A Comparative Test O F Inglehart 'S Theory O F Postmaterialism
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Panama Country Report BTI 2018
BTI 2018 Country Report Panama This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Panama. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Panama 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.0 HDI 0.788 GDP p.c., PPP $ 23015 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 188 60 Gini Index 51.0 Life expectancy years 77.8 UN Education Index 0.708 Poverty3 % 7.0 Urban population % 66.9 Gender inequality2 0.457 Aid per capita $ 2.2 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The election and the beginning of the mandate of Juan Carlos Varela in July 2014 meant a return to political normality for the country, which had experienced a previous government under President Martinelli (2009-2014) characterized by a high perception of corruption and authoritarian tendencies in governance. -
Trump and the Xenophobic Populist Parties: the Silent Revolution in Reverse
Trump and the Xenophobic Populist Parties: The Silent Revolution in Reverse Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris University of Michigan Harvard University Overview Over forty years ago, The Silent Revolution thesis argued that when people grow up taking survival for granted it makes them more open to new ideas and more tolerant of outgroups. Consequently, the unprecedentedly high level of existential security that emerged in developed democracies after World War II, was giving rise to an intergenerational shift toward Postmaterialist values, bringing greater emphasis on freedom of expression, environmental protection, gender equality, and tolerance of gays, handicapped people and foreigners.1 Insecurity has the opposite effect. For most its existence, humanity lived just above the starvation level and under extreme scarcity, xenophobia becomes realistic: when a tribe’s territory produces just enough food to sustain it, and another tribe moves in, it can be a struggle in which one tribe or the other survives. Insecurity encourages an authoritarian xenophobic reaction in which people close ranks behind strong leaders, with strong in-group solidarity, rejection of outsiders, and rigid conformity to group norms, in a struggle for survival against dangerous outsiders. Conversely, the high levels of existential security that emerged after World War II gave more room for free choice and openness to outsiders During the postwar era, the people of developed countries experienced peace, unprecedented prosperity and the emergence of advanced welfare states, making survival more secure than ever before. Postwar birth cohorts grew up taking survival for granted, bringing an Forthcoming in Perspectives on Politics (June, 2017) 1 intergenerational shift toward Postmaterialist values.i Survival is such a central goal that when it is threatened, it dominates people’s life strategy. -
How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Castañeda, Néstor Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Colombia Internacional, no. 95, 2018, July-September, pp. 3-24 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81256886001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Néstor Castañeda University College London (England) HOW TO CITE: Castañeda, Néstor. 2018. “Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia”. Colombia Internacional (95): 3-24. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 RECEIVED: May 4th, 2018 ACCEPTED: May 21st, 2018 REVISED: June 15th, 2018 https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 ABSTRACT: This article examines the relationship between electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia. The author argues that recent political finance reforms in this country (e.g. changes in regulation of campaign donations, campaign spending, and public funding -
BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report
BTI 2012 | Poland Country Report Status Index 1-10 9.05 # 6 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 9.20 # 8 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 8.89 # 6 of 128 Management Index 1-10 6.79 # 13 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Poland Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Poland 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 38.2 HDI 0.813 GDP p.c. $ 19783 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.1 HDI rank of 187 39 Gini Index 34.2 Life expectancy years 76 UN Education Index 0.822 Poverty3 % <2 Urban population % 61.2 Gender inequality2 0.164 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary The 2009 – 2011 period was marked by several major features. The government is composed of a two-party coalition created after the 2007 parliamentary election. It consists of Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL), the latter clearly being the junior partner in the coalition. -
Party System Volatility in Post-Communist Europe∗
Party System Volatility in Post-Communist Europe∗ CHARLES CRABTREEy Pennsylvania State University MATT GOLDERz Pennsylvania State University ABSTRACT In their 2014 article in the British Journal of Political Science, Eleanor Neff Powell and Joshua A. Tucker examine the determinants of party system volatility in post-communist Europe. Their central conclusion is that replacement volatility – volatility caused by new party entry and old party exit – is driven by long- term economic performance. We show that this conclusion is based entirely on a miscalculation of the long-term economic performance of a single country, Bosnia-Herzegovina. Our reanalysis suggests that we know little about what causes party system volatility in post-communist Europe. Given the negative consequences traditionally associated with party system volatility, this area of research cries out for new theoretical development. ∗NOTE: We thank Sarah Birch, Chris Fariss, and Sona Nadenichek Golder for their helpful comments on this paper. We also thank Eleanor Powell, Joshua Tucker, and Grigore Pop-Eleches for providing data and comments during the replica- tion process. All data and computer code necessary to verfiy the results in this analysis will be made publicly available at https://github.com/cdcrabtree and http://homepages.nyu.edu/mrg217/public/ on publication. Stata 12 and R 3.1.0 were the statistical packages used in this study. yCorresponding Author: Graduate Student, Pennsylvania State University, Department of Political Science, 203 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802 ([email protected]). zAssociate Professor, Pennsylvania State University, Department of Political Science, 306 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802 ([email protected]). Tel: 814-867-4323. -
Electoral Volatility in Old and New Democracies
Electoral Volatility in Old and New Democracies: Comparing Causes of Party System Institutionalisation By Benjamin Rowe Jones Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science Central European University In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2012) Abstract Although interest in party system institutionalisation remains high within the discipline, few scholars have considered what factors may or may not contribute to this phenomenon. This paper attempts to fill this gap in examining the causes of party system institutionalisation through both statistical and case study analyses. Based on the most extensive data assembled, this study finds that contrary to the findings of much of the traditional literature on party system institutionalisation, age of democracy does not play a determining role. Instead, we find that the period in which democratisation took place is the decisive factor, with those democracies inaugurated in earlier periods experiencing a significantly lower level of electoral volatility than those regimes inaugurated more recently. Additionally, the most original finding of the paper is that unlike parliamentary or presidential regimes, semi- presidential regimes serve to undermine party system institutionalisation causing a significant increase in electoral volatility. Finally, this paper also provides an in depth case study of the Brazilian party system concluding that alongside the historical legacy left by twenty years of military rule, party system stability has been hampered by both institutional and elite-driven factors. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Zsolt Enyedi for his support and wise guidance throughout this project. -
Introduction Distribute the Discipline and Practice Or of Qualitative Research Post, Norman K
1 Introduction distribute The Discipline and Practice or of Qualitative Research post, Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln he global community of qualitative inquiry is midway between two extremes, searching for a new middle, moving in several different directionscopy, at the same time. How to create a Tnew family of terms for a new critical inquiry, terms slip and slide, fall over one another. What do we mean by research, inquiry, critical, social justice, transformative, dialogic, reflexive, participatory, emancipatory, narrative, resistance love, loss, praxis, rigor, and writing as a way of being in the world (Cannella, 2015; Dimitriadis,not 2016; Kamberelis, Dimitriadis, & Welker, Chapter 31, this volume; MacLure, 2015; Pillow, 2015)? Writing framed around acts of activism and resistance (Madison, 2010, 2012). How do we move forward? What is the place of a new edition of the Sage Handbook ofDo Qualitative Research in this project? What is the role of critical- qualitative research in a historical present when the need for social justice has never been greater? Should we even be using the word research? Would the word inquiry be better, but then what does inquiry refer to (Dimitriadis, 2016; MacLure, 2015, p. 103)? This is a historical present that cries out for emancipatory visions, for visions that inspire transformative inquiries, and for inquiries that can provide the moral authority to move people to struggle and resist oppression. The pursuit of social justice within a transformative paradigm Proofchallenges prevailing forms of inequality, poverty, human oppression, and injustice. The fields of qualitative inquiry and qualitative research are in transition (Dimitriadis, 2016; Torrance, 2016). -
Postmaterialism and Authoritarianism in Hungary: Evidence from a Two-Generations Study*
Postmaterialism and authoritarianism in Hungary: Evidence from a two-generations study* by Bojan Todosijević Zsolt Enyedi (address and eMail for correspondence) Political Science Department Central European University Political Science Department Nador u. 9 Central European University 1051 Budapest, Hungary Running title: Postmaterialism and authoritarianism in Hungary * An earlier version of the paper was presented at the XXIII Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Society for Political Psychology, Seattle, June 29 - July 4 2000. 1 Postmaterialism and authoritarianism in Hungary: Evidence from a two-generations study Abstract The paper compares the concepts of post-materialism and authoritarianism in terms of their relationships with theoretically relevant dependent and independent variables. The research is based on a survey of a random sample of 400 adolescent children and the same number of their parents from two Hungarian cities. The results indicate that the two concepts are largely unrelated in Hungary. While the youth proved to be somewhat more authoritarian than the parents, there are no intergenerational differences in postmaterialism score. Socialization and family status have a stronger impact on authoritarianism than on post-materialism. The affluence of parents does not make their children more post-materialist, even though it makes their own values skewed somewhat towards post-materialism. Authoritarianism is more closely related to various indicators of political behavior and preferences. Most expectations based -
The French Debate Over the Bolkestein Directive
Original Article The French debate over the Bolkestein directive Emiliano Grossmana,* and Cornelia Wollb aSciences Po/CEE, 28, rue des Saints-Pe` res, 75007 Paris – France. bSciences Po/CERI & Max-Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, 28, rue des Saints-Pe` res, 75007 Paris – France. *Corresponding author. Abstract Why did the services directive proposed by Internal Market Commis- sioner Frits Bolkestein lead to such virulent reactions in France? This article examines several potential explanations focusing on political economy, public opinion and the timing of events. While all of these elements contribute to the difficult political context, they are insufficient to explain the importance of the backlash against the directive in France. We therefore focus on party politics and argue that political elites had an interest in exploiting the directive in the context of a leadership crisis within the French socialist party. The case study bears lessons about the domestic potency of European policy issues: they can pose a real challenge to centrist parties, which have insufficiently addressed them in their party platforms. Comparative European Politics (2011) 9, 344–366. doi:10.1057/cep.2010.19 Keywords: service liberalization; France; Euroscepticism; constitutional treaty; EU referendum; Europeanization of party systems Introduction Nobody foresaw the political storm it was going to trigger. The ‘Directive on services in the internal market’, known by the name of the former European Commissioner for the Internal Market, Frits Bolkestein, was one of the first initiatives to start off the Lisbon Agenda, launched in 2000. In order to transform the European Union (EU) into the world’s most dynamic economy, the Bolkestein directive aimed to reduce barriers to cross-border trade in services, which continued to impede the free movement of services. -
How Do SMD Redistricting Institutions Affect Partisan Disproportionality
Katz 1 How do SMD redistricting institutions affect Partisan Disproportionality, Incumbency Re-election and Voter Turnout? Austin Katz Senior Undergraduate Honors Thesis Under the advisement of Professor Kaare Strøm University of California, San Diego March 2021 Katz 2 Table of Contents: Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………3 Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………4 Chapter 2: Literature Review…………………………………………………………..13 2.1 Electoral Systems and Redistricting . ...13 2.2 Single-member districts (SMD) . ……...14 2.3 Partisan Disproportionality. ……….16 2.4 Incumbency Re-election. …………….18 2.5 Voter Turnout………………………………………………………….21 2.6 Partisan Gerrymandering. ……………...23 2.7 Overview of Electoral Institutions . .25 2.7.1 General American . 25 2.7.2 California. 26 2.7.3 Arizona. .. 26 2.7.4 Texas. ……27 2.7.5 Wisconsin. .28 2.7.6 England. ..28 2.7.7 France . ….30 Chapter 3: Theory/Hypotheses …………………………………………………………34 Chapter 4: Research Design …………………………………………………………….45 Chapter 5: Findings/Discussion ………………………………………………………...54 Chapter 6: Analysis of California and Arizona’s independent commissions………...70 Chapter 7: Conclusion…………………………………………………………………...86 Appendix………………………………………………………………………………….91 Works cited……………………………………………………………………………….92 Katz 3 Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank Professor Nichter, Professor Lake, and Alex for their work putting on the Senior Honors Seminar this year. I have thoroughly enjoyed the seminar and thank them for their extensive work. I’d also like to congratulate my fellow honors students for completing their theses. Specifically, I would like to thank Jack, Emily, and Kim for being great pals and proofreaders. I am so proud to a part of such an amazing group of students. I am confident each and every one of you will achieve great success. -
Postmodern(Ized) Identities (Manuskript)
Postmodern(ized) Identities page 1 Nina Degele (1998): Postmodern(ized) Identities (Manuskript) Identity has become a much-used word. The term captures the dilemma of self, for it describes and seems to explain the contradictions of living in a society that appears to be in constant change1. Similarly, 'postmodernism', 'postmodernity', and 'postmodern' have become widely-used terms in public life as well as in the social sciences2. In this context, indentity-construction and maintenance in the 80s has been discussed in terms of 'identity-work' as well as 'identity-management', where reference to Erving Goffman has often been made. Postmodern theories and descriptions of identity focus on the floating, playful, and non-binding part of the so-called 'handicraft-biographs' or 'patchworkers'. In this notion, for several decades a process of informalization has been going on presupposing the emancipation of straight rules and external control. As an effect, 'life as a whole has become a sport or an art, the sport and the art of everyday life' (Wouters, 1989, cit. in: Hochschild, 1989: 444). As I do not hold this view, I wish to demonstrate something different in this article: Against the background of those postmodernized 80s, the funny side of identity has given way to far more serious games today. Based on increasing economic and professional uncertainties and competition (e.g. globalization), due to loss of clear patterns of orientation and regarding ecological as well as health-specific uncertainties, social constraints in labour and everyday life increasingly require contributions on the part of individuals. Integrating different requirements has become a crucial condition for staying afloat. -
The Collective Experience of Crime and Solidarity: a Cross-National Study of Europe
The Collective Experience of Crime and Solidarity: A Cross-National Study of Europe Johanna Andrea Schönhöfer The University of Leeds School of Law Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2017 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledge- ment. c 2017 The University of Leeds, Johanna Andrea Schönhöfer ii Acknowledgments My thanks to the University of Leeds for giving me the opportunity to write this PhD thesis at the School of Law, and to the White Rose Doctoral Training Centre for funding this project with the Economic and Social Research Council Advanced Quantitative Methods Studentship (ES/J500215/1). I am particularly grateful for the continuous support and encouragement of my supervisors Prof. Susanne Karstedt and Dr. Sam Lewis both for my PhD study and related research. Your advice on both research as well as on my career has been priceless. I appreciate all your contributions of time, ideas, and knowledge to make my PhD experience productive and stimulating. I could not have imagined having better advisors and mentors for my PhD study. To Prof. Elliott Currie I owe special thanks for hosting me at the University of California, Irvine, Department of Criminology, Law, and Society between January and April of 2015, and for commenting on my theoretical chapters.