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Femme Forte in Early Seventeenth-Century France

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Femme Forte in Early Seventeenth-Century France Marika Takanishi Knowles Tricky, Fine, and Trapped: Painting the Femme Forte in Early Seventeenth-Century France Between the late 1620s and late 1640s, the femme femme forte was piqued as a result of the presence forte (strong woman) was a favored subject of a on the royal stage of Marie de Medici, queen of new coterie of French painters working in Paris. France between 1601 and 1610 and then regent for The generic category of the femme forte com- her minor son Louis XIII between 1610 and 1614. prised women from diverse historical and reli- Within the distinctive cultural and social mi- gious backgrounds, including Lucretia, Cleopa- lieus of the Paris of Louis XIII, the femme forte tra, Dido, Portia, Sophonisbe, Esther, Judith, Joan was a subject of profound contemporary rel- of Arc, and Mary Queen of Scots.1 Femmes fortes evance, the representation of which revealed un- were of high birth (Joan of Arc and Judith being comfortable truths about myths of female hero- exceptions) and were distinguished for courage, ism and the seductions of flesh and paint.5 The beauty, and commitment to ideals of family, na- sensational nature of the strong woman’s heroic tion, and noble selfhood.2 For the French painters death interacted in problematic ways with artis- Claude Vignon (1593– 1670), Jacques Blanchard tic techniques, most notably with the use of col- (1600 – 1638), and Simon Vouet (1590 – 1649), the orist manners of painting. When artists working femme forte offered an opportunity to combine in a colorist idiom painted the femme forte, they the female nude with a historical subject.3 For the gave her a body that resonated with contempo- femme forte, however, pictorial representation rary moralists’ condemnation of women’s bodies had the tendency to make her suffering into the as dangerous instruments of seduction. If color- object of the viewer’s sensual delectation. ism was not at issue, other elements of the paint- The femme forte as exemplary type repre- ing’s mise-en-scène, in particular the setting of sented an outgrowth of the ongoing querelle des the bed and the ruelle, could work in similar femmes, the wide-ranging debate, initiated in the ways to ensnare the image of the femme forte in early fifteenth century by Christine de Pisan, re- a network of associations that challenged her ex- garding the merits of women and the role they emplarity. When put into conversation with pe- should play in society.4 Thefemme forte offered riod texts and cultural contexts, paintings of the one answer in the form of its pantheon of female femme forte by Blanchard, Vignon, and Vouet exemplars, none of whom were particularly rel- expose the problematic misalignments between evant to the experience of the average woman, the myth of the exemplary woman and social re- but who provided dramatic and often racy mate- alities specific to the early seventeenth century. rial for literature, art, and theater. Despite its ap- parently pro-woman inclination, the discourse of the femme forte was interlaced with misogyny. I. The Queen Between Allegory and Flesh The narratives of the lives of strong women fix- ated on violent forms of death, in which the In Peter Paul Rubens’ spectacular cycle of paint- woman was simultaneously exalted and annihi- ings illustrating the life of Marie de’ Medici, lated at the same time, bloody endings that ne- Marie cast herself as the latest member of the glected to imagine women’s social role beyond pantheon of femmes fortes.6 Through its per- instances of crisis. In France, interest in the formance of a delicate negotiation between the 92 Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 82. Band / 2019 conventions of allegory and the representation of historically-specific female bodies, the cycle offers an essential precedent for the represen- tations of the femme forte that would follow.7 Two features are of particular note in Rubens’ contribution to the visual vocabulary of the femme forte. Rubens created a figure for Marie that constantly asserts its importance above and beyond the illustration of historical narratives. In addition, Rubens deployed his bravura color- ist technique in order to invest the female body with sensual appeal. Yet Rubens’ representation of Marie also opens the series to misogynistic readings that align a woman’s voracious appetite for power with her desire for sexual conquest. In the series’ great homage to allegorical figuration, The Happiness of the Regency, Ma- rie is both allegorical and historical at once (fig. 1). Her figure subsumes generic distinctions into its charismatic singularity. She sits on her throne, holding the scales of justice in one hand, the other hand resting on a globe. Even in this highly-populated composition, Rubens’ Marie 1 Peter Paul Rubens, The Happiness of the Regency, 1622 – 1625, seems to be alone with herself, her monopoly of oil on canvas, 394 × 295 cm. Paris, Musée du Louvre power expressed in the way her body seems to both generate and receive the composition’s di- rectional vectors. The line of the metal bar from of pink and white, with shadows darkening into which the scales of justice are suspended points blue, green, and vermillion, along with black. outward from her figure only to indicate figures The result was the appearance of smooth, pliable that look back towards Marie, their gazes follow- human flesh. This is the real breast that nursed ing the line of the scales. The bar of the scales the king, or, since Marie, like all aristocratic also points to Marie’s exposed breast, the sign of women, used a wet nurse, the breast serves as a her maternity as well as an allegorical represen- metonymic representation of the real body that tation of fecundity. The festoons of bulging fruits bore the king.8 Undoubtedly, Marie also desired above Marie’s head, in particular the lemon with the exposed breast to evoke a comparison with its nipple-like protrusion, and the fruits falling the Virgin Mary, another woman who combined from Plenty’s basket compose the allegorical reg- the historical realities of motherhood with ex- ister to which Marie’s exposed breast belongs. panded allegorical and religious significance.9 Through his application of oil paint, however, Marie may have welcomed this reminder of Rubens emphasizes the specific material char- her life as a physical body – her embodied exis- acteristics of Marie’s breast, which dampens the tence. She was canny enough to recognize that allegorical impact. For the representation of Ma- she owed a large part of her power to the suc- rie’s bare skin, Rubens used bluish underpaint- cessful functioning of her reproductive system, ing beneath the flesh tones, liquid top-strokes which had produced two male heirs to the throne Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 82. Band / 2019 93 within a few years of marriage.10 However, Ma- tious discourse that cast this body as alternatively rie’s representation as embodied also yielded fecund, nourishing, terrifyingly tempting, and other, less positive readings, as Geraldine John- castrating. While Marie wanted to show that her son has shown.11 In general, period commenta- life and her achievements had already raised her tors did not regard a woman’s display of her body into the sphere of the femme forte, the vivid il- as a sign of healthful fertility, but rather as an lustration of her material incarnation aligned indication of concupiscence and lubricity. Dur- her figure with less elevated readings of female ing the early seventeenth century, in a continua- power. As Johnson suggests, if we read Marie’s tion of the ongoing querelle des femmes, numer- exposed breast according to period prejudice, ous publications sought to analyze, condemn, perhaps Marie displayed her body with the spe- or defend female nature and behavior.12 Pierre cific intent of distracting, disturbing, or ‘tricking’ Juvernay, in a widely read anti-woman diatribe, male viewers, including the statesmen who gazed Discours particuliers contre les femmes desbrail- at Rubens’ cycle while waiting to be granted an lées de ce temps, devoted an entire treatise to a audience.19 In this reading, certain paintings in condemnation of women who wore their dresses the cycle function as tricky traps, snares for male cut too low and showed their breasts (desbrail- desire baited by a woman’s exposed body part. lées). Juvernay attributed all of society’s ills, from Other, more positive readings were of course ordinary sins to wars, plagues, and famines, to possible, but however Rubens, or Marie, intended “this cursed nudity of the female breast”.13 As for the cycle to be read, the polemics surrounding the argument went, women exposed their bod- women made possible a wide variety of runaway ies in order to arouse male desire, which satisfied readings, many of which expressed traditional women’s insatiable vanity as well as their rag- fears of “women on top”.20 ing sex drive.14 In consequence, women’s bodies In the Medici cycle, Rubens explored the endangered the proper functioning of society. themes of the femme forte in the context of a Under the sway of physical passion, men made large-scale decorative ensemble. Other deco- bad decisions, which led to disorder.15 If men rative cycles also celebrated the femme forte in are expected to do their part and restrain their seventeenth-century France, but the trickiest impulses, women are cautioned against attempt- themes of Rubens’ cycle would manifest in the ing to arouse male passion.16 Unfortunately, as a relatively new (to France) medium of small-scale moralist like Jacques du Bosc indicated, women, easel paintings on canvas, intended for a col- because they are vain and concupiscent, are lector’s cabinet.21 The easel painting supposed a prone to debauchery.17 more intimate mode of viewership and encour- Arguments such as these, disseminated in aged prolonged contemplation of a single gesture.
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