The Disintegration of the SLP and the Establishment of the Socialist Party of America
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The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908)
The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908). Jean-Fran¸coisGodbouty and Bjørn Høylandz y D´epartement de science polititque, Universit´ede Montr´eal zDepartment of Political Science, University of Oslo Conference on the Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, May 13-14, 2013. Abstract This study analyzes legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867-1908). The results demonstrate that party voting unity in the House of Commons dramati- cally increases over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting; electoral incentives; and negative agenda control. Several different empirical analyses confirm that intra-party conflict is generally explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic Members of Parliament. Once members begin to sort into parties according to their religious affiliation, we observe a sharp increase in voting cohesion within the Liberal and Conservative parties. Ultimately, these finding highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in ex- plaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the Canadian Parliament. This study explains the development of party unity in the Canadian House of Commons. We take advantage of the historical evolution of this legislature to analyze a complete set of recorded votes covering the first ten parliaments (1867-1908). This early period is of interest because it was during these years that the first national party system was established, the electoral franchise was limited, and the rules and procedures of the House were kept to a minimum. -
Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Spring 2019 Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War Jennie Matuschak [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Matuschak, Jennie, "Nationalism and Multi-Dimensional Identities: Ba'ath Propaganda During the Iran-Iraq War" (2019). Honors Theses. 486. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/486 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. iii Acknowledgments My first thanks is to my advisor, Mehmet Döşemeci. Without taking your class my freshman year, I probably would not have become a history major, which has changed my outlook on the world. Time will tell whether this is good or bad, but for now I am appreciative of your guidance. Also, thank you to my second advisor, Beeta Baghoolizadeh, who dealt with draft after draft and provided my thesis with the critiques it needed to stand strongly on its own. Thank you to my friends for your support and loyalty over the past four years, which have pushed me to become the best version of myself. Most importantly, I value the distractions when I needed a break from hanging out with Saddam. Special shout-out to Andrew Raisner for painstakingly reading and editing everything I’ve written, starting from my proposal all the way to the final piece. -
Ecosocialism & Environmental Activism
Ecosocialism & environmental activism SUBSCRIBE TODAY CANADA U.S. 1 year $20 $25 2 years $35 (save $5) $45 (save $5) 3 years $50 (save $10) $65 (save $10) Supporting: Add $20 Institutional and overseas international: $50 per year All prices in Canadian dollars Send cheques to: New Socialist Box 167, 253 College Street Toronto, Ontario M5T 1R5 www.newsocialist.org Union rights in Canada FALL 2007 Indigenous politics Issue No. 62 $4.95 Socialist history www.newsocialist.org Palestine The Ugly Canadian EDITORIAL here is an ever-widening chasm between the myth of met in an effort to promote the agenda of the Security and Canada as a peaceful and humanitarian nation and the Prosperity Partnership (SPP), which is pushed by the North realityT of Canadian foreign policy. American Competitiveness Council made up of 30 key cor- Stephen Harper says Canada is back as a credible politi- porate figures from the three states. cal and military player in world affairs. This highlights the The SPP’s proponents are pushing for weaker regulations urgency of building a strong movement of opposition to Ca- on business under the guise of “harmonization.” The consoli- nadian imperialism. dation of a US-style Homeland Security model in Canada is In Afghanistan, Canadian troops are on the front lines of also being pursued. Far more integrated and openly restric- counter-insurgency war, propping up the US puppet regime tive and racist border security policies are being promoted. of Hamid Karzai. Ninety percent of Canadian spending in North America is to be made even safer for profit-making, Afghanistan is military. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900]
A Brief History of Socialism in America [Jan. 1900] 1 A Brief History of Socialism in America.† [Published January 1900] Published in Social Democracy Red Book (Terre Haute, IN: Debs Publishing Co., 1900), pp. 1-75. Introduction. ignated as that in which the gestation of Socialism, as native to American soil, was going on. It began with The history of Socialism in America, using the the appearance of Gronlund’s book, The Cooperative word socialism to embrace the various steps by which Commonwealth, which was soon followed by Bellamy’s enemies of the present social system have sought to Looking Backward. work toward a final deliverance, seems to divide itself 7. From 1897 down to the present time. The into seven quite clearly defined periods, as follows: period in which American Socialism having “chipped 1. The earliest period, embraced between the the shell” first asserts itself as a force in American poli- years 1776 and 1824, when the communistic ventures tics through the formation of the Social Democracy of the Shakers, Rappites, and Zoarites had the entire of America, the Socialist Labor Party, by its trans- field to themselves. planted methods, having failed to reach the American 2. From 1825 to 1828, when Robert Owen made ear. Two factors which helped prepare the field for the America the theater of his attempts to put his Utopian new party were the agitation work of Eugene V. Debs dreams into practice, by communistic experiments. and the proselyting powers of Editor J.A. Wayland, 3. From 1841 to 1847, the period when Four- successively of The Coming Nation and The Appeal to ierism swept over the country as a craze, leading to the Reason. -
Parliaments and Legislatures Series Samuel C. Patterson
PARLIAMENTS AND LEGISLATURES SERIES SAMUEL C. PATTERSON GENERAL ADVISORY EDITOR Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government EDITED BY SHAUN BOWLER, DAVID M. FARRELL, AND RICHARD S. KATZ OHI O STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 1999 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Party discipline and parliamentary government / edited by Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz. p. cm. — (Parliaments and legislatures series) Based on papers presented at a workshop which was part of the European Consortium for Political Research's joint sessions in France in 1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-0796-0 (cl: alk. paper). — ISBN 0-8142-5000-9 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Party discipline—Europe, Western. 2. Political parties—Europe, Western. 3. Legislative bodies—Europe, Western. I. Bowler, Shaun, 1958- . II. Farrell, David M., 1960- . III. Katz, Richard S. IV. European Consortium for Political Research. V. Series. JN94.A979P376 1998 328.3/75/ 094—dc21 98-11722 CIP Text design by Nighthawk Design. Type set in Times New Roman by Graphic Composition, Inc. Printed by Bookcrafters, Inc.. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 98765432 1 Contents Foreword vii Preface ix Part I: Theories and Definitions 1 Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and Parliaments 3 Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz 2 How Political Parties Emerged from the Primeval Slime: Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and the Formation of Governments 23 Michael Laver and Kenneth A. -
Counting Parties and Identifying Dominant Party Systems in Africa
European Journal of Political Research 43: 173–197, 2004 173 Counting parties and identifying dominant party systems in Africa MATTHIJS BOGAARDS International University Bremen, Germany Abstract. By most definitions, the third wave of democratisation has given rise to dominant parties and dominant party systems in Africa. The effective number of parties, the most widely used method to count parties, does not adequately capture this fact. An analysis of 59 election results in 18 sub-Saharan African countries shows that classifications of party systems on the basis of the effective number of parties are problematic and often flawed. Some of these problems are well known, but the African evidence brings them out with unusual clarity and force. It is found that Sartori’s counting rules, party system typology and definition of a dominant party are still the most helpful analytical tools to arrive at an accu- rate classification of party systems and their dynamics in general, and of dominant party systems in particular. Introduction Multi-party elections do not lead automatically to multi-party systems. In sub- Saharan Africa, the spread of multi-party politics in the 1990s has given rise to dominant parties. A majority of African states has enjoyed multi-party elec- tions, but no change in government (Bratton & van de Walle 1997; Baker 1998; Herbst 2001; Cowen & Laakso 2002). In some countries where a change in government did take place, the former opposition is by now well entrenched in power. This has led to the prediction of an ‘enduring relevance of the model of single-party dominance’ (O’Brien 1999: 335). -
Steven Isaac “The Ba'th of Syria and Iraq”
Steven Isaac “The Ba‘th of Syria and Iraq” for The Encyclopedia of Protest and Revolution (forthcoming from Oxford University Press) Three main currents of socialist thought flowed through the Arab world during and after World War II: The Ba‘th party’s version, that of Nasser, and the options promulgated by the region’s various communist parties. None of these can really be considered apart from the others. The history of Arab communists is often a story of their rivalry and occasional cohabitation with other movements, so this article will focus first on the Ba‘th and then on Nasser while telling the story of all three. In addition, the Ba‘th were active in more places than just Syria and Iraq, although those countries saw their most signal successes (and concomitant disappointments). Michel Aflaq, a Sorbonne-educated, Syrian Christian, was one of the two primary founders of the Ba‘th (often transliterated as Baath or Ba‘ath) movement. His exposure to Marx came during his studies in France, and he associated for some time with the communists in Syria after his return there in 1932. He later declared his fascination with communism ended by 1936, but others cite him as still a confirmed party member until 1943. His co-founder, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, likewise went to France for his university education and returned to Syria to be a teacher. Frustrated by France’s inter-war policies, the nationalism of both men came to so influence their attitudes towards the West that even Western socialism became another form of imperialism. -
". . . Politics Is Business. That's What's the Matter with It
". Politics is business. That's what's the matter with it. That's what's the matter with everything,—art, literature, religion, journalism, law, medicine,—they're all business, and all—as you see them." Steffens, The Shame of the Cities (New York, 1957 [1904]), 4. 13. William Allen White, The Old Order Changeth (New York, 1910), 167. 14. Ray Stannard Baker, American Chronicle (New York, 1945), 185. Steffens, The Struggle for Self-Government (New York, 1906), 160. 15. Chapman, Causes and Consequences, 7, 101. Practical Agitation (New York, 1900), 144. Chapman made use of the ideas of the German educator Friedrich Froebel to argue that the growth of the whole man depended upon his creative interaction with others for unselfish ends (Causes, 83-112). Chapman's emphasis on the fundamental bond between creative self- expression and cooperative activity closely paralleled the educational theories of John Dewey and others among the Progressives. Such ideas lent support to the view that individual creativity and disinterestedness were two sides of the same coin. 16. Croly, The Promise of American Life, 22, 103, 411, 417 et passim. 17. Lippmann, A Preface to Politics, 49. 18. Baker, American Chronicle, 183. 19. In discussing the motives for educated, middle-class persons entering settlement work, Jane Addams pointed out that to ignore the struggle against starvation, which was the central element in human history and still occupied at least half the race, deadened one's sympathies and powers of enjoyment and forced one "to live out half the humanity which we have been born heir to and to use but half our faculties." ("The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements" [1892], reprinted in The Social Thought of Jane Addams, ed. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
S688p6 1920.Pdf
-- A Political Guide for the Workers Socialist Party Campaign Book 1920 Prebared by the Department of Labor Research, Rand School of Social Science A. L. Trachtenberg, Director Published by The Socialist Party of the United States 220 South Ashland Boulevard CHICAGO, ILL. 1920 CoPYnIoAT 1940 BY Tm SOCIALIST PARTY OF TAE UNITED STATES CHICAGO, ILL. Printed in the U. S. A. 7 FOREWORD %F This little book is the joint work of a number of con- tributors, which has been compiled under the general editorship of Alexander Trachtenberg, Director of the Department of Labor Resewch of the Rand School of Social Science, and James Oneal, member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist party. Benjamin Glassberg of the Rand School also rendered valuable assistance in the editorial work. Among the contributors to the volume are Morris Hill- quit, David P. Berenberg, Evans Clark, Roger Baldwin, Solon DeLeon , Lewis Gannett, Benjamin Glassberg, Bertha Hale White, William Morris Feigenbaum, Alex- ander Trachtenberg, James Oneal and Irwin St. John Tucker. The book il the result of a request made by the Na- tional Executive Committee that the Research Depart- ment of the Rand School of Social Science co-operate in the preparation of material for it. The editorial committee believes that the book marks an advance over the bulky campaign books that have been prepared in the past, in that the material is much less in quantity, it is presented in a more popular style, statistics have been reduced to a minimum, while the information will prove of service to party speakers and editors and at the same time serve as a propaganda book among the workers. -
What Did the Direct Primary Do to Party Loyalty in Congress?1
WHAT DID THE DIRECT PRIMARY DO TO PARTY LOYALTY IN CONGRESS?1 Stephen Ansolabehere Department of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology Shigeo Hirano Department of Politics New York University and Center for the Study of Democratic Politics Princeton University James M. Snyder, Jr. Department of Political Science and Department of Economics Massachusetts Institute of Technology March, 2004 1Professor Ansolabehere and Professor Snyder thank the National Science Foundation for its generous ¯nancial support. We thank Gary Jacobsen, John Huber, and seminar participants at Columbia University for their helpful comments. Abstract Between 1890 and 1920, most states adopted the direct primary as the method for nominat- ing candidates for the U. S. House. It was widely thought at the time that this mechanism would produce greater independence from the parties inside the legislature, would increase the defeat rate of sitting incumbents who were party stalwarts, and would produce greater independence of candidates from their parties in the general elections; this would take the form of decreased party loyalty in the legislature, and increased split ticket voting in the electorate. In this paper, we examine the panel of elections and roll call votes from 1890 to 1920 and ¯nd some evidence for these conjectures. Loyalty in Congress did fall among a state's congressional delegation following the introduction of the primary. Also, incumbent defeat rates for renomination and split ticket voting increased in states that introduced the primaries compared with states that did not. The data reveal, however, suggest that the pri- maries were not transformative. The e®ects of primaries on loyalty and elections, although statistically signi¯cant, they are quite modest and likely had only marginal e®ects on con- gressional politics, with one important exception.