elected by referendum vote. The State test? Executive Committee then met, and they elected a new Chairman [Algernon] Lee [NY]: this is not a delegation to supercede the other, and they charge as question to the committee. I supposed you rose for follows: That the Secretary [Dirba] permitted the some question to elucidate the report. The committee Ukrainian local of Minneapolis to nominate delegates will proceed. and sending their nominations to vote on. Second, Comrade Panken: Your committee finds that that the suspended locals and federations were per- the documentary evidence submitted to your commit- mitted to participate in the balloting of the candidates tee justifies the position taken by the State Executive and their vote was tabulated with those of the other Board, and recommends that Comrades Charles S.