A.D. (Lucero 2002:820)1, fundamental changes occurred. Around 900 A.D. these changes resulted in the cessation of construction of the stelae, hieroglyphic texts INTRODUCTION and other monuments such as temples and The Maya of have palaces, in the curtailment of production of fascinated the public for decades. The latest polychrome ceramics, in the end of the example is Mel Gibson's movie Apoca1ypto divine ru1ership, and, eventually, in the (2006) depicting, with many inaccuracies, abandonment of the major in the the 'decline' of the . southern lowlands. Sites in the northern Around 900 A.D. most of the major Maya lowlands, however, continued to flourish cities in the southern lowlands were until around 1000 A.D. (Iannone 2005:26; abandoned. Archaeologists refer to this Rice 2004:2; Sab10ff & Andrews 1986:9; event as the 'classic Maya collapse'. Why Shaw 2003:157, 159). These transformations the collapse occurred is widely discussed. have been termed by archaeologists as the Archaeologists and scholars of other 'Classic Maya Collapse'. Scholars have disciplines have provided diverse suggested a variety of possible explanations explanations for the phenomenon, which can for the 'collapse'; I will present some of roughly be divided into two groups: models them in the following sections. that emphasize ecological/environmental factors (e.g., climate change, environmental degradation, or diseases), and those that stress socio-politica1 issues (e.g., class conflict or decentralization). In this paper, I will examine different explanations for the classic Maya collapse and how these authors consider the collapse as a result of a combination of multiple factors. I will further critically discuss, based on recent research, the concept of 'collapse' and argue for its replacement with the notions of transition or transformation.

EXPLANATIONS FOR THE COLLAPSE The Classic period of the ancient Maya (ca. 250-900 A.D.) is characterized by the rise of -states with palaces, temples, and inscribed stone monuments (stelae) throughout what is today southern , , and . These Fig. 1: Map of the Maya area (Sant1ey et ai. states were ruled by divine kings or lords 1986:124) (Marcus 2003:86; Paine & Freter 1996:37). The major cities were often surrounded by smaller (satellite) cities governed by sub10rds (Marcus 2003:102). During the Terminal Classic period around 850-950 1 Rice and colleagues (2004:8) suggest 800/830- 950/1000 A.D. as dates for the Terminal Classic.

TOTEM: vo1.16 2007-2008 2008 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology Climate Change migrations in the intertropical convergence Natural scientists from vanous zone, caused a drier climate and a series of disciplines such as geosciences, earth multi-year droughts in the Maya area sciences and chemistry, argue that several (ibid.:74, 77). Although these natural droughts played a significant role in the scientists do not present further possible collapse. According to Haug and colleagues causes, their proposition that the "migrations (2003: 1731), three droughts struck the Maya of the tropical rain belt could have around 810, 860 and 910 A.D. Peterson and contributed' to the collapse (ibid.:74; my Haug (2005:327) add a fourth, which emphasis) implies that other factors may occurred around 760 A.D. These droughts have also played a role. were caused by shifts in the atmosphere Shaw (2003), an archaeologist, also (peterson & Haug 2005:322). Although the suggests climate change as a major factor Maya had developed techniques to secure contributing to the collapse. She argues that access to water such as excavations and anthropogenic deforestation exacerbated an quarries as water reservoirs and complex already drier (worldwide cooler) climate irrigation systems, the southern lowlands resulting in famine (ibid.:157, 164). Due to depended on rainfall for their agricultural population growth, the Maya deforested production because natural groundwater large areas for agricultural use which resources were scarce (Haug et al. resulted in increased temperatures, a 2003:1733f.; Peterson & Haug 2005:323f., decrease in evapotranspiration2 and, thus, in 327). In contrast, the population in the a decrease in rainfall (ibid.: 162). northern lowlands had better access to Additionally, when rain fell heavily in groundwater and were, therefore, less deforested areas it caused soil erosion and affected by the droughts. The authors imply flooding (ibid.: 164). Shaw further points out that the different access to groundwater is that Maya sites were not uniformly affected the reason why the northern lowland sites by the climate change, referring not only to did not collapse at the same time as the differences between the northern and states in the southern lowlands (Haug et al. southern lowlands but also to different sites 2003: 1734; Peterson & Haug 2005 :327). within the southern lowlands (ibid.: 160f.). Drawing on archaeologists and other According to her, deforestation is a possible scholars, the natural scientists list further explanation for the "mosaic" climate change factors that contributed to the collapse such (ibid.: 157, 161). as rapid population growth, environmental Moreover, Shaw suggests that degradation (Haug et al. 2003: 1733; droughts affected the Maya in the southern Peterson & Haug 2005:328), resource lowlands more severely than those in the exploitation, and internal warfare (peterson northern lowlands because: (a) they were & Haug 2005:328). Moreover, the droughts more dependent on rainfall through undermined the power of the lords. Their evapotranspiration, (b) they had less access authority was closely linked to the control of to groundwater, (c) their agricultural the water resources and, therefore, declined as their ceremonies and technologies failed 2 Evapotranspiration means "the transport of water to secure rainfall (Haug et at. 2003: 1734; into the atmosphere from surfaces, including soil Peterson & Haug 2005:328). (soil evaporation), and from vegetation Yancheva and colleagues (2007) (transpiration)" (Burba 2006). Other forms of evaporation, contributing to the process of argue that changes in the global climate evapotranspiration, are evaporation from wet canopy between 700 and 900 A.D., specifically surface and from "vegetation-covered water surface in wetlands" (ibid.).

TOTEM: vo1.16 2007-2008 3 practices relied on a water surplus , and (d) fever could have been a significant factor for deforestation was more widespread than in the large population decline at the end of the the north (2003: 162ff.). She concludes that Classic period (he claims an 80% to 85% decline of rainfall cannot be viewed as the population loss between 800 and 1000 A.D.) single cause for the collapse. Instead, she and thus for the collapse. Monkeys serve as suggests a combination of several factors hosts for the yellow fever virus, which is including population growth, deforestation, transmitted through mosquitoes (ibid.:284, drought (regional climate change), a 288). Wilkinson suggests that the Maya worldwide cooler climate, the declining came into contact with the virus while they 4 5 power of the lords , and increased warfare were clearing the forest to use the land for (ibid.: 164). agricultural production and/or through monkeys that lived in close proximity to the Environmental Degradation dwellings (ibid.:279f., 288). The virus was Paine and Freter (1996), two transmitted between humans through archaeologists, reject collapse models which mosquitoes, which found many breeding suggested natural disaster, epidemic disease, sites in the cities such as broken dishes, external invasion, and peasant revolt as open pots, and storage containers in which causes in the Copan Valley. They argue that water was collected (ibid.:280, 288). The depopulation, which is considered to be one Maya were severely affected by the disease characteristic of the collapse, occurred because they lacked immunity to the virus gradually (ibid.:37, 45). Paine and Freter's (ibid.:289). Although the author (1996:37, 44) explanation for the collapse acknowledges further reasons for the includes a combination of related collapse, such as population growth and environmental/ecological factors. Population other, non-specified, ecological and growth resulted in an intensification of sociological factors, he views the yellow agriculture in order to sustain the fever epidemic as a primary cause (ibid.). population, and, consequently, in an increased exploitation of resources. This Class Conflict and Peasant Revolt overexploitation caused soil erosion and a Hamblin and Pitcher (1980), two decrease in soil fertility. To put it simply: a sociologists, present class conflict between degradation of the environmental resources the peasants and the elite and the resulting resulted. peasant revolt as the overall explanations for the collapse. Although other factors such as Disease overpopulation, foreign invasion, or diseases Wilkinson (1995:270f., 284), a could have contributed to the collapse, they cultural anthropologist, argues that yellow consider class conflict as the primary cause (ibid.:262) and try to prove their hypothesis with mathematical models and 3 The technologies used by the Maya in the southern archaeological artefacts. For example, the lowlands included, for example, reservoirs, canals, and raised fields (Shaw 2003:163.). faces of elites on stone monuments were 4 The lords could no longer guarantee rainfall and mutilated while those of peasants were left thus surplus production to sustain the elites and intact, or members of the elite were specialists (Shaw 2003: 164). presented on stelae as standing over 5 The lords try to solve the problem by using warfare. peasants; the authors view this as evidence However, this strategy resulted in the disruption of of class conflicts (ibid.:248f.). They propose agriculture and the displacement of peasants (Shaw 2003:164). that the elite controlled the intensive agriculture, which resulted in the

TOTEM: vo1.l6 2007-2008 © 2008 TOTEM: The V.W.O. Journal of Anthropology proletariazation of peasants as they were Iannone (2005 :26), an archaeologist, displaced from their land, placing them in a also proposes that decentralization deprived position (ibid. :251). contributed to the collapse while According to Hamblin and Pitcher acknowledging that no single cause can be (1980:251), a variety of factors contributed determined for the event. She argues that to the conflict and triggered peasant paramount rulers (lords of major centers) rebellions in the different centers, such as started in the 8th century to share their power overpopulation, drought, famine, and plant with increasingly dissatisfied subordinate disease. Two factors, however, seem to have lords in order to appease them (ibid.:40f). influenced the conflict in most centers: the However, the adoption of power-sharing exploitation of the peasants by the elite and strategies resulted in increased political the leadership of peasant revolts by an instability (ibid.:40). The already tenuous ancient order of priest (ibid.:25lf.). These system was exacerbated by factors such as priests were disempowered by the elite population growth, droughts and declining priests who served the gods of the "Classic agricultural production, which finally led to pantheon" (ibid.:252). The authors view the collapse and endemic structural failure 'decline' as a gradual process of 600 years; (ibid. :40f). the destruction of the elite resulted finally in the breakdown of the economic and social Synthesis of Environmental and Socio- systems (ibid.:262f.). Political Factors Although some of the previously Decentralization discussed authors consider multiple Cioffi-Revilla and Landman environmental and socio-political factors for (1999:585), two political scientists, argue the collapse, they focus one issue or one that the political collapse was caused by the cause and its resulting effects. Authors failure of the Maya city-states to integrate or presented in this section, in contrast, provide unify into a pan-Maya system or state, a detailed discussion of several factors. which "would have been necessary to Santley and colleagues (1986) sustain the growing number of polities propose three interrelated environmental and already containing millions of inhabitants" socio-political factors as significantly (original emphasis; see also ibid.:588). They contributing to the collapse in the southern consider the maintenance of numerous lowlands. First, deforestation and independent polities and the lack of intensification of agriculture were attempts centralization as a root cause, while viewing of the Maya to sustain the growing other proposed causes such as intensification population resulting in the degradation of of agriculture, ecological degradation, the environment, for example, in soil warfare, and escalation of religious violence erosions. Moreover, extensive hunting (human sacrifice) as "secondary effects of destructed the fauna. Malnutrition and failed political integration" (ibid.: 585; decline of the population were the original emphasis). The authors suggest that consequences of these environmentally the failure to unify occurred because one or exploitative strategies (ibid.: 124f, 128, 135, more states lacked the willingness for 145f.). Second, malnutrition caused political centralization, and the material demographic instability: immunity of people opportunity for the construction and was reduced, increasing the possibility of maintenance of a pan-Maya state was absent diseases; the reproductive rate of (ibid.:586f). malnourished women sank while child mortality increased (ibid.: 125, 141).

TOTEM: vo1.l6 2007-2008 yright © 2008 TOTEM: The V.W.O. Journal of Anthropology Additionally, the intensification of reservoirs, which was closely linked to the agriculture required more labour power. power of the rulers, played an important role However, agricultural productivity was in the collapse in the southern lowlands. limited because the number of producers However, she acknowledges that her model decreased and the work capacity of the does not explain the diminishing political surviving farmers was reduced due to power of the elite in every Maya center malnutrition (ibid.: 145f). (ibid.:814). She further relates the issue of Third, macroregional resource water control with other environmental and extraction networks that might have socio-political factors contributing to the compensated for the local economic stresses collapse. The kings in regional centers or were lacking (ibid.: 125, 147). The major cities like , or transportation costs for subsistence goods were responsible for managing the cleaning from the peripheries were too high of water reservoirs and for securing rainfall (ibid.: 148). The infrastructures of the states through the performance of rites, for could not be sustained at the end of the example, to the rain god Chac (ibid.:815). In Classic period. This, together with turn, farmers had to pay tribute to the lords environmental degradation, resulted in a (ibid.:818). decline of the authority of the rulers, The power of these rulers was political instability, and eventually deteriorating during the Terminal Classic for abandonment of the cities (ibid.). Therefore, several interrelated reasons. Changes in the the authors reject peasant revolts or external climate (to drier conditions) caused a decline invasions as explanations for the collapse in rainfall and thus in resources and and conclude that an "erosion of the subsistence which, in turn, resulted in a system's economic base" is the primary failure of the water control system and the reason (ibid.: 149). rites that had secured rainfall in the past Hughes (1999:84), a historian, (Lucero 2002:820ff). Deforestation, soil draws on archaeological research in his depletion and diseases further contributed to discussion of multiple causes for the the diminishing political power of the rulers collapse, which he presents as a collapse of who "were probably blamed for all the "[a]11 social, economic, and political mishaps" (ibid.:822). Other factors for the systems" in the southern lowlands. The collapse included in-fighting among elite contributing factors include: overpopulation lineages or warfare, for example, between and thus the need for increase in food and a secondary center (Tonina) or supply; intensification of agriculture between Calakmul and another Maya group resulting in environmental degradation and which took "advantage of a weakened soil erosion; deforestation causing erosion, rulership" (ibid.:821). salinization, decline in transpiration and thus Webster (2002:327f, 345), an rainfall decrease; malnutrition and diseases; archaeologist, argues that three main factors and excessive demands of the elite. The triggered the collapse: failure of the rulers increased the construction of agricultural system and decline of resources, monuments and thus kept farmers away warfare and competition and their from agricultural production while destabilizing effects, and rejection of simultaneously exploiting natural resources ideology and kingship system because the for the construction process (ibid.:85ff). lords were seen as responsible for the Lucero (2002), an archaeologist, misfortunes. The author considers factors argues that the control of artificial water such as drought and increased vulnerability

TOTEM: vo1.l6 2007-2008 © 2008 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology to it, malnutrition, disease, and peasant monument construction contributed to the revolt as secondary or indirect stresses, collapse. The author, in contrast, argues that which were exacerbated or created by the elite demands alone would not have aforementioned three issues, while produced intolerable stress (ibid.:395). For overpopulation drove the whole process example, only 5% of the population (ibid.:328,347). belonged to the elite, compared to 90% who were farmers; the last 5% were non-food- DISCUSSION producing or only partially food-producing Some of the previously discussed specialists (ibid.:384f.). Increased models, especially foreign invasion, class agricultural production for elite and conflict, and excessive demands of the elite, specialists demands (he calculates an are criticized by several authors. Except for approximately 10% surplus for the elite and Hamblin and Pitcher (1980), none of the specialists) was manageable for farmers presented authors consider foreign/external because the elite did not export food but invasion as a cause. According to Webster consumed the produced amount (ibid.:390f., (2002:229), this hypothesis is generally 395). Furthermore, the construction of discounted (see also Paine & Freter 1996:45; monuments was possibly spread over years Santley et at. 1986: 149). Another model that and in consideration with the seasonality of is reviewed and rejected by several authors agricultural production; thus, it did not is the class conflict/peasant revolt interfere with farming activities (ibid.:392, hypothesis (paine & Freter 1996:45; Santley 394f.). The author finally proposes that elite et al. 1986: 149; Webster 2002:222f.). demands in combination with other factors Hamblin and Pitcher (1980) were criticized could have contributed to the collapse, but by Lowe (1982:644), an archaeologist, for he does not view elite demands/policies as a failing to "establish the role of class conflict significant cause (ibid.:395f.). in the Classic Maya collapse." He argues Three issues are especially discussed that one of the mathematical models by several scholars: population loss, the Hamblin and Pitcher used6 could support uniformity of the collapse, and the notion of other explanations of the collapse (ibid. :645) the collapse itself. Some authors list massive and that different interpretations of population loss as a characteristic of the presented archaeological evidence are collapse (Paine & Freter 1996:37; Shaw possible. For example, the destruction of the 2003: 164; Santley et at. 1986: 149; elite faces on the monuments could have Wilkinson 1995:284), while others have been the result of dynastic upheaval. raised doubts of the extent of the population Furthermore, the figures on which the elite decline. Lucero (1999:242f.; 2002:821f.), members stand could have depicted defeated for example, argues that the population chiefs and nobles, not peasants, and thus reorganized, i.e. they migrated from the presented warfare not peasant revolts centres to the hinterlands, built non-platform (ibid.:644). houses and used decorated gourds instead of Related to the class conflict ceramic, and, in these ways, left less hypothesis is the excessive demand model evidence in the archaeological record. which is criticized by Webster (1985). While several authors acknowledge a According to this model, the demands of the difference between southern and northern elite for agricultural production and lowlands (Haug et at. 2003: 1734; Peterson & Haug 2005:327; Shaw 2003), most of

6 See Hamblin and Pitcher (1980) as well as Lowe them view the southern lowland collapse as (1982) for details.

TOTEM: vo1.16 2007-2008 uniform. Furthermore, some scholars "[ ... ] the more appropriate question is to ask consider the collapse or decline as a gradual why failed to recover process (Hamblin & Pitcher 1980:262; Paine following dynastic collapse"(Manahan & Freter 1996:45). Iannone (2005:26) 2004:108; my emphasis); and "[w]hen the suggests that the collapse occurred gradually arrived, they encountered a or rapidly depending on the center. This shadow of Maya civilization" (Hughes author, I propose, can be considered part of 1999:87; my emphasis). I suggest that these a 'group' of scholars, mainly archaeologists, claims clearly reveal an image of Postclassic who emphasize regional differences and and, possibly, contemporary Maya as changes within the southern (and northern) incapable of restoring the past Classic lowlands and, consequently, reject the 'glory' and the 'complex' and 'advanced' notion of a uniform collapse (Lucero system. 2002:814; Rice et al. 2004:2, 9; Shaw As some authors rightly pointed out, 2003:161; see also Bove 1981:1 1Of.). it was not the civilization or culture that Moreover, several authors criticize collapsed, declined, or disappeared, but a the notion of 'the' collapse altogether, particular political system: the system of especially the notion of the collapse of the divine kingship with its socio-political Maya civilization (e.g., Demarest et al. hierarchies, economic system, inscribed 2004; Rice et aI., 2004). Some of the stone monuments, and temples (Demarest et previously discussed scholars, including al. 2004:569, 572; Rice et ai. 2004:6, 9; see archaeologists, use the phrases "decline of also Lucero 2002:820; Iannone 2005:41). Maya civilization" (Santley et ai. 1986: 123), The Maya continued to practice other "Maya civilization collapse" (Williams aspects of their society such as traditional 1993 :705), "Maya demise" (Haug et al. ceremonies (Lucero 2002:820), the belief 2003: 1731), and "demise of Maya system, and a core mythic charter (Demarest civilization"(peterson & Haug 2005:322). et al. 2004:569). Therefore, the changes The idea of collapse in general, and of occurring in the 9th century might be more collapse of the Maya civilization in accurately termed and, consequently, viewed particular, is problematic for several as socio-political transitions or reasons. First, it is offensive, especially to transformations rather than as 'the collapse' living Maya (Rice et ai. 2004:6). Second, it (see also Lucero 1999:241; Rice et ai. implies that something morally, 2004:9). aesthetically, and, I add, socially superior declined or regressed into something inferior CONCLUSION (ibid.:5). I propose that such a view is based What caused the 'Classic Maya on a Western social evolutionary model in Collapse'? This question has fascinated which technologically advanced and socially archaeologists and other scholars for stratified societies are considered 'more decades. In this paper I have presented complex', 'more developed', and (implicitly several explanations for the so-called or explicitly) as 'superior'. collapse, which occurred around 900 A.D. Evidence of such a presentation of They can roughly be divided into two the Maya is found in the following groups: (l) environmental/ecological statements: "[p ]erhaps what fascinates us factors, including climate change due to most is not the collapse itself, but the atmospheric shifts and deforestation, decline inability of the Maya to recover in so many of rainfall and drought, increased cases" (Marcus 2003:105; my emphasis); exploitation of resources, environmental degradation (soil depletion and erosion),

TOTEM: vo1.16 2007-2008 © 2008 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology intensification of agricultural production, did not collapse, but a particular political malnutrition, disease (yellow fever), and system declined or disappeared. I have demographic instability; and (2) socio- proposed that the idea of civilization political factors such as class conflict, collapse presents a view of the Classic Maya peasant revolt, competition, warfare, control as more complex, advanced and, therefore, of artificial water reservoirs, lack of 'superior' than the Postclassic (and possibly macroregional resource extraction networks, contemporary) Maya. I thus argue for a excessive demands of the elite, rejection of replacement of the concept of 'collapse' (or ideology and kingship system, and 'decline') with the less judgemental notions decentralization (failure to unify a pan-Maya of transition or transformations. state or political instability caused by power- sharing between paramount and subordinate Acknowledgements lords). The majority of authors claim that I thank Ian Colquhoun and the two rapid population growth and/or anonymous reviewers for their comments on overpopulation contributed to or triggered this paper. the collapse. Moreover, most authors consider the collapse as caused not by a single issue but by multiple factors. However, they propose Bove, Frederick J. 1981. Trend Surface- several combinations of factors and they Analysis and the Lowland Classic Maya emphasize different causes. Some authors, Collapse. American Antiquity 46(1):93-112. for example, suggest one primary or root cause, such as class conflict or the absence Burba, George (lead author), Jason A. of a unified pan-Maya political system. Hubbart, and Michael Pidwirny Several scholars stress the non-uniformity of (contributing authors) 2006. Consulted: the collapse, i.e. regional differences not February 23, 2008. Evaporation. In only between the southern and northern Encyclopedia of Earth, ed. Cutler J. lowlands but also within the southern Cleveland. Washington, D.C.: lowlands. Having reviewed the various Environmental Information Coalition, models, it seems most likely to me that National Council for Science and different combinations of multiple factors Environment. Dr!: have caused and triggered changes at the http://www .eoearth. org/ articlelEvapotranspir various sites. Consequently, this view ation. opposes searches for 'the one' cause or for multiple factors that explain a general Cioffi-Revilla, Claudio, and Todd Landman southern lowland collapse; instead, 1999. Evolution of Maya Polities in the following current research, the focus ought Ancient Mesoamerican System. to be on regional particularities and links International Studies Quarterly 43:559-98. between sites (Rice et al. 2004: 11). Finally, I have presented, drawing on Demarest, Arthur A., Prudence M. Rice, and recent archaeological accounts, a discussion Don S. Rice 2004. The Terminal Classic in of the notion of the collapse in general and the Maya Lowlands: Assessing Collapses, of the collapse of the Maya civilization in Terminations, and Transformations. In The particular. I follow the arguments of Terminal Classic in the Maya Lowlands: Demarest and colleagues (2004) and Rice Collapse, Transition, and Transformation, and colleagues (2004) that the civilization ed. Arthur A. Demarest, Prudence M. Rice,

TOTEM: vo1.16 2007-2008 and Don S. Rice, 545-72. Boulder: (A.D. 600-1250). Ancient Mesoamerica University Press of Colorado. 7(1):37-47.

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