Terrorist Decision Making in the Context of Risk, Attack Planning, and Attack Commission
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Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
Nicole Ives-Allison Phd Thesis
P STONES AND PROVOS: GROUP VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN IRELAND AND CHICAGO Nicole Dorothea Ives-Allison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2015 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925 This item is protected by original copyright This item is licensed under a Creative Commons Licence P Stones and Provos: Group Violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago Nicole Dorothea Ives-Allison This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 20 February 2015 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Nicole Dorothea Ives-Allison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 83, 278 words in length, has been written by me, and that it is the record of work carried out by me, or principally by myself in collaboration with others as acknowledged, and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September, 2011 and as a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (International Relations) in May, 2011; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2011 and 2014 (If you received assistance in writing from anyone other than your supervisor/s): I, Nicole Dorothea Ives-Allison, received assistance in the writing of this thesis in respect of spelling and grammar, which was provided by Laurel Anne Ives-Allison. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Reflections on Masculinity Within Northern Ireland's Protestant
The Ulster Boys: reflections on masculinity within Northern Ireland’s Protestant community Alan Bairner (Loughborough University, UK) Introduction According to MacInnes (1998: 2), ‘masculinity does not exist as the property, character trait or aspect of identity of individuals’. Rather, ‘it is an ideology produced by men as a result of the threat posed to the survival of the patriarchal sexual division of labour by the rise of modernity’ (p. 45). Whilst the influence of a perceived ‘crisis of masculinity’ can be overstated, it is irrefutable that many of the traditional sources of male (or, to be more precise, masculine) identity have been eroded throughout the western world (Seidler, 1997).That is not to say that new sources for the construction of masculinity cannot be found. Nor is it intended to imply that men have never previously experienced conflicts of identity. This lecture discusses the construction of masculinity and the related issue of conflicted identity within the context of Northern Ireland’s Protestant community. It begins with some general observations and proceeds to discuss the trajectory of three celebrity Ulster Protestants, two of them sportsmen, and their respective engagement with conflicted identity. As Sugden (1996: 129) notes in his sociological study of boxing, Northern Ireland, and, most significantly, its major city, Belfast, has always been regarded as a home to ‘hard men’. According to Sugden, ‘the “hard men” of the pre-1950s were those who worked in 1 the shipyards, mills and factories, inhabiting a proud, physically tough and exclusively male occupational culture which cast a long shadow over popular recreation outside the workplace’. -
Orange Alba: the Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland Since 1798
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2010 Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798 Ronnie Michael Booker Jr. University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Booker, Ronnie Michael Jr., "Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2010. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/777 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Ronnie Michael Booker Jr. entitled "Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. John Bohstedt, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Vejas Liulevicius, Lynn Sacco, Daniel Magilow Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by R. -
In Defense of Propaganda: the Republican Response to State
IN DEFENSE OF PROPAGANDA: THE REPUBLICAN RESPONSE TO STATE CREATED NARRATIVES WHICH SILENCED POLITICAL SPEECH DURING THE NORTHERN IRISH CONFLICT, 1968-1998 A thesis presented to The Honors Tutorial College Ohio University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with a Degree of Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Selina Nadeau April 2017 1 This thesis is approved by The Honors Tutorial College and the Department of Journalism Dr. Aimee Edmondson Professor, Journalism Thesis Adviser Dr. Bernhard Debatin Director of Studies, Journalism Dr. Jeremy Webster Dean, Honors Tutorial College 2 Table of Contents 1. History 2. Literature Review 2.1. Reframing the Conflict 2.2.Scholarship about Terrorism in Northern Ireland 2.3.Media Coverage of the Conflict 3. Theoretical Frameworks 3.1.Media Theory 3.2.Theories of Ethnic Identity and Conflict 3.3.Colonialism 3.4.Direct rule 3.5.British Counterterrorism 4. Research Methods 5. Researching the Troubles 5.1.A student walks down the Falls Road 6. Media Censorship during the Troubles 7. Finding Meaning in the Posters from the Troubles 7.1.Claims of Abuse of State Power 7.1.1. Social, political or economic grievances 7.1.2. Criticism of Government Officials 7.1.3. Criticism of the police, army or security forces 7.1.4. Criticism of media or censorship of media 7.2.Calls for Peace 7.2.1. Calls for inclusive all-party peace talks 7.2.2. British withdrawal as the solution 7.3.Appeals to Rights, Freedom, or Liberty 7.3.1. Demands of the Civil Rights Movement 7.3.2. -
THE APPARATUS of IMPUNITY? Human Rights Violations and the Northern Ireland Conflict: a Narrative of Official Limitations on Post-Agreement Investigative Mechanisms
THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) © Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The material may be reproduced, free of charge, in any format or medium without specific permission, provided the reproduction is not for financial or material gain.The material must be reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. If the material is to be republished or issued to others, acknowledgement must be given to its source, copyright status, and date of publication. This publication is available on our website. CAJ Committee on the Administration of Justice 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building 9-15 Queen Street Belfast BT1 6EA Tel: 028 9031 6000 Fax: 028 9031 4583 [email protected] www.caj.org.uk ISBN 978 1 873285 94 7 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) Recent comments from key Council of Europe and UN human rights bodies in relation to existing mechanisms investigating the conflict in Northern Ireland: The absence of any plausible explanation for the failure to collect key evidence at the time when this was possible, and for attempts to even obstruct this process, should be treated with particular vigilance. -
Conflict, the Rise of Nations, and the Decay of States: The
Taylor, Peter.Loyalists: War and Peace in Northern Ireland.New York: TV Books, 1999. The Northern Irish terrorist war has by far the greatest ratio of books to casualties: there may be more books than dead. Up until the last decade there was a major gap in the coverage of the three-sided war, namely the loyalist terrorists - or paramilitaries, as they are euphemistically called in Northern Ireland along with the Republicans. Most authors concentrated on the history of "the Troubles" from other perspectives, especially accounts of the British counterinsurgency effort or histories of the Provisional IRA. The only loyalist accounts were a history of the Ulster Volunteer Force by journalist David Boulton in 1973, and an examination of political murder co-authored by two Belfast journalists. This began to change with the publication of Belfast journalist Martin Dillon's The Shankill Butchers in 1989. But this account was almost more in the true crime genre than a military study of the paramilitaries. This was followed by Dillon's Stone Cold, the biography of Ulster Freedom Fighter (UFF - the military wing of the Ulster Defense Association) Michael Stone in 1992. That same year Scottish academic Steve Bruce published an academic analysis of the loyalist terrorists, Red Hand: The Protestant Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Bruce wrote a second, shorter work two years later which brought his account up to the loyalist ceasefire of 1994. Unfortunately for outsiders, Bruce and Dillon differed on several points and had little mutual respect. Dillon also wrote about UVF rebel Billy "King Rat" Wright in his 1997 God and the Gun. -
“A Peace of Sorts”: a Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn Mcnamara
“A Peace of Sorts”: A Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn McNamara A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Australian National University, March 2017 Declaration ii Acknowledgements I would first like to thank Professor Nicholas Brown who agreed to supervise me back in October 2014. Your generosity, insight, patience and hard work have made this thesis what it is. I would also like to thank Dr Ben Mercer, your helpful and perceptive insights not only contributed enormously to my thesis, but helped fund my research by hiring and mentoring me as a tutor. Thank you to Emeritus Professor Elizabeth Malcolm whose knowledge and experience thoroughly enhanced this thesis. I could not have asked for a better panel. I would also like to thank the academic and administrative staff of the ANU’s School of History for their encouragement and support, in Monday afternoon tea, seminars throughout my candidature and especially useful feedback during my Thesis Proposal and Pre-Submission Presentations. I would like to thank the McClay Library at Queen’s University Belfast for allowing me access to their collections and the generous staff of the Linen Hall Library, Belfast City Library and Belfast’s Newspaper Library for all their help. Also thanks to my local libraries, the NLA and the ANU’s Chifley and Menzies libraries. A big thank you to Niamh Baker of the BBC Archives in Belfast for allowing me access to the collection. I would also like to acknowledge Bertie Ahern, Seán Neeson and John Lindsay for their insightful interviews and conversations that added a personal dimension to this thesis. -
Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 9 Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Dealing With the Past in Northern Ireland Christine Bell Abstract This Article “audits” Northern Ireland’s discrete mechanisms for dealing with the past, with a view to exploring the wider transitional justice debates. An assessment of what has been done so far is vital to considering what the goals of addressing the past might be, what future developments are useful or required, and what kind of mechanisms might successfully be employed in achieving those goals. DEALING WITH THE PAST IN NORTHERN IRELAND Christine Bell* INTRODUCTION The term "transitional justice" has increasingly been used to consider how governments in countries emerging from deeply rooted conflict address the legacy of past human rights viola- tions.' While the term has a pedigree dating back to the Nuremburg Tribunals, three contemporary factors have reinvig- orated interest.2 The first factor is the prevalence of negotiated agreements as the preferred way of resolving internal conflicts. Premised on some degree of compromise between those who were engaged militarily in the conflict, these compromises affect whether and how the past is dealt with. As Huyse notes, the wid- est scope for prosecutions arises in the case of an overthrow or "victory" where virtually no political limits on retributive punish- * Professor Bell is the Chair in Public International Law, Transitional Justice Insti- tute, School of Law, University of Ulster, and a former member of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission. -
A Process of Analysis
A process of analysis (1) The Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist community Compiled by Michael Hall ISLAND 107 PAMPHLETS 1 Published February 2015 by Island Publications / Farset Community Think Tanks Project 466 Springfield Road, Belfast BT12 7DW © Michael Hall 2015 [email protected] http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/islandpublications cover photographs © Michael Hall The Project wishes to thank all those who participated in the discussions and interviews from which this publication was compiled. This first part of a three-part project has received financial support from The Reconciliation Fund Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Dublin. Printed by Regency Press, Belfast The Island Pamphlets series was launched in 1993 to stimulate a community-wide debate on historical, cultural, political and socio-economic issues. Most of the pamphlets are edited accounts of discussions undertaken by small groups of individuals – the ‘Community Think Tanks’ – which have embraced (on both a ‘single identity’ and a cross-community basis) Loyalists, Republicans, community activists, women’s groups, victims, cross-border workers, ex-prisoners, young people, senior citizens and others. To date 106 titles have been produced and 190,400 pamphlets have been distributed at a grassroots level. Many of the titles are available for (free) download from http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/islandpublications. 2 Introduction Sixteen years after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement issues surrounding identity, marching and flags in Northern Ireland remain as contentious as ever. These unresolved matters have poisoned political discourse and at times threatened to destabilise the political institutions. Even the Stormont House Agreement (announced in the final days of 2014) in which Northern Ireland’s political parties reached a belated consensus on a range of financial and legacy matters, once again pushed any discussion of identity-related issues further into the future. -
Of International Affairs
of International Affairs Marching to a Different Tune: Political change and police transformation in South Africa and Northern Ireland Marching to a Different Tune: Political change and police transformation in South Africa and Northern Ireland Mark Shaw The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House, Johannesburg Funded by The British Council and The Ford Foundation About the Author Dr Mark Shaw is a research fellow, Crime and Policing in Transition Project, South African Institute of International Affairs. He has written widely on issues related to policing and crime control in South Africa. Shaw worked previously at the Centre for Policy Studies, the Institute for Security Studies and the Department of Safety and Security. Contents Introduction 1 Linked by conflict and compromise 4 Political transition and policing change 11 The process of police transformation 20 The content of policing change 32 Conclusion 47 Appendix 1 Politics and Policing in Northern Ireland: The Way Ahead Address by the Rt. Hon. Adam Ingram, Minister of State for Northern Ireland, to the SA11A, 30 August 2000 51 Appendix 2 Report on the Royal Ulster Constabulary Exchange Visit with the South African Police Service The Independent Projects Trust 65 Appendix 3 The Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland: Summary of Recommendations 87 Marching to a Different Tune Mark Shaw Introduction Drawing comparisons between conflict and political change in South Africa and Northern Ireland is common. Both societies are regarded as 'deeply divided' and both have/ in the relatively recent past, undergone complex processes of transformation to new political arrangements. The validity of the comparisons between these societies has been strengthened by some important links connecting the two, both before and especially during the peace processes.