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Through the Wire: Black British People and the Riot

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Through the Wire: Black British People and the Riot Nka THROUGH THE WIRE Black British People and the Riot o one knows why riots occur. Or, perhaps Eddie Chambers more accurately, no one knows when the N precise confluence of factors will occur to spark a riot. After all, almost as a matter of rou- tine, Black people have endured regular, almost mundane, violence and discrimination, both at the hands of society and the police. And yet riots involving Black people protesting against such violence are sporadic, rather than regular, events. Here I explore some of the ways in which press photographs have visualized key episodes of rioting involving Black people in the English cities of Lon- don and Birmingham. These range from the Not- ting Hill riots of 1958 through the riots that took place in Birmingham, Brixton, and Tottenham in 1985. Th s text considers four wire photographs from the Baltimore Sun’s historical photo archive. Wire photos differed from traditional photographic prints insofar as the wire print resulted from breakthrough technology that allowed a photographic image to be scanned, transmitted over “the wire” (telegraph, phone, satellite networks), and printed at the receiv- ing location. Opening here with a press photograph Journal of Contemporary African Art • 36 • May 2015 6 • Nka DOI 10.1215/10757163-2914273 © 2015 by Nka Publications Published by Duke University Press Nka A youth carries a firebomb on the second day of the Handsworth riots in Birmingham. © Press Association Images Chambers Nka • 7 Published by Duke University Press Nka of a group of Black youth overturning a large police of violence and conquest is being played out. One van during the course of the Brixton riots of 1981, shop has a Coca-Cola sign, while the one next door I argue that all of the photographs discussed shed advertises itself as a restaurant, fully licensed. One light on the multiple challenges endured by genera- or two properties along, just above the head of one tions of Black people in Britain, even as they have of the young men, a Wall’s Ice Cream sign juts out. endured pronounced episodes of violence at the The scene is not one of exuberance. Nor is it in every hands of individuals as well as the state. Consid- respect a scene of great violence. Instead it depicts ering the image of the lone petrol bomber partici- a group of young men (some of who appear to be pating in the Lozells, Birmingham, riots of 1985, I wearing school uniforms) determined, quite liter- further examine the media-generated pathology of ally, to overturn what they regard as an oppressive, the Black bomber, forced to take his place alongside tormenting presence in their lives, in their commu- existing pernicious notions of the Black mugger and nity, and in their midst. Black rapist. For these youngsters, April 9, 1981, might have been just another day in Babylon, but April 10, as LONDON. APRIL 11 (AP)—POLICE VEHICLE AT- evidenced by this photograph, was to be decidedly TACKED—Black youth overturn a police vehicle in different. Several months earlier, in January, a hor- the Brixton area of South London, Saturday. In the rific incident occurred, shaping the mood and char- second day of racial rioting in Brixton, ten policemen acter of the year, at least as far as many Black people have been injured, one seriously, following renewed were concerned.2 A suspicious house fi e in New fight with hundreds of young blacks hurling bricks Cross, South London, not far from Brixton, claimed and gasoline bombs. (AP WIRE PHOTO) UNITED the lives of thirteen Black youngsters. With caution, KINGDOM OUT one can advance the notion that this event contrib- uted to the tension among Brixton’s youth on April With this appended text, a news wire photo- 10, 1981, when their cup ranneth over. graph was sent down a transatlantic telephone line Th s tragedy became known among many Black from the London office of Associated Press to ap- people as the New Cross massacre. The thirteen pear in the US print media.1 The photograph was as Black youngsters were attending a birthday party dramatic as can be, depicting a group of young Black when the fi e started. Mystery surrounded the cause males (often referred to as “West Indians” by main- of the fi e, galvanizing the Black community, acutely stream media) overturning a Ford Transit Black increasing its sense of injustice, identity, and pur- Maria, recently abandoned by the retreating police, pose. Among many Black people, at least, specula- who fl d the immediate vicinity. The hapless, sorry tion was rife, pointing to the work of racist arsonists. vehicle is presented as a pitiful, wounded behemoth, Such arson attacks on the homes of people of Afri- its windshield smashed and gone and its headlights can and Asian backgrounds were not uncommon in suffering a similar fate. And a press photographer parts of London and elsewhere in the country. As captured the moment of the vehicle’s ultimate in- Peter Fryer has noted, Deptford, where the tragedy dignity, after it had gone well beyond any sort of occurred, was “an area where other black homes saving, as the group, full of collective and youthful had been attacked and a black community center strength, sought to upend it. From any angle, it is had been burned down. As usual, police discounted an extraordinary photograph. Earlier, the police van the possibility of a racial motive; but the entire com- had mounted the sidewalk, its driver perhaps having munity, not just the anguished parents, were con- lost full control of it, and most certainly suggesting vinced that the fi e had been started by fascists.”3 In a preceding moment of high drama as police sought other quarters, an accident or the malicious work to contain whatever situation of urban unrest had of a disgruntled partygoer were cited as possible recently erupted. In the photograph, located on Acre causes of the fi e. One thing, however, was certain. Lane, one of the main arteries of the South London The aftermath of the tragedy threw into sharp focus district, the protruding shop signs point to the sorts an apparent widespread indifference shown to these of familiar establishments around which the scene (and indeed other) Black deaths by the mainstream 8 • Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art • 36 • May 2015 Published by Duke University Press Nka news media and important religious and political Brixton went up in flames again. Th s time, it was not figu es of the day. Even the Queen, as both reigning only bricks, stones and other debris being hurled at monarch and head of the Commonwealth, which police; for the fi st time on the British mainland, the included countries from which the parents of the rioters threw petrol bombs. As the police retreated thirteen dead had emigrated, declared no condo- down Mayall Road, the delighted rioters set fi e to the vehicles they had left behind. “Up goes a cop’s van— lences for the bereaved. Th s comprehensive expres- wild cheers, laughter, dances of joy,” one participant sion of indifference deeply offended many within recalled. In Railton Road, a local clergyman saw a the Black community. group of “grimly determined” black youths invade Furthermore, any efforts made by the police to the George public house and then the newsagent next conclusively establish the cause of the fi e or to ap- door, wrecking both. On that day, 279 police offic- prehend possible suspects appeared to be disturb- ers reported receiving injuries, at least 45 members of ingly unconvincing, botched, and lackluster.4 Fol- the public were injured, 61 private cars and 56 police lowing the tragic events, there were, as mentioned, vehicles were damaged, with most set on fi e, 82 peo- two months of screaming silence and perceived in- ple were arrested and 145 buildings were damaged, difference from the monarchy, the prime minister, including 28 that had been torched.7 the heads of the established churches, the press, the media, and so on. In this context, the cry of “Thi - In seeking to piece together the events and en- teen dead, nothing said” was raised. vironment in which the Brixton riots occurred, Accounts of what sparked the disturbances of we should also be mindful of the extent to which April 1981 vary. To gravitate to one particular ac- the residents of St. Paul’s—a predominantly Black count over others, you pays your money, you takes inner-city district of Bristol, a city in the west of your choice. Press and media reports, by their very England—had participated in and witnessed a re- nature, tended toward the partial and incomplete. hearsal of the South London disturbances, dur- In many instances, apocryphal stories or rumors of ing the St. Paul riots in the spring of 1980. Violent casual police brutality, meted out to allegedly delin- skirmishes between police and Black youth were quent Black motorists or, indeed, Black passers-by, nothing new, but the St. Paul’s blueprint existed for were identifi d as prerequisite sparks. With that in others to utilize. mind, I reach here for the recollections offered fi st Assessing photographs of the Brixton riot, such by Peter Fryer and then Andy McSmith. In his book as the one wired to news editors by Associated Staying Power: The History of Black People in Brit- Press, we comprehend not only a day of reckoning ain, Fryer claims that in the period directly preced- but also a moment that refl cted a coming of age for ing the Brixton riots, “120 plain-clothes policemen young Black Britain, another defini g moment in .
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