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In Defence of Trotskyism No. 16 £1 Waged, 50P Unwaged/Low Waged, €1.50 2 Where We Stand Revolution of Private Capi- Against the Onslaught of This 1 In Defence of Trotskyism No. 16 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 2 Where We Stand revolution of private capi- against the onslaught of this 1. WE STAND WITH talist profit against planned reactionary Con-Lib Dem KARL MARX: ‘The eman- production for the satisfac- coalition. However, whilst cipation of the working tion of socialised human participating in this struggle classes must be conquered need. we will oppose all policies by the working classes 3. We recognise the ne- which subordinate the themselves. The struggle for cessity for revolutionaries to working class to the politi- the emancipation of the carry out serious ideological cal agenda of the petty- working class means not a and political struggle as bourgeois reformist leaders struggle for class privileges direct participants in the of the Labour party and and monopolies but for trade unions (always) and in trade unions equal rights and duties and the mass reformist social 5. We oppose all immi- the abolition of all class democratic bourgeois work- gration controls. Interna- rule’ (The International ers’ parties despite their pro tional finance capital roams Workingmen’s Association -capitalist leaderships when the planet in search of prof- 1864, General Rules). conditions are favourable. it and imperialist govern- 2. The capitalist state Because we see the trade ments disrupts the lives of consists, in the last analysis, union bureaucracy and their workers and cause the col- of ruling-class laws within a allies in the Labour party lapse of whole nations with judicial system and deten- leadership as the most fun- their direct intervention in tion centres overseen by the damental obstacle to the the Balkans, Iraq and Af- armed bodies of police/ struggle for power of the ghanistan and their proxy army who are under the working class, outside of wars in Somalia and the direction and are controlled the state forces and their Democratic Republic of the in acts of defence of capital- direct agencies themselves, Congo, etc. Workers have ist property rights against we must fight and defeat the right to sell their labour the interests of the majority and replace them with a internationally wherever of civil society. The working revolutionary leadership by they get the best price. Only class must overthrow the mobilising the base against union membership and pay capitalist state and replace it the pro-capitalist bureau- rates can counter employers with a workers’ state based cratic misleaders to open who seek to exploit immi- on democratic soviets/ the way forward for the grant workers as cheap la- workers’ councils to sup- struggle for workers’ power. bour to undermine the press the inevitable counter- 4. We are fully in support gains of past struggles. of all mass mobilisations Socialist Fight produces IDOT. It is a part Subscribe to Socialist Fight and In Defence of of the Liaison Committee for the Fourth Trotskyism International with the Liga Comunista, Four Issues: UK: £12.00, EU: £14.00 Brazil and the Tendencia Militante Bol- Rest of the World: £18.00 chevique, Argentina. Please send donations to help in their production Editor: Gerry Downing Assistant Editor: John Barry Cheques and Standing Orders to Socialist Fight: PO Box 59188, London, Socialist Fight Account No. 1 NW2 9LJ, http://socialistfight.com/ Unity Trust Bank, Sort Code [email protected]. 08-60-01, Account. No. 20227368. Revolutionary and Counter-Revolution in Hungary 1956 Hungarian Tragedy 3 Preface to the 1986 reprint first-hand account of the Hungarian Revo- A lution and its crushing by the Soviet inter- vention. Peter Fryer was correspondent for the Daily Worker (Now Morning Star) a newspaper under the control of the Communist Party of Great Britain. His experiences in Hungary and the censoring of his reports led to Fryer’s resig- nation from the paper and party. Any writer whose first book is thought to be worth reprinting after 30 years, for a new genera- tion of readers, is bound to feel a sense of pride. But my pride in the reappearance of Hungarian Tragedy does not blind me to its flaws. This little book was written in a week. Or rather, it poured itself on the page white-hot. It bears the marks of haste, emotion and disillusionment. It is not free Pál Maléter from naivetés and purple passages. There are two errors of fact: the ‘North-East district secretary’ his new captors carelessly pushed a feeding tube quoted in the Introduction was in fact the down his windpipe, he died. Durham area secretary; the interview with Another victim was the ‘outstandingly shrewd, Charles Coutts took place, not on November 2, well-informed and intelligent Hungarian com- but the day before. munist’ who is quoted in Chapter 3. His name Yet, for all its faults, this book does tell the was Miklós Gimes. He was a very brave man. He truth about the Hungarian uprising of 1956. To took his wife and child to safety in Vienna during tell that truth was, I thought, my duty to the the uprising, then went back to Budapest to face Hungarian workers who had fought and died so arrest. He was hanged in 1958 with Imre Nagy, selflessly and whose gallant struggle, so brutally Pál Maléter, and József Szilágyi, after the shame- suppressed, I had witnessed. ful farce of a secret trial. The whole business was For telling the truth in this book I was expelled finished, and the murderers were washing the from the Communist Party. Thirty years later, the blood off their hands, before the world labour problem discussed in the Postscript – the regen- movement had been given the slightest chance to eration of the world communist movement – is protest. Gimes and his three comrades refused to still unresolved. This problem has proved more compromise. They went to their deaths without stubborn, and more contradictory, than anyone confessing to ‘crimes’ they had not committed. could have foreseen. It is the key problem of our They died as they had lived: sworn enemies of epoch, and the future of humanity depends on its capitalism and Stalinism alike. solution. Though I only met him once, Gimes’s integrity Some of the Hungarians referred to in these and passion, his fierce love of truth and justice, pages were soon to fall victim to Stalinist repres- made a powerful impression on the young man I sion. Attila Szigeti slashed his wrists with his then was. He represented all that was best in spectacles, then jumped to his death from his cell Hungary. I dedicate this new edition of Hungari- window. Géza Losonczy went on hunger strike. an Tragedy to his memory His health had been shattered in Rákosi’s jails, where he had suffered a lung haemorrhage; when Peter Fryer Revolutionary and Counter-Revolution in Hungary 1956 4 Obituary Terry Brotherstone Peter Fryer Communist journalist who told the truth about Hungary 1956 Friday November 3, 2006 The Guardian The death of Peter Fryer aged 79, comes 50 years to the week since his honest reporting of Hungary’s 1956 revolution for the Daily Worker (now the Morning Star) split the the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev’s revela- Communist party of Great Britain, and tions about Stalinism at the 1956 Soviet Party changed his own life. A loyal CP member congress were followed in Hungary by Rajk’s since 1945, and a Worker journalist for nine cynical “rehabilitation”, Fryer’s engagement years, he immediately wrote a short, passion- with the CPGB’s crisis was personal. The ate book Hungarian Tragedy in defence of “doubts and difficulties” shared by many the revolution—and was expelled from the members, for him meant confronting the part party. he felt he had played in Rajk’s murder. Fryer’s book has been compared to John Held up at a border town on the road from Reed’s Ten Days that Shook the World on Vienna to Budapest, Fryer saw his first dead the Bolshevik uprising of 1917. A few days bodies—80 people shot during a demonstra- before he died, Fryer heard that Hungary’s tion. It was his turning-point. Attending the president had awarded him the Knight’s election of a workers’ council at a state farm Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic, was the last straw. An apology that it was in recognition of his “continuous support of taking all day because “we have absolutely no the Hungarian revolution and freedom fight”. experience of electing people” made him Sent by the then Worker editor, Johnny think: “So much for ‘people’s democracy’.” Campbell, to report on a “counter- In late October 1956 there was a lull which revolutionary” uprising, Fryer’s loyalty was to followed from the brief Soviet withdrawal communism, Marx’s “truly human society”, and ended with the Soviet army’s return to not to the CPGB’s Stalinist line. Realising Budapest on November 4 to crush the revo- that he was witnessing a popular uprising of lution. During that period Fryer offered to students and workers, he sided with the revo- edit an English-language paper, and he was lutionaries. His dispatches were savagely edit- proud to read, in a 1961 Hungarian emigré ed, then suppressed. bibliography of the revolution that this was In 1949, Fryer had covered the Hungarian “of capital importance as regards the charac- Stalinist regime’s show trial of Hungarian ter of the insurrection: the only foreign jour- party leader, László Rajk. In good faith, he nalist who decided to act for the sake of reported Rajk’s “confession”—made with the Hungary was a Communist”. promise of being spared, but resulting in his Hungarian Tragedy played a big part in execution—as proletarian justice.
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